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Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae

On-line version ISSN 2412-4265
Print version ISSN 1017-0499

Studia Hist. Ecc. vol.39 n.2 Pretoria Feb. 2013

 

HISTORIES OF THE IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY

 

AICs as a gendered space in Harare, Zimbabwe: revisiting the role and place of women

 

 

Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga

Department of Religious Studies, Classics and Philosophy, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe

 

 


ABSTRACT

This article examines the politics of space with particular reference to African Independent Churches (AICs) in the city of Harare. This stems from the notion that AICs in the city tend to occupy the margins and outer spaces. On the one hand, this article argues that this location of the periphery compounds the marginality of women in these churches as they also occupy the margins within the hierarchies of the church in terms of leadership. This article's assumptions are that, in AICs, men dominate most of the religious space. Women tend to fill in the less important spheres and, at times, are mere followers. On the other hand, despite this male dominance, women have begun to reclaim some power that they had earlier on enjoyed in traditional religions.


 

 

Introduction

African Independent Churches (AICs) are a group of Christian churches independently formed in Africa. They comprise a wide range of religious movements or organisations such as Masowe or Mapostori, as will be unpacked as the discussion unfolds. This article argues that, to some extent, these churches can be regarded as "a gendered space". This is so because there is an apparent inclusion and exclusion of both female and male participants. However, there is a noticeable imbalance on this inclusion and exclusion in the sense that women in these churches have limited roles. Women are subjected to patriarchy which then relegates them to the lowest rungs on the ladder within and outside these religious institutions. Even so, this issue is highly debatable, seeing that it is noticeable in contemporary churches that some AICs include women at the apex of the social ladder since women are allowed greater leadership positions. This contributes to the emancipation of women within these churches. In this regard, the assertion that AICs are "a gendered space" cannot be wholly acceptable. This article thus argues that AICs, on the one hand, may be labelled as "gendered space", but on the other hand, this assertion may not be easily justifiable. The article is built on the realisation that the position and status of women in AICs are ambivalent. While on the one hand women are marginalised, on the other hand, they exercise their agency to take up leadership positions. Researchers who are looking for "formal leadership" on the part of women in AICs are likely to be disappointed. This is because women's leadership is best seen in terms of their capacity to subvert patriarchy. Despite the official stance that women are "only followers", women in AICs have strategically ensured that they move themselves from the centre to the periphery through prophetic utterances, singing and testifying.

 

Methodology

The focus of this article is to critically examine how AICs in the city of Harare can be labelled as a gendered space. In this quest, it adopts an emerging approach known as "African cultural hermeneutics". This is a specific approach that has been developed by the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians to address the issue of women's marginalisation in organised religions in Africa. Cultural hermeneutics has been gaining ground in the study of religion and gender in Africa. According to Kanyoro (2002:9), cultural hermeneutics is "... an analysis and interpretation of how culture conditions people's understanding of reality at a particular time and location". She also defines this method as "the choice of combining an affirmation of culture and a critique of it that will have the potential to sustain the modern Africa" (Kanyoro 2002:26). This method enables this article to critically analyse the notion whether culture is conditioning the perceptions of patriarchy in AICs in the urban setting of Harare to an extent that the women occupy the margins of a phenomenon already located in the margins of the city. Apart from cultural hermeneutics, this article will use participant observation and interactions in AICs.

 

Gendered space: a definition

Thus far, this article has used the term "gendered space" without defining it. It is helpful to break down the concept by separating the key operational words, namely, gender and space. Gender has generally been referred to as the social construction of what it means to be male or female. According to Massey (1994:91), space refers to a complex construction and production of an environment - both real and imagined - influenced by sociopolitical processes, cultural norms and institutionalised arrangements which provoke different ways of being, belonging and inhabiting. A gendered space is, therefore, a place where only members of one gender have got an upper hand. This situation may be so in AICs due to the effects of androcentricism and patriarchy that dominate most religious traditions. This supports the argument that the production of space at spatial patterns is not absolute, but is shaped by social and governing systems dominated by institutions and individuals who wield political power. According to Massey (1994:15):

...'gendered space' refers to the socially constructed, geographical, and also architectural arrangements and space which regulate and restrict women's access to spaces which are also connected to the production of power and privileges in a given context.

Likewise, gendered space is shaped by the dominant social and cultural institutions that reinforce traditional gender roles (Lefebvre 1991:22). It has also been argued that the term "gendered space" presents an approach which implies that women's presence in particular privileged spaces, which are usually public, may threaten the sanctity of space (Lefebvre 1991:22). As such, one may argue that in most instances, the participation of women may be controlled in public spaces by the powers in control and these powers are usually influenced by male dominance. Males in patriarchal societies feel that power belongs to them and that they are the owners and controllers of public space. According to Goheen (1998:494):

The will to command public urban space expresses the desire of many urban groups and institutions to be acknowledged, to convey messages forcefully, to promote the legitimacy of one's cause. The range of such expression is great, and the contest for visibility and influence is lively.

It is noted that public spaces in AlCs have been understood historically to be the actual a preserve of men: a position that reinforces male control and authority over women. In this context, the question is: Are African Independent Churches promoting oppression of one sex by creating gendered spaces in their various churches? In order to appreciate the dynamics and politics of space in AICs, it is important to characterise this particular movement. The next section provides an overview of AICs.

 

AICs: unpacking the term

As Verstraelen (1998) has argued, Zimbabwean Christianity is hugely diverse. One finds the Catholic churches, Protestant churches, African Instituted/Independent/Initiated churches (AICs) and Pentecostal churches. This article focuses on AICs in Zimbabwe. Despite the unfolding diversity of what can be termed as AICs, this article focuses on a particular category. For this article, the churches that are referred to as AICs are churches that include the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), Johane Marange, Johane Masowe WeChishanu, African Apostolic Church, Independent African Church, Guta RaJehova and many other "mushrooming African congregations" (Daneel 1974:56). They are generally referred to as Mapostori or Masowe in the local language in Zimbabwe. Unlike other categories of AICs as highlighted in the upcoming discussion, these particular churches selected for this article can be commonly known as "garment type" churches. This is because the adherents wear long garments, and depending on the type of Masowe or Mapostori, they can be white, yellow, red, green, purple or blue long robes. The variety of these churches means that they have different beliefs, doctrines and forms of governance, but what makes them all AICs is that they have a common thread running through them in terms of beliefs and practice. Such a common kernel includes the fact that they were formed out of a desire to be independent in organisation, leadership and religious experiences from the mainline churches.

The abbreviation AICs stands for different meanings, depending on a given writer. It stands for a variety of overlapping terms such as African Independent churches (Turner 1979:92), African Indigenous churches, African Instituted churches (Chitando 2004), African Initiated churches, and more recently, African International churches (Ter Haar 1998). The abbreviation AICs covers all of them. Whatever the "I" stands for, this article considers that the essence and meaning of this subject matter is the same. Generally, these are churches founded in Africa by Africans for them to worship in African ways. This kind of a definition was earlier propounded by Turner (1979:92) who argues that:

An African Independent Church is a church which has been founded primarily in Africa by Africans for Africans . they are bodies that have originated in African and not dependent on any religious group outside African for funding leadership or control.

The AICs are categorised into three churches, namely, Ethiopian churches, Zionist churches and Apostolic churches. The Ethiopian churches are those which have no claim to manifestations of the Holy Spirit. They reject European leadership. Their leadership hierarchy is similar to that found in mainline churches. They are inspired by Psalms 68:31b, which says: "Let Ethiopia hasten to stretch her hands to God." Examples of such churches include the African Congregational Church by Rev Sengwayo, First Ethiopian churches (Topia) by Bishop Gavure and the African Reformed Church by Rev Sibambo.

The Zionist type churches are those related to the Zionist movement in South Africa and Zion City, Illinois, in the United States of America (Anderson 2001:16). They emphasise the activity of the Holy Spirit, healing, prophecy and abstention from pork. Examples of the Zionist movement in Zimbabwe are Zion Christian churches by Bishop Samuel Mutendi, the Zion Apostolic Church by Bishop David Masuka and the Zion Apostolic Faith Mission by Bishop Andreas Shoko.

The third category is the Apostolic type churches. There are some similarities and links with the Zionist churches. The two are usually referred to as Spirit type churches because of their reference to the Holy Spirit. The Apostolic churches emphasise the phenomenon of speaking in tongues, basing on the Acts account of Pentecost (Acts 2:1-13). Though this Pentecostal movement has historical and theological roots in the Pentecostal movement, it deviated from western Pentecostalism in many ways (Anderson 2001:16). Most of these include evangelical churches, the Pentecostal movements and Charismatic movements. The local examples include Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Church (ZAOGA), Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM), Family of God (FOG), and the United Family International Church (UFIC). Most Pentecostal churches trace their historical impetus generated by the Azusa Street Revival in the United States of America (Onyinah 2007:307). These Pentecostal churches do not form the focus of this article. However, their approach to women's leadership has begun to receive scholarly attention in Zimbabwe (Mapuranga 2012; Mapuranga 2013).

As highlighted in the foregoing discussion, there are various types of AICs. Despite their variety, it has been argued that one of their reasons for emergence and growth is the need for liberation. This aspect becomes critical in this article as the question of the liberation of women comes up. It is the thrust of the next section to assess whether women have been given space in AICs as they sought liberation together with African men when they formed AICs. Have they not remained in the margins in terms of leadership and general participation?

 

AICs as gendered space: an overview

It seems plausible in this article to argue that AICs are spaces within the margins of the city in Harare (Mukonyora 2007). Whereas other churches such as Roman Catholic, Methodist and Anglican are located right within the central business district, AICs are never located within the centre of the city. The inner part of the city (where other churches apart from AICs are located) is usually associated with wealth, education, prosperity and sophistication. AICs are usually found at the boundaries or peripheries of the city. As such, one could argue that they are located at the margins of the city. As illustrated by Goheen (1998:479):

Public space is often seen as problem space in the modern city: it is now as it has always been a space of contention. It is the visible and accessible venue wherein the public - comprising institutions and citizens acting in concert - enact rituals and make claims designed to win recognition . Public space in the modern city is charged with meaning and with controversy. The space in question is that which the public collectively values - space to which it attributes symbolic significance and asserts claims. The values attaching to public space are those with which the generality of the citizenry endows it.

What, therefore, is the meaning of the location of AICs on the periphery of the city? One could ask if there is a parallel with the way that AICs are located within the margins of the city with women in these congregations. If this is the case, are women, therefore, not located in the margins of that which is located in the margins of the city? If this is the case, women become the periphery of the periphery.

This becomes crucial in this write-up because, not only have AICs been located at the periphery, but the study of women in these churches has been in the margins too. According to Mabhunu, with particular reference to prophetesses in AICs, "The study of women . in African initiated churches (AICs) has remained a second thought, if not a peripheral issue both to seasoned and budding scholars"(Mabhunu 2010:63). This is also supported by Ndeda (2005:50) who argues that:

The predominance of women in these churches is significant and yet . there is little information in the way in which gender shapes religious ideology and the experience of conversion has not been central to the analysis of these studies.

This article thus highlights the importance of the gendered dimension of AICs in Harare. In the following section, it argues that AICs emerged within the context of the struggle for liberation. However, in that process, women's full liberation might not have been fully realised.

 

AICs and the Missionary Gospel: a quest for liberation

A variety of reasons have been given for the formation of AICs. One of the major reasons was the need for Africans to seek liberation from the Missionary Gospel. So too did women seek liberation from the patriarchal nature of mainline Christianity. As argued by Lagerwerf (1990:17), "the Christian message as introduced by the missionaries has affected the lives of many African women in various ways". As such, the influence of Christianity on Zimbabwean women was felt early on. Writing on the churches in Nigeria, Bateye (2008:114) makes the following submission:

It was also observed that just as colonialism came to offset the equilibrium in the socio-cultural setup of some African societies . patriarchal religions of the West came in the cloak of colonialism . The Bible was used authoritatively by the Western Orthodox Churches to silence women and prevent them from assuming administrative pastoral roles in the church hierarchy. There was therefore ambivalence in the stance of Western Christian mission pertaining to women. On the one hand, they claimed to liberate and empower women, while on the other hand, there was a rigid rejection of women from taking up leadership roles in the church, and in some cases even the larger secular Western Society.

It is important to note that the expensive education of missionaries failed to bring the anticipated rapid advancement to women (Parratt 1997:14). This is one major reason why Africans sought to break away from the "white" gospel and re-create Christianity that met their own needs through what has become known as AICs. Thus, the likes of Mai Chaza rebelled from the Methodist Church to form Guta raJehovha (City of Jehovah). Chitando (2004:122) also notes the rise of Alice Mulenga Lenshina in Zambia. Such charismatic churches are numerous. In Malawi and Zambia, many of them have been founded by women and young people (Phiri 2000:267). The status of women in these AICs is unlike that found in the missionary founded churches where women were not permitted to hold leadership positions in the ministry or to be in the executive structures of the churches. Women faced substantiated barriers to inclusion (Christiano, Swatos & Kivisto 2002:193). Women were looked down upon and were considered as second-class Christians and citizens.

In this case, this article questions if the liberation sought through the formation of AICs has been applied to both males and females in the church. It is always important to note that there are a variety of reasons that have been put forward for the status of women in AICs. For Olajabu (2003:60), "gender dynamics in the African Independent churches are to a large extent accentuated by prohibitive rules concerning menstrual blood". However, for Sackey (2005:200), "gender relations also depend on the age in which a particular church evolves. Women's leadership in AICs is therefore a fluctuating feature". Basing on such arguments, the next discussion seeks to establish the relationship of gendered spaces and selected AICs. Apart from the leadership roles that indicate how women are central in AICs in Harare, there is a perspective that considers them as being in the margins. The next section illustrates the latter.

 

Women at the periphery of the periphery: a critical evaluation

The question of space as gendered in AICs remains debatable. On the one hand, women are marginalised, and on the other, they are at the centre of activities and thus very significant. There are significant factors which label AICs as a gendered space. Amongst other reasons, one may identify the notion that this is all brought about by the fact that only men in these churches would acquire theological training. In addition, it is also noticeable that men in AICs attend annual synods and conferences where they get opportunities to venture into leadership. It is from these arguments that this article is of the opinion that women are not accorded the same freedom to participate meaningfully. This system makes it hard for women to speak in meetings or to address meetings. Power, strength and education are reserved for only a small number.

Generally, in AICs, the roles of women are those of the periphery and restricted leadership. There are some AICs where women are still regarded as subjects. There is a dominant male ideology that has ensured that women continue being abstract as leaders and more visible as clients in these churches. This ideology (patriarchy) that approves male headship has been highly influential in placing women at the fringes of AICs (in those situations when they do). Some of the AICs still marginalise females by insisting on a gendered space. This is so because, earlier on, Afro-centric AICs have insisted that "women are so delicate, frail and totally dependent upon their men" (Moila 2002:16). This perception is a major factor that contributes to the positioning of women in the margins of AICs. According to Sackey (2005:200), this is because women in AICs spatially inhabit a society different from men and also perceive it differently. This is in agreement with the suggestion by Goheen (1998:480) who writes:

... the continuing significance of public space as the preferred arena where groups of every description can achieve public visibility, seek recognition and make demands ... urban public space reflects in a particularly creative way the changes and continuities that characterise a dynamic urban public life which reflects both celebration and contention.

In as much as some may identify some roles of women; this does not wholly show their centrality in AICs. Scholars such as Mabhunu have insisted that the roles that women are given only indicate some partial liberation as they are still not given space to participate in top positions. Such examples include the role of prophecy, which has allowed women to be heard in part in the church. Mabhunu (2010:82) argues:

Despite the inroads that women have had in AICs in Harare, consideration of personal testimonies and observations have indicated that they still have limited roles in leadership positions. Women are recognized as healers, midwives and prophetesses. But all women in AICs, even prophetesses, are excluded from the church hierarchy. The expression of equality in leadership is denied for women . AICs forbid women from preaching in line with the Pauline Instruction . 1Timothy 2:11-14. Prophetesses are also excluded from positions of authority and influence such as occupying positions of secretary general or treasurer.

For Mukonyora (2007:18), AICs can be labelled as a "gendered space" because all of them emanated from the so-called patriarchal societies and space is actually extended towards women. For this article, in the African Apostolic Church of Paul Mwazha, there is clear evidence of gender discrimination against women. Women are not allowed to talk in church or to appear as the leaders of the congregation. This is because the church bases their argument on the Bible, that is, in the books of 1 Timothy 2:11-15 and 1 Corinthians 14:34.

Apart from the African Apostolic Church, in the Johane Marange Church, women's participation is curtained even more because of the church's apprecia