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HTS Theological Studies

On-line version ISSN 2072-8050
Print version ISSN 0259-9422

Herv. teol. stud. vol.76 n.4 Pretoria  2020

http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v76i4.5970 

 

Dealing with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains

The last interview question focussed on how to help migrant families deal with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains. Regarding death, one participant said that the migrant family needs to be allowed to gather and receive members who are coming to help and console them. They need prayers and comfort. Regarding repatriation, another participant said that because the main challenge is financial, they need assistance to cover the main costs that are incurred here locally, that is, funeral parlour and transportation costs. However, regarding the financial aspect, one participant highlighted that taking the decision on which funeral parlour to use for the body preparation, depending on the affordability, is pivotal. Therefore, family members have to choose the package they can afford as quoted by the service provider. Another participant said that it is important to have financial viability for gatherings and other running costs in South Africa. Financial viability is also needed for the processes and procedures, and the same will be happening on the other side. Family members in Zimbabwe have to engage a funeral parlour as well to finish the burial, unless a quotation has been agreed for one service provider to do everything.

The challenges of death and repatriating remains also call on Zimbabweans in South Africa to organise themselves to help each other make ends meet. In the words of Ahaddour, Van den Branden and Broeckaert (2019):

[A] deceased who did not have a repatriation insurance would be helped out by the community through donations via social media (e.g. Facebook) to guarantee the deceased a dignified burial, as this is a collective duty. (p. 48)

Fellow Zimbabweans can support others, and this does not necessarily involve money; such help can be rendered in terms of organisation, paperwork and other arrangements. According to Nesteruk (2018):

[B]eing with their loved ones and participating in rituals associated with death, such as making funeral preparations, sharing meals, praying, and attending services, provides them with a sense of belonging and comfort. (p. 1020)

To deal with repatriation of remains in the future, it is high time to form groups that will faithfully contribute money on a monthly basis or as crises arise, committing to distribute such monies equally among the members.

Zimbabweans in South Africa can help each other by setting up accounts that can assist members to repatriate and bury their loved ones. In the form of any organisation with the proper structure, members can elect a board with a chairperson, secretary and treasurer who will manage such an organisation. This kind of organisation can assist with burdens and administration of the process of repatriating remains for Zimbabweans living in South Africa, as repatriation is important for many Zimbabwean families, who believe that relatives must be buried in their homeland. However, as more Zimbabweans build lives outside their native country, repatriation of remains and the associated costs need creative solutions.

Those who insist on repatriation of their remains should properly plan. According to Ahaddour et al. (2019), a good repatriation should be understood as having:

[A]n insurance, a speedy handling of the administration (e.g. documents, tickets) and burial (e.g. washing the dead, taking care of a coffin and transportation to the morgue, airport and cemetery). (p. 48)

Knowing the difficulties of repatriation of remains and preparation can go a long way to addressing these difficulties prior to the repatriation process. Meaning, members do not have to wait until death comes but can actually plan ahead of time to make sure that the day death comes they are ready for the process of repatriation. The aspects of preparedness for repatriation, cultural identity change and attributions of causality on the repatriation experience of the individual returning home from South Africa to Zimbabwe should not be left to those who are still alive; rather, the individual should take care of these aspects personally.

A successful repatriation process can be attained when, upon arrival in South Africa, individuals think not only about the present but also the future, as to where they want to be buried when they die. This might relate to gaining access to a suitable job upon arrival in South Africa and having a proper financial plan. Access to a suitable job requires a match between a person's expectations and their actual willingness and capacity to meet those expectations. It might also involve the type of qualifications an individual holds in their career (Hyder et al. 2007:264-281).

 

Embracing alternative burial protocol

Alternatively, Zimbabweans living in South Africa might have to rethink the question: where is home? As Mashau (2019:2) calls on us 'To see the world as a common home that should be shared by all and for their well-being'. Maybe home could be redefined, not only in terms of where one was born but also in terms of where one lives with one's immediate family. Other than the cultural reason given by participants in previous sections, individuals need to ask themselves a bold question: What is wrong with being buried in a foreign land? After all, what is a foreign land, given the fact that many Zimbabweans have found a home on South African soil and have actually established families in South Africa? Some Zimbabweans have married South African women or men.

Others have established businesses that have created jobs for both Zimbabweans and South Africans.

Therefore, it can be reiterated, where is home for such individuals? Thus, it might be ideal given the economic challenges to opt for being buried in South Africa. The little money that a member has accumulated over the years while living in South Africa can go a long way towards assisting the family members who are still alive, especially the children of the deceased. The money can help families back in Zimbabwe who are going through economic hardships. Moreover, in the study that Ahaddour et al. (2019:42) conducted, the participants explained that God created the earth, and therefore all ground is the same. The participants expressed the belief that the deceased should be buried where God takes away the soul. In this respect, a few middle-aged participants stated that it actually does not matter where you are buried, given the fact that it is the situation of the soul in the afterlife that counts.

 

Rethinking cremation

One of the ways to deal with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains is for all Africans, not only Zimbabweans, to rethink their perception on cremation. Cremation, according to Masango (2006):

[R]epresents a means of disposing the remains and establishing a means of focus for remembering their deceased loved one. It can also serve as a means for recognizing the transition from body presence to body absence. (p. 1031)

However, most Africans are negative towards cremation because they are used to burying the actual body. Nonetheless, cremation can save costs because it will be cheaper to move the ashes of the dead person than to move their whole body. Another advantage of cremation is that it simplifies the funeral process, which can be very long in an African context. The fact is that in addition to moving the body back to their country of origin, there are other costs that relate to the processes leading to the final burial. Cremation can make these processes short, as family members do not have to wait for transport of the dead body. Cremation can shorten the paperwork needed to finalise the moving of the remains of the deceased back to their country of origin.

The other advantage is that cremation is not particular about the place of burial, which is normally the graveyard.

The ashes can be laid to rest in a garden at home or in the garden on the church premises. This also opens the possibility of laying the ashes to rest in the country where the deceased died because the logistics or the costs are less. The final advantage is that the remains can be laid to rest on any day of the week. The most important thing is that the family will still mourn their loved one; it does not change the way they feel about their lost family member. They still can pay their last respects in a dignified way. The respect does not change because they have cremated the body, as long as there is a service of committal. According to Masango (2006), such a service:

[E]specially when the ashes are placed in a niche, buried in a garden of remembrance, or are interred, reinforces the recollection process, again remembering with respect and reflecting with respect and remembrance on the way in which the past relationship is [sic] came to an end. (p. 1031)

 

Mission to the wounded in the light of death and repatriation of remains

The challenges of death and repatriation of the remains mean that mission among the wounded cannot be carried out as it has been before. We need to answer an important question: what is the meaning of ministering to wounded people in a specific setting (Knoetze 2017:1)? Mission in this context would not only be understood theoretically but as being there for the wounded community (Knoetze 2017:2). It is also important to assess how wounded people are able to minister to others while in pain. Given their trauma, missiologists need to provide solutions for how such people can continue to serve the God in their situations. The reason for this assertion is that God is involved in the wounds of the people. According to Exodus 3:7, God knows the pains of his people.

Therefore, the wounded should never be perceived as people who are outcast and standing outside the will and purpose of God's mission for his people. Mission to the wounded draws a parallel between the mission of God and wounded people in the sense that God is concerned with what people are going through in their lives (Knoetze 2017:3). God wishes to see healing for those who are going through trauma.

Therefore, anyone involved in mission is called to stand in solidarity with people undergoing the same pain. The mission practitioner or even missiologist should not shy away from the daily sufferings of the people of God. Anyone involved in the mission of God who sees the injustices of the people cannot ignore them, because the same pains are the concern of God the Almighty, who is on the side of the wounded. Therefore, the concern of the participants in the mission of God is pivotal in mission to the wounded (Mashau 2018:139). The role of the Holy Spirit is also important in giving power to those who desire to take part in healing the wounded (Niemandt 2015:90). The work of the Holy Spirit will grant healing to the wounded and bring restoration to their lives. All the world needs to know is that God is still in charge even as the world receives many wounds. God has vowed to save the crying world because of his unfailing love in the midst of many atrocities. Therefore, mission to the wounded has the promise of the goodness of God happening in the midst of wounds (Molale 2018:106).

Mission to the wounded calls on missiologists and practitioners of faith to rethink and reimagine mission among the wounded. In the words of the conveners of the International Association for Mission Studies (IAMS) 2019 conference a mission to the wounded requires 'new locating and refiguring: creating resilience in those who carry wounds, pursuing spaces of religious freedom and engaging in deep solidarity, transformation and renewal'

In this kind of renewal, Dysvik and Furnes (2010:163) suggested, '[s]upport to people who suffer grief caused by death or chronic pain, should focus on grief as a specific type of experience taking a phenomenological perspective'. In the context of this article, grief is caused not only by death but also by the processes of repatriation that involve high costs. The wounded in this instance are not only the emotionally wounded but also the financially challenged individuals who cannot afford to transport the bodies of their loved ones from South Africa to Zimbabwe.

Mission to the wounded means that, following Christ and taking up the cross as presented to Christians, suffering and death cannot be the only remedy given to the wounded. There is also a need to lend a hand in terms of the financial support to be offered to the members of the deceased's family. This means that the preacher cannot just visit the family to preach the good news in terms of what Christ has done on the cross but needs to also encourage church members to support those going through the double pain. Yes, it is true that followers of Christ need to follow the example of Christ in suffering and dying with him, being buried with him and resurrected with him.

However, this is not enough. The same follower of Christ in his or her vulnerability, experiencing death and the challenges of repatriation of their loved one's remains, should not only be comforted with words but be given assistance as well. The redemptive work of Christ on the cross of Calvary should not be used as an excuse for not taking care of one another as members of the Christian faith. Thus, the follower of Christ already knows about the cross but needs comfort in a more practical way (Noonan 1998:387).

Nonetheless, members can find comfort in knowing that Jesus has overcome death. The prophet Isaiah 25:8 already prophesied that Christ would swallow up death in victory and God would wipe the tears from the faces of all the people. The other promise is that the shame of the people on earth shall be taken away with the victory of Christ over death. Thus, the coming of Christ according to Isaiah not only presents salvation for the people but victory over death and the promise of a shameless life. Thus, although followers of Christ experience death, the promise is that death now has no power over them. In Hosea 13:14, speaking through the mouth of the prophet, God promised to redeem people from the power of the grave. God also promised to ransom his people from the power of death itself. God declared that both grave and death would be destroyed. Thus, as the grave could not hold Christ for more than 3 days, in a similar way, the grave has no power over the followers of Christ. This does not mean that people will not die in the present, rather that death has no permanent hold over their lives.

Thus, death has no power over followers of Christ. Jesus will reign until all his enemies are found under his feet. Death and the grave no longer have power over Christ (1 Cor 15:55). In addition, one of the enemies found under the feet of Jesus is death. This is because God himself has put everything under the feet of Jesus Christ, including death. Thus, it must be understood that everything is under the feet of Christ except for the one who gave him the authority, that is, God the father (1 Cor 15:25-27). The victory of Christ over death and its power actually marks the beginning of a life of grace. To illustrate the victory of Christ over death, John the revelator says that the sea will give up its dead and death and Hades will give up their dead (Rv 20:13). In addition, both death and Hades will be thrown into the lake of fire in what is called the second death (Rv 2014). Moreover, after the second death, the promise is that there will be no more death or pain inflicted upon those who will spend eternity with Christ (Rv 21:4).

Death should not be seen as the end of life but the beginning of eternal life. Anyone who views death as the final arbiter and the final destination will be discouraged when it happens, but those who view it as a door to eternal life will find comfort in Christ. Although the natural followers of Christ cannot have power over physical death, they do have power over spiritual death. Moreover, those who believe that after death they have the opportunity for eternal life cannot be discouraged and will not lose their faith. They know that there is a God in heaven, who is above death and controls everything in heaven and on earth. In the words of Marrone (1999:495-519), '[t]he belief in an afterlife may be the most common religion-based assimilation strategy observed in individuals dealing with loss'. Therefore, the death of Christ is the centre of Christian faith because according to Loewald (2007):

[H]e is not only the ultimate love object which the believer loses as an external object and regains by identification with Him as an ego ideal, He is, in His passion and sacrificial death, the exemplification of complete internalization and sublimation of all earthly relationships and needs. (pp. 1113-1133)

Finally, death should not be feared by people, including African people. Death should not be feared to a level where African people worship death and/or the dead. To fear that when one is not buried at home something wrong will happen is actually the fear of death and the dead. Therefore, missiologists must convince the African people that there is no relationship between the dead and the living. When a person passes on, they cannot control those who are still alive. On the contrary, the biggest tragedy is spiritual death, when people fail to reconcile with their master because of their sin. This means that the spirit of a person is of greater importance than their body.

Therefore, instead of fearing death, people should be more concerned about where their spirits are going after that death, rather than where they should be buried.

 

Conclusion

Death is painful and inevitable, but death should not be allowed to take over the emotions because Christ has defeated death. In addition, there is hope after death. Thus, death should not be seen as the final destination in this life, but as a door to eternal life. The current pain of death and losing a loved one should not deter people from their walking with God. Death should not be allowed to take away the faith of those who are in the Christian community, but should rather strengthen their faith, knowing that God is still in charge. When it comes to death and the challenges of repatriation of remains, which require a lot of effort and financial strength, the matter makes sense in terms of cultural norms. However, when considering the economic hardships, it may be better to be buried in the country to which a Zimbabwean national migrated during his or her life. This means that there is a need to redefine 'home' to refer to where one is living with one's close or immediate family and not necessarily where one was born. For families that can afford repatriation of remains, there is a need for a proper plan that may involve policies and other financial aspects. Lastly, there is a great need to rethink cremation, as it can save costs as opposed to repatriation of the actual body.

 

Acknowledgements

The author thanks the Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology for the support provided in conducting this research.

Competing interests

The author declares that he has no competing interests.

Author's contributions

M.S.K. is the sole author of this article.

Ethical consideration

The ethical clearance was issued by the University of South Africa, College of Human Sciences Research Ethics Review Committee.

Funding information

This study was financially supported by the University of South Africa.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

 

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Correspondence:
Mookgo Kgatle
kgatles@yahoo.com

Received: 21 Feb. 2020
Accepted: 12 May 2020
Published: 03 Aug. 2020

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH

 

Samuel Johnson's view about Oduduwa in connection with the origins of the Yoruba

 

 

Agai M. Jock

School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, Faculty of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa

Correspondence

 

 


ABSTRACT

The most favourable explanation pertaining to the Yoruba origin is that of the Oduduwa tradition according to which he is the original ancestor of the Yoruba people. Although the Yorubas have reached a settlement on Oduduwa as their ancestor, they disagree on the origin of Oduduwa. Whilst some associated his origin with Mecca or Arabia, others say Egypt or Israel. Samuel Johnson, the most prominent writer of the Yoruba history, discussed various theories that pertained to the origin of Oduduwa. He argued that Oduduwa or the original ancestors of the Yoruba people were Coptic Christians. Writers of Yoruba history from the 20th and 21st centuries had continued to build upon Johnson's view of the Yoruba origin in connection with Oduduwa. This research is a study of the Yoruba and Johnson's perspectives of Oduduwa in connection with the Yoruba origins. The research elucidates the circumstances of Johnson's Christianisation of the Egyptian origin of the Yoruba.
CONTRIBUTION: This article shall contribute to a distinct understanding of the origin of the Yoruba in connection with the identity and the personality of Oduduwa. Students of history and cultural studies will find this research of utmost benefit because it explains the origin of the Yoruba from the perspective of Samuel Johnson, the first Yoruba man to document extensively on the Yoruba history, language, its culture and its people in a single document or collection

Keywords: Africa; ancestor; Ancient Near East; Ile-Ife; migrant legend; myth; Oduduwa; oral tradition; Yorubaland.


 

 

The Yoruba people of Nigeria

Various ethnic groups around the world, and particularly in Africa, are finding it necessary to establish a clearer history pertaining to their origins. Whilst some ethnic groups use the history of their origins to reaffirm their unity, others find solace in defining their identities through the history of their origins. There are other people in different parts of the world who believe that their ancestral roots could be traced to Africa like some African Americans. Moreover, a number of Africans in the Caribbean have sponsored research studies that could give them knowledge regarding their origins in connection with Africa. Some of the most popular ethnic groups that some Africans in diaspora associated their origins with are the Hausas, the Igbos, the Yorubas, the Mande, the Akan and many more (Agai 2018:86). The Yoruba people in particular are found in various parts of the world including Nigeria, Togo and Benin Republic (Ade 2006:xiii). There is also a connection with the practices of their religions that are similar to some of the religious practices found in Bahia, Brazil, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, Argentina, Venezuela and many more.1 The Yoruba culture is likely spread in many parts of the world which suggest that the Yoruba people can be described as a people that find it difficult to forfeit their culture whenever they find themselves. On this subject, Ade quoted Awolalu:

no African group has had greater influence on the culture of the New World than the Yoruba. Today, their descendants still preserve Yoruba culture and traditions in parts of the Caribbean and South America, particularly in Cuba and in Brazil as well as in North America. In many parts of the Caribbean and South America, for example, Yoruba Religion has been accommodated to Christianity; Yoruba divinities have been identified with Catholic saints. (Ade 2006:xiii)

This research is not aimed at ascertaining whether the Yoruba people influenced those in the Caribbean and the Americas. Although the researcher appreciates the interest in the comparative studies between the cultures of the Yorubas in Africa and the cultures of some ethnic groups in the Caribbean and the Americas done by many scholars, this research concentrates on the study of the Oduduwa oral tradition in connection with the Yoruba origins from the perspective of Samuel Johnson and other Yorubas (cf. Ayandele 2004:121). The research is centred around the Yoruba people of Nigeria. The Yoruba people of Nigeria occupy the south-western region of the most populous West African country comprising six geographical states: Oyo, Osun, Ondo, Ogun, Lagos and Ekiti. The Yorubas are also found to be indigenes of Kogi and Kwara states of North-Central Nigeria. The Yoruba people formed one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa with a population of over 40 million living in Nigeria alone (cf. Ayandele 2004:121). Despite their high population size and other achievements, the writing of the history of their origin is still in contention (Afolayan 2004:32; Johnson 1921:3).

There are various theories regarding the origin of the Yoruba. Whilst some conclude that the Yoruba people originated from Mecca or Arabia, others claim that the Yoruba people came from Egypt or Israel (Agai 2013:1; Oyebade 2004:53-54). Samuel Johnson was among those who proposed that the Yoruba people originated from Egypt. According to him, Oduduwa was the original ancestor of the Yoruba race because Yoruba oral traditions teach that the Yorubas originated from Oduduwa (Johnson 1921:15). Johnson worked directly with the family members of the kings of Oyo who were responsible for preserving the Yoruba oral history. He said '[i]t is on them we depend as far as possible for any reliable information we now possess' (Johnson 1921:3). Whilst the Oduduwa oral tradition proposes a view according to which Oduduwa originated from 'East' or 'Mecca', Johnson disputed this view and associated Oduduwa with the Coptic Christians. He seemed to point out that the Yoruba ancestors were actually of Christian lineage and not Islamic lineage. This research examines the Yoruba conception of Oduduwa with specific interest on how Samuel Johnson interpreted the Oduduwa oral tradition in connection with Yoruba origin.

 

Samuel Johnson and the writing of The History of the Yorubas

Samuel Johnson was the renowned writer of Yoruba history. He was born in 1846 to Henry and Sarah Johnson, both of whom were recaptive slaves that lived in Sierra Leone. After the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, some of the slaves were returned to Freetown in Sierra Leone and were referred to as Aku, including the parents of Samuel Johnson (Stevens 2005:1-2). Sarah and Henry returned to their country Nigeria in the 1940s and started to work with the Church Missionary Society (CMS) at the request of Rev. David Hinderer who served the CMS in Abeokuta and Ibadan. The relocation of his parents to Nigeria introduced him to the Christian mission (Falola 1999:33-34). Samuel Johnson did his professional academic study at the Abeokuta Training Institution between 1863 and 1865. It was at this institution that he studied general education, Greek, Latin, English language, religious studies, philosophy, history and mathematics at the advice of David Hinderer and Gotlieb Buhler (the principal of the institution) (Olabimtan 2011:1-6).

After his graduation in 1865, he served as a teacher at Anglican mission centres in Ibadan, Aremu and Kudi. As a major requirement to becoming a full-time missionary, Samuel Johnson served as an assistant to Deacon Daniel Olubi in 1867 and became a catechist in 1875 at the Aremu Church (Falola 1999:32). He also served as a translator between the Yoruba chiefs and the foreign administrators who colonised Nigeria before its political independence in 1960 and between Christian missionaries and the Yoruba people in general. He mediated between various Yoruba groups and British leaders that served in Nigeria for 17 years during the Yoruba conflicts of the early 19th century (Falola 1999:31, 35-36; Omolewa 2008:124-133). He hated the Yoruba wars and might have been motivated to write The History of the Yorubas in order to unite the Yoruba people. Doortmont (1991) said '[t]ime and again he took the opportunity to tell the people [and his superiors in Lagos and London] that war was evil, producing only hardship and scarcity' (p. 171). Johnson's exposure to various Yoruba leaders and ordinary citizens, likewise his experiences of the Yoruba wars, his mediation work and his interest to know the Yoruba people better, gave him an edge in the knowledge and the writing of the history of the Yoruba people (Falola 1999:32).

After his experiences of mediation with the Yoruba people, Johnson saw that nothing or not much was written about Yoruba history during his time. He saw a need to write to the future generations about what transpired with the Yoruba people in his time. He was worried that the educated Yoruba people knew so much about the history of England, Rome and Greece but not their own history (Johnson 1921:viii). He noted that his main objective for writing The History of the Yorubas was not to be popular in print but as an expression of a form of patriotism towards his people (Johnson 1921):

[W]hat led to this production was not a burning desire of the author to appear in print - as all who are well acquainted with him will readily admit - but a purely patriotic motive, that the history of our fatherland might not be lost in oblivion, especially as our old sires are fast dying out. (p. viii)

He valued any information or book that pertained to the Yoruba people, culture and history. During his mediation between Yoruba chiefs, the British in Nigeria and the ordinary Yoruba people, he carefully began to document Yoruba history. He received oral information about the Yoruba people and their origins from royal barbs that lived and worked with various Yoruba kings. The royal barbs stored oral information about the Yoruba people (Johnson 1921:viii). He also relied on information from Yoruba notable leaders like David Kukomi (a soldier who participated in some of the wars that took place in Yorubaland), the Venerable Lagunju the Timi of Ede (an oral historian), Josiah Oni (an intelligent man who had wide knowledge of the Yoruba people) and many others (Johnson 1921:viii). After completion of the writing of his manuscript The History of the Yorubas in 1897, which took Johnson 20 years to complete, it was sent to England for publication through the CMS in 1897, but it got lost (Olabimtan 2009:118). In 1900, Obadiah travelled to England to inquire about the publication of the book but was told that the manuscript was lost. In 1901, Samuel Johnson died and Obadiah never wanted his late brother's effort of writing the book to go in vain, so he decided to rewrite the manuscript using the diaries of Samuel and other information he received from Samuel before he died: ' and it has now fallen to the lot of the editor [Obadiah] to rewrite the whole history anew, from the copious notes and rough copies left behind by the author' (Johnson 1921:ix). The level of changes or influence Obadiah had over the manuscripts is not clear, but he curtailed and amplified certain chapters in the book, which was later published in 1921 by the Church and School Supplies (Johnson 1921:ix).

The book The History of the Yorubas: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the British Protectorate was written by Rev. Samuel Johnson and edited by his elder brother Obadiah Johnson, a medical doctor by profession. The book is about 740 pages and, in the book, the author starts by introducing who the Yoruba people were. In fact, the book is divided into two parts. Part 1 discusses the Yoruba people and their culture, and the subchapters include information about the Yoruba language, grammar, origin, towns, villages, tribes, names, manners and customs. Part 2 of the book discusses the Yoruba heroes, gods and mythological kings. Regarding the Yoruba origin, Johnson mentions the origin of the Yoruba that connects them to Oduduwa and dissociates them from Islam (Johnson 1921:5-7). Johnson's book The History of the Yorubas is regarded by the writers of Yoruba history as the most detailed and likely precise document on Yoruba history ever written (Akintoye 2004:3). Other writers who wrote Yoruba history after 1901 had to rely on Johnson's book as a vital document to write Yoruba history (Johnson 1921):

[T]he History of the Yorubas remains the most comprehensive, most authoritative and easily the most ready reference text on the origin, features and spread of the Yoruba people. Since its first appearance in 1921, the volume has always been sought after by scholars who are genuinely interested in getting an authentic account of the phenomenon of the Yoruba race. (p. vii)

Lucas Olumide's argument that the Yoruba people originated from the Predynastic Egyptians might have had some influence from Johnson's work (cf. Lucas 1970: 391). Doortmont (1991) said that Johnson's book is 'one of the best known works ever published on Nigerian history' (p. 167). Falola noted that despite some chronological errors in Johnson's book, the Yoruba people still regard it as a sacred book. On The History of the Yorubas, Falola (1999) said '[i]t is an article of faith to many of its readers that Johnson is always right' (pp. 33-34). This research shall concentrate on Johnson's perspective of the origin of the Yoruba in connection with Oduduwa.

 

Samuel Johnson's view about Oduduwa

It is not known when Yoruba history began to be documented, but it was a normal tradition among Africans to preserve their history through oral tradition, myths, folks, rituals, crafts and many more (Oyebade 2004:52).

Although evidence is scanty or non-available, Umoh suggested that the writing of Yoruba history might have started in the early 18th century. He said (Umoh 1971):

[I]t is only from this date (1700), when the decadence of the Yoruba Kingdom had set in, that the native chronicles can give us any definite knowledge of the Yoruba history. (p. 117)

The earliest record known to have been written about Yoruba history was that documented by Mohamed Belo, the son of Uthman dan Fodio. Uthman dan Fodio was the founder of Islamic jihad in Nigeria. Mohammed Belo was born on 03 November 1781 (Quadri 1986:53). It is not certain whether Umoh's suggestion about the beginning of documenting Yoruba history around the 1700s pertained to Belo. In Belo's book Infaqul-maysur fi ta rich biladit-Takrur or Infaqul-Maysur, probably written around 1812 in Arabic, he associated the Yoruba origin with Iraq or Arabia, popularly known to be a Muslim region (Lange 2011):

[T]he Yoruba were remnants of the Canaanites of the tribe of Nimūd who were expelled from Iraq by Yaˤub b. Qahtān and who fled to the west before they proceeded via Egypt and Ethiopia until they came to Yoruba. (p. 583)2

Belo interacted with prominent traders and Islamic preachers that came from the Middle East, North Africa and Mali to Nigeria. He might also have interacted with the Yoruba people that traded with the Hausas and Fulani in Northern Nigeria. It is likely that he received the knowledge of the tradition of the Yoruba origin from them (cf. Omolewa 2008:90-93). In addition, Lange said that there were traders from the Arab world and some Islamic preachers that came to West Africa in the 9th century to propagate their goals of preaching and doing business at the same time. He noted that the Arabs, some of whom were geographers and traders, documented the history of West Africans in the 9th century. Some of the Arabians that wrote the history of the West African people included the Iraqi born al-Yaˤqūb, who completed the Ta'rkh [history book] around 873 AD, Ibn Qutayba (in the 9th century) and al-Masˤūd (who wrote in the 10th century).

Lange (2011) said that al-Yaˤqūb connected the history of the origin of West African people to the Ancient Near East:

[T]he people of the progeny of Hām, son of Noah, left the country of Babel, went to the west, crossed the Euphrates, continued to Egypt and thence moved to East and West Africa of the Nile the Zaghawa settled in kanem, next the Hausa (text: HWDN), then the Kawkaw and finally the people of Ghana. (p. 580)

Falola and Heaton (2010:90-93) said that Arab traders have continued to patronise West Africa from the 11th century through the 18th century. The association of Oduduwa and the Yoruba origin with the 'East' (Johnson 1921:5) in the Yoruba oral tradition could have some connection with the Arab people described as the people of the East. This is just a suggestion that is yet to be proven. Belo and the Arab traders and preachers might not have mentioned Oduduwa in their narration of the origin of the West African people and the Yoruba people in particular but associated it with Iraq, Mecca and Egypt. These regions are significant regions in the history of the Yoruba people. Johnson explained that Mohammed Belo was responsible for associating the Yoruba origin with Iraq, an Islamic country. He said that it was the only written record that pertained to Yoruba history during his time (Johnson 1921):

[T]he only written record we have on this subject is that of the Sultan Belo of Sokoto, the founder of that city, the most learned if not the most powerful of the Fulani sovereigns that ever bore rule in the Soudan. (p. 5)

However, Belo did not mention the statutory role of Oduduwa in the writing of the Yoruba history. Johnson agreed with Belo's view that the Yoruba origin has some connection with Egypt and Arabia or Mecca. He taught that the Yoruba oral tradition regarding Oduduwa's origin is in connection with the 'East', which the Yoruba people thought that the East meant Mecca '[w]ith them the East is Mecca, and Mecca is the East' (Johnson 1921:5). Johnson (1921) further argued that the history of Yoruba origin that connected them with the 'East' can be linked to the history of Mohammed, the founder of Islam:

[I]t is very curious that in the history of Mahomet we read of a similar flight of his first converts from Mecca to the East Coast of Africa (the first Hegira), (p. 6)

However, Johnson argued that the Yoruba concept of 'East' does not mean Mecca, but Egypt. He believed that the Yoruba culture and the Egyptian culture are similar in many ways and that the ancestors of the Yoruba could have been the Egyptians. He said (Johnson 1921):

[T]hat the Yorubas came originally from the East there cannot be the slightest doubt, as their habit, manners and customs, etc., all go to prove the Yorubas are certainly not of the Arabian family and could not have come from Mecca universally known in history, and no such accounts as the above are to be found in the records of Arabian writers of any kings of Mecca (p. 50)

It is not known whether or not Johnson read about the Arabs and the North Africans that proposed that certain ethnic groups in West Africa such as the Hausas and the people of Ghana originated from the Ancient Near East or Arabia (cf. Lange 2011:580). He said that there is no Arabian record that proposed that the Yoruba people originated from Mecca (cf. Johnson 1921:50). Based on the information that pertained to the origins of West African people from Arabia, there seems to be no specific mention of the Yoruba people as one of the ethnic groups that originated from Arabia by the Arab traders and preachers, except for Belo, who clearly associated the Yoruba origin with Arabia or Mecca or the Ancient Near East (Johnson 1921):

[T]he inhabitants of this province (Yarba) it is supposed originated [sic] from the remnant of the children of Canaan, who were of the tribe of Nimrod. The cause of their establishment in the West of Africa was, as it is stated, in consequence of their being driven by Yar-rooba, son of Kahtan, out of Arabia to the Western Coast between Egypt and Abyssinia. From that spot they advanced into the interior of Africa, till they reached Yarba where they fixed their residence. On their way they left in every place they stopped at, a tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed that all the tribes of the Soudan who inhabit the mountains are originated from them as also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory. Upon the whole, the people of Yarba are nearly of the same description as those of Noofee (Nupe). (pp. 5-6)3

Although the Arabs did not mention the Yoruba among the languages that originated from the Near East to West Africa, in principle they might have anticipated the Yoruba people as well. A weakness about the Arabian view of the origin of the West African people is that it is doubtable that almost all the ethnic groups in West Africa originated from one source in the Ancient Near East. Johnson, however, believed that many ethnic groups in West Africa, such as the Ashanti and the Gas of Ghana, the Fanti people of Ivory Coast and Ghana, the Dahomians of the Benin Republic and the Popos (distributed in many part of West Africa), might have originated from Ile-Ife because they still pay tribute to the paramount Yoruba chief (Johnson 1921:5-6). Johnson preferred to associate the Yoruba origin with the Egyptians and Christianity in particular. He said (Johnson 1921):

[I]t might probably then be shown that the ancestors of the Yorubas, hailing from Upper Egypt, were either Coptic Christians, or at any rate that they had some knowledge of Christianity. If so, it might offer a solution of the problem of how it came about that traditional stories of the creation, the deluge, of Elijah, and other scriptural characters are current amongst them, and indirect stories of our Lord, termed 'son of Moremi'. (p. 7)

There is a myth about the Yoruba god Moremi according to which she sacrificed her only son Olurogbo to the Igbo spirit that tormented Yoruba people of Ile-Ife. The sacrifice was done to liberate the Ife people from constant attacks of the Igbo spirit that tormented the Yoruba people (Johnson 1921:147-148). Johnson thought that the Moremi myth had some connection with the biblical story of Jesus, who was sacrificed for the entire humankind (Johnson 1921:147-148; Jn 3:16). In addition, Johnson thought that the sacred relic called Idi, which Sahibu brought to Yorubaland, was a copy of the Bible and not the Koran, as has been alleged by the Arab tradition of the Yoruba origin (Johnson 1921:6-7; cf. Oyebade 2004:55).

With regard to Johnson's view on Oduduwa, he narrated the Yoruba myth regarding Oduduwa as he was told by many Yoruba elders, according to which Oduduwa came from the East, Arabia or Mecca or that Oduduwa was a superhuman or a god. However, he disputed any narration that associated Oduduwa with Islam. He thought that Oduduwa or some unknown ancestors of the Yoruba were Egyptians that had some knowledge of Christianity.

There are likely three possibilities that surrounded Johnson's view of Oduduwa: firstly, Oduduwa might be a literal human being that migrated from Egypt to Ile-Ife; secondly, Oduduwa might be a superhuman who had the abilities to create; and thirdly, Oduduwa might be a name of someone the Yorubas did not know, who liberated the Yoruba people. Johnson might have downplayed the view of Oduduwa as a god that was created because of his faith in Christianity, which ascribes creation to the biblical God only. The perception of Oduduwa as a mythical personage by Johnson suggests that Oduduwa might be a real human being or that Oduduwa might just be a name the Yorubas associated themselves with. Johnson (1921) said 'ODUDUWA the reputed founder and ancestor of the race is really a mythical personage' (p. 143), and he noted that other ethnic groups find pleasure in associating their origin with a mythical hero so for the Yorubas '[s]uch is the desire of most nations to find a mythical origin for themselves through their kings and ancestors' (Johnson 1921:143).4 After documenting the Oduduwa tradition, as narrated by the Yoruba people he interviewed, Johnson said that the story might be authentic or mythological '[f]rom the statements and traditions, whether authentic or mythologic ' (Johnson 1921:6). These suggest that Johnson's connection of the Yoruba origin with Christianity or Christians is paramount to just a single individual by the name Oduduwa.

 

The Yoruba perception of Oduduwa

The meaning of the name Oduduwa

According to Samuel Johnson, the word Oduduwa might have originated from the phrase Odu (ti o da iwa). The Yoruba phrase ti o da iwa signified anything that is large in size or big with regard to strength. Johnson (1921:143) specifically used the term Odu to describe either a large-sized container or perhaps a large pot. Johnson's connection of the word Odu with Oduduwa emphasised the strength and the greatness of Oduduwa as the author of existence. Johnson regarded Oduduwa according to the Yoruba oral tradition as the source of creation or a great container. He said the term Odu ' implies the great container [sic!] the author of existence' (Johnson 1921:143).

Olumide Lucas, a former Pastor of St. Paul's Church in Breadfruit (Lagos), wrote about the Yoruba origins and about Oduduwa as well.5 He wrote extensively on the comparisons between Yoruba religions and those of the ancient Egyptians (Olupona 1993:243). Building on what Johnson had already proposed, Lucas (1948:95) said that the word Oduduwa or Odudua or dua is literally a singular noun that referred to a chief or a very exalted person. He went further to propose that the word Oduduwa could literally be associated with a specific colour. He said that Oduduwa meant 'the Black One' (Lucas 1948:95; Olupona 1993:243). Lucas said that the derivation of the name dudu meant black and Iwa meant existence; thus, the contraction of Odu ti o da wa, that is, a self-existent personage whose personality cannot be dissociated from the colour black (Lucas 1948:95).

Lucas believed that the word dua originated from the ancient Egyptian word dua-t, which means 'the other world'. Lucas (1948:95)taught that Odu-dua meant 'Lord of the Other World' or 'Mistress of the Other World'. Dierk Lange questioned Lucas' etymological connection with those of the ancient Egyptians. He said that the phonetic and semantic similarities Lucas proposed between the Egyptian and the Yoruba words are not convincing and should not be used in developing a historical reconstruction regarding the origin of the Yoruba people (Lange 2004:311).

A renowned ethnographer who had great interest in the writing of West African history, Alfred Burdon Ellis (1852-1894), associated the word Odu with colour. Ellis (1966:41) taught that the word du or dudu generally meant 'black' and that the association of Oduduwa with the colour black could be because of an ideology among the Yoruba people, according to which black symbolised beauty. It is important to note that the Yoruba people value black skin. Some Yoruba people are proud to associate Oduduwa with black skin (Ellis 1966:41-42).

Following Johnson's proposal on the etymology of the term Oduduwa, 21st century writers of Yoruba history like Afolayan continued to associate the word Oduduwa with the creator of existence. Afolayan (2004), like Johnson and Lucas, for example, said that the name Oduduwa indeed is a resonance that originated from the contraction of the name Odu ti o da iwa and meant that it was Odu [deity or mystery] who created (da) iwa [existence, life and character] (p. 32). Johnson might have been the first person in the 19th century to document the word Oduduwa in connection with the Yoruba origin, and other authors like Lucas Olumide, Ellis and others continued to build upon Johnson's perception of Oduduwa as developed in The History of the Yorubas. Johnson recorded the Oduduwa oral tradition mainly from the elders who informed him about the Yoruba history, many of whom came from Oyo (cf. Johnson 1921:3). However, there are various interpretations that explained the Oduduwa oral tradition among different Yoruba groups.

Oduduwa as a creator

In all of the Yoruba oral traditions pertaining to the creation of the earth and humans, plants and animals, the image of Oduduwa and that of Obatala (an anthropomorphic sky-god) are portrayed as central. The Yoruba people believed that there would not have been creation without Oduduwa and Obatala (Oyebade 2004:53). The Yoruba creation myth is a tradition according to which God (Olorun) laid down a long chain from heaven until the chain reached the surfaces of the earth. When Olorun laid down the chain, it landed specifically in Ile-Ife, a town in Yorubaland. To be specific, Ile-Ife is in today's Osun state located in the south-western part of Nigeria (Falola & Heaton 2010). Those who upheld Oduduwa as a creator believed that Ile-Ife is the centre of the universe, and they regarded the entire city as a sacred place because they believed that it was from Ile-Ife that all humans were created and spread to other parts of the world (Ayandele 2004:121; Lange 2004:39).

The Oduduwa creation myth is a view according to which, before the creation of humans, the surface of the earth was filled with mainly bodies of water. When Olorun made Oduduwa to decent from heaven, he gave Oduduwa some items to bring along to earth. The items included a cock, sand or soil and a palm kernel.

Oduduwa spread the soil on the earth's surface that contained mainly water, and the cock helped Oduduwa to spread the soil across the earth, forming a landmass. According to the Yoruba tradition, this single event marked the first landmass on earth. The palm kernel was also thrown to be grown until it was rooted, and it germinated and formed 16 lateral branches. The 16 branches are believed to represent the 16 traditional kingdoms of the Yoruba people (Johnson 1921:4; cf. Ojo 1999:5).

Another view regarding Oduduwa as a creator portrayed that the entire earth was a water-mashed body without any land. Olorun decided to send some of his messengers to earth with the aim of creating farmlands. Those sent included Obatala (Orisa Nla or Orisa Alase), Oduduwa and 16 other immortal beings who were referred to as the 'Oye'. Obatala was tasked with the responsibility of leading all the other Oye. Olorun gave the Oye some items to bring to earth. The items included five pieces of iron given to each Oye, a cockerel and a white piece of cloth. Wrapped inside the white cloth was a lump of soil. Unfortunately, on their way to earth, Obatala got drunk of palm wine, so Oduduwa decided to lead all the other messengers to earth. They all landed in Oke Oramfe at Ile-Ife. The five pieces of iron they came with were set down and the lump of soil spread across the body, providing a landmass. The cockerel spread the soil across the whole earth, leaving some areas filled with water (Akintoye 2004:4; Ayandele 2004:122).

It is not surprising that the Yorubas have high regard for farming and sculpting using iron ores as items and farming as a profession prescribed to them by God himself. The identity of Oduduwa as an independent god is sometimes debated among the Yoruba people. Some Yoruba oral traditions portray Oduduwa as an independent deity who was not created by Olorun, rather a coeval with Olorun (Ellis 1966:41-42). However, in some instances, both Obatala and Oduduwa are regarded as subjects, inferiors or servants of Olorun (Omolewa 2008:58).6

Oduduwa as a goddess

There is another unpopular tradition according to which Oduduwa was created as a blind female and as the wife of Obatala. Ellis explained this Yoruba oral tradition and noted that there was a time when Obatala and Oduduwa were locked up together in darkness by Olorun and kept inside a calabash for many days. Whilst being locked up, both deities became tired and hungry and this resulted in anger, especially for Obatala, who blamed Oduduwa for all their predicaments. Oduduwa also blamed Obatala for causing Olorun to tie both of them in a calabash. Because of his anger, Obatala tore the eyes of Oduduwa and Oduduwa began to see. Instead of being grateful for being able to see, the tradition points that Oduduwa was angry and cursed Obatala for tearing her eyes. Oduduwa cursed Obatala by saying '[n]aught shalt thou eat but snails' (Ellis 1966:41-42). To this day, the Yoruba people make sacrifices of snails to Obatala. Ellis (1966:41-42) stated that this myth also contributed to making the Yoruba people sacrifice snails to some of their gods.

Ellis mentioned another tradition regarding Oduduwa, according to which Oduduwa, depicted as a female, met a handsome man who was a hunter in a place called Ado (15 miles north of Badagry). Ado literally means a wayward person of either sex. Oduduwa walked the forest and enticed the hunter. It resulted in both having sex for many weeks. Oduduwa became tired and disliked the hunter but promised to protect him in the forest. She also promised protection to all those who passed and worked along Ado (Ellis 1966:43). The discussion about Oduduwa as a female goddess in this research is based on the views of Ellis. Ellis depended on the oral interviews he made with some Yoruba people around the 1880s. Lucas believed that describing Oduduwa as a female deity can be a reasonable idea because, according to him, Oduduwa was originally a female. Lucas thought that the name Oduduwa was degenerated to a man because her worshippers thought that the role she played in creating the earth should not be attributed to a woman but a man. Lucas (1948) said stories portraying Oduduwa as evil had to be invented so that she would be dissociated from creation:

[W]ith her adoption as the progenitor of the Yoruba race, there seems to have arisen a tendency to regard her as a leader and a 'hero', in consequence of which late stories transforming her to a male deity were invented. (pp. 93-94)

Oduduwa as a migrant legend

The Yoruba migration tradition regarding Oduduwa is a view according to which Oduduwa originated from Mecca through his biological father Lamurudu, who was a king in Mecca (Folorunso 2003:87). Oduduwa, then a prince, came to Nigeria together with his two children. The names of the two children are not known or mentioned in any book used for this research, but the parts of Nigeria they went to are mentioned. The two children became the kings of two regions in Northern Nigeria, Gogobiri (Gobir) and Kukuwa (Johnson 1921:4).

In the Yoruba tradition, Oduduwa is portrayed as a popular person in Mecca because he rejected Islam, a religion practised by his ancestors. His interest in paganism was supported by some Muslim adherents whom he convinced to join him and especially a priest called Asara, whose father Braima was a committed Muslim. Asara became an image or idol maker because he hated Islam unlike his father who loved Islam. Braima's father was an idol seller and he introduced the trade to Braima. Johnson (1921) said that when Braima was an idol seller during his childhood, he used to invite buyers by using the euphemism '[w]ho would purchase falsehood' (p. 4)?

Oduduwa was determined to promote idolatry to the point that he converted one of the mosques in Mecca and made it a shrine for idol worship. Oduduwa ordered his followers to go for 3 days hunting in the bush to prepare them for a ritual that was meant to please their idols. Whilst they were away, Braima went through all of Mecca searching and destroying idols made by Oduduwa and his followers using an axe.7 He left the axe on the neck of one of the important idols made by Oduduwa (cf. Johnson 1921:4; Ojo 1999:5). Oduduwa and his followers knew that it was Braima who destroyed their idols. They summoned him for an explanation and Braima said to them '[w]hy do you worship things which cannot speak' (Johnson 1921:4)? Oduduwa and his followers intended to burn Braima alive and this led to a revolt between Oduduwa and other Muslims in Mecca. The revolt led to the death of Lamurudu, whilst his children including Oduduwa were expelled from Mecca (Johnson 1921:4; cf. Ojo 1999:5).

Oduduwa had to migrate to Yorubaland from Mecca and it is not known why he chose Yorubaland. He left Mecca and went eastwards, taking two of his idols to Ile-Ife. Sahibu, an ardent follower of Islam from Mecca, went after Oduduwa to destroy him and his followers. Sahibu carried with him a copy of the Koran.

Oduduwa defeated Sahibu in a battle (Johnson 1921:4). Johnson said that a copy of the Koran, now referred to as Idi [something tied up], is still available in a temple in Ile-Ife, where it is being venerated unto this day.

Oduduwa arrived at Ile-Ife and met Agbo-niregun (Setilu), the founder of Ifa worship. Johnson said that it took Oduduwa 90 days to travel from Mecca to Ile-Ife (Johnson 1921:4). No one knew the Oni of Ife when Oduduwa went there (Ayandele 2004:123). Johnson narrated the Yoruba oral tradition as a migrant legend, the way he was told by the Yoruba oral historians he came across. However, Johnson contested some aspects of the tradition that concentrated on associating the Yoruba origin with Islam.

 

Conclusion

There are various theories of the Yoruba origin which include the Arab, the Jewish, the Etruria, the local and the Egyptian origin of the Yorubas. Many more Yoruba people believe in the Arab origin because the theory is popularly linked to the 'East'. In the original Yoruba oral tradition, their origin is associated with the East and the East had been assumed to be Mecca or Arabia. Johnson disputed the Arab theory of the Yoruba origin because it associated the Yoruba origin or Oduduwa with Islam.

Johnson recognised that a particular legend by the name Oduduwa might have lived in Yorubaland. He might have included Oduduwa in the writing of the Yoruba history because the Yoruba oral tradition ascribed Oduduwa as the original ancestor of the Yoruba people. However, Johnson's emphasis that the Yoruba ancestors came from Upper Egypt or Nubia or that they were Coptic Christians deemphasised the regard for Oduduwa as a single person but a group of people. Johnson did not explain the connection between Oduduwa and the Coptic Christians, instead, he mentioned the identity of Oduduwa as a mythical personage, suggesting that Oduduwa, as a specific individual, might have existed or not.8 In addition, the different attributes of Oduduwa as a goddess, a migrant legend and a creator may suggest that the name might have been a title associated with an unknown Yoruba hero or heroine who is an achiever. This is also why the Yorubas of today associate any Yoruba achiever with the title 'Omo Oduduwa' meaning 'descendant of Oduduwa' (Lucas 1948:93). Ayandele (2004:123) also suggested that the purpose of the inclusion of Oduduwa in the Yoruba oral tradition is not to specifically identify the Yoruba origin but to highlight that the Yorubaland prospered during the reign of Oduduwa. It can therefore be speculated that for Johnson, whether the name Oduduwa is included or not in the narrative of the Yoruba origin, he would have been satisfied in associating the ancestors of the Yoruba with Christianity.

His disagreement with a narrative of the Yoruba origin that associated the Yoruba people with Islam might have been influenced by Johnson's socio-religious and political background, according to which he was a clergy that was expected to convert people into Christianity in addition to the role he played in uniting the Yoruba during the periods of the Yoruba war that ended in the late 19th century. Falola (1999) agreed with this view and said 'his [Johnson's] greatest wish was to see the triumph of Christianity over other religions' (p. 46).

 

Acknowledgements

The author would like to acknowledge the sponsorship offered by the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics.

Competing interests

The author declares that there is no competing interest.

Ethical consideration

This article followed all ethical standards for a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Author's contributions

This article was written by A.M.J.

Funding information

This research received funding from the School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu-Natal.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views expressed in this article are those of the author.

 

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Correspondence:
Agai Jock
leadershipserve@yahoo.ca

Received: 28 Mar. 2020
Accepted: 23 June 2020
Published: 06 Aug. 2020

 

 

1. The Yoruba people, for example, believe in the religious concept of Orisha according to which one deity has to be worshipped and the deity has to possess one of the manifestations or features of God. This view is also common in the religions of ethnic groups in the Caribbean and the Americas.
2. Originally from Gummi Abu Bakr (ed.), Inf
āaq-maysūr, Cairo: Darwa-matabi al-shab, [WR 1812], p. 48.
3. S. Johnson, The history of the Yorubas, pp. 5-6, originally from Vide Narrative of Travels and Discoveries, by Major Denham and Captain Clapperton, 1826. Appendix XII, Sec IV. A Tropical Dependency, by Flora L. Shaw (Lady Lugard), 1905, pp. 227-228.
4. Johnson did not state clearly the period at which Oduduwa entered the Yorubaland, but his association of Oduduwa with Christianity or Islam suggests that Oduduwa came to Yorubaland after these two major religions were formed. Afolayan (2004:33) said that Oduduwa might have arrived in Yorubaland sometime around 1100 AD, and Oyebade (2004:53) said sometime around the 7th, 10th or 11th century AD.
5. Lucas was born in Lagos on 27 August 1879. He went to St. John's Lagos, CMS Grammar School, Kings College Lagos, London University and Durham University (obtained from 'Addresses and citations in support of honorary graduands at the Liberty Tadiui, Ibadan on Foundation Day in 1971 by the University of Ibadan', pp. 23-25).
6. Sometimes, the Yoruba creation story is interpreted in this order: that Obatala went to Olurun, a female goddess, to seek permission for the creation of the mountains, valleys, forests and the fields. Obatala was granted the permission and he came to the earth with a snail shell full of sand, a white hen, a black cat and a palm nut. Previously, Obatala visited one of the deities in heaven called Orunmila (Prophet God/oldest son of Olorun), who instructed Obatala to obtain a chain from a goldsmith in heaven. Obatala came down with a chain that was not long enough to touch the earth's water surface. Orunmila instructed Obatala to pour out the sand contained in the snail shell; the white hen then spread the sand across the earth. Obatala called the place he landed on as Ife. He planted the palm nuts, which sprouted to a palm tree that produced wine. The black cat kept Obatala company, but he was still bored and decided to make many sculptures (Rosenberg 1999:509-514). Obatala was tired, and as a result, he mistakenly started to make deformed sculptures. Olorun decided to protect the deformed sculptures and breathed life into them, and they became human beings. These human beings started the first community on earth in Ile-Ife, whilst Obatala returned to the sky where he belonged. Olorun was displeased with humans that started a community without her permission. Her anger led her to release a flood that destroyed most part of Obatala's kingdom on earth. The people on earth pleaded with Eshu (the messenger god) to ask Olorun and Obatala for help. Orunmila was sent to earth and he brought the flood to order (Rosenberg 1999:509-514; this information is a summary of the Yoruba creation myth obtained from the book edited by Rosenberg 1999.
7. There is another Islamic tradition according to which Abraham, during the Pre-Islamic period, destroyed idols in Mecca. The subject is beyond the scope of this research.
8. There is a tradition among the Coptic Egyptians that John Mark came to Egypt around 68 AD to preach the Gospel of Christ and that he founded the Coptic Church (Marcus 2011:4). There was a period that the Coptic Church suffered persecution at the hands of the Romans. For example, the edict of 202 AD banned the Egyptians from converting to Christianity and the edict of 250 AD forced the Egyptians to carry with them a certificate indicating that they made sacrifices to the Roman gods. In addition, Emperor Diocletian (284-305) killed many Coptic Christians during his time as Emperor (Marcus 2011:4-5). However, there is no any evidence at present that shows that the persecution of the Coptic Egyptians in the 3rd and 4th centuries led to the migration of the Egyptians to Yorubaland. Sanneh (1983:7-8) said that the persecution of the Coptic Church around 300 AD did not make the Egyptians travel to other countries to preach the Gospel; instead, they used the opportunity to develop more sophisticated liturgical orders in their local churches.

^rND^sAfolayan^nF.^rND^sAgai^nJ.M.^rND^sAkintoye^nS.A.^rND^sAyandele^nE.A.^rND^sFolorunso^nC.A.^rND^sJohnson^nS.^rND^sOlupona^nJ.K.^rND^sOyebade^nO.^rND^sQuadri^nY.A.^rND^1A01^nJan^sGrobbelaar^rND^1A01^nJan^sGrobbelaar^rND^1A01^nJan^sGrobbelaar

ORIGINAL RESEARCH

 

Doing theology with children: A childist reading of the childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians and the Synoptic Gospels

 

 

Jan Grobbelaar

Department of Practical Theology, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

 

 


ABSTRACT

This article is written from the perspective of Child Theology and a childist reading of scripture. Firstly, the article deals with the links between children, childhood and Childhood Studies, as well as with Theology. Secondly, in terms of a childist reading of scripture, it explains the difference between a low and a high view of childhood. The fact that both views of childhood are present in the Bible is highlighted. Thirdly, the article discusses three texts in 1 Corinthians, where Paul used the childhood metaphor in a way that reflects a low view of childhood. Then, it investigates passages from the Synoptic Gospels as examples of Jesus' implied high view of childhood. Finally, the article concludes with a challenge addressed to all adult theologians.
CONTRIBUTION: This article contributes to the enhancement of emancipatory methodologies for doing theology and research with children by exploring the different ways in which the childhood metaphor is used in 1 Corinthians and the Synoptic Gospels through a childist reading of the relevant texts. Through this hermeneutical approach, which places the article clearly in the scope of this Theological Journal, it is established that doing theology with children in an emancipatory way adult theologians have to operate with a high view of childhood, as expressed in the way the childhood metaphor is used in the Synoptic Gospels

Keywords: 1 Corinthians; child; children; child theology; theology of childhood; childhood metaphor; immaturity; spiritual gifts; speak in tongues; prophecy.


 

 

Children and childhood studies

Since the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was adopted in 1989, awareness, interest and concern for children have grown globally, stimulated by the work of children's rights organisations and other child-focused organisations like the United Nations International Children's Fund (UNICEF). Over the past 30 years, the CRC has introduced and enhanced a broadening understanding of childhood (cf. https://www.unicef.org/child-rights-convention/frequently-asked-questions).

In addition to regarding children as objects to be protected by society, children have also come to be valued as subjects of their own lives with full rights. Children are agents, befitting their age and development.

This child-oriented movement has also contributed to a growing focus on studies about children in the academic world, leading to research projects in numerous disciplines that culminated in several child-focussed publications (cf. Grobbelaar 2016a). In these research projects, children have been increasingly involved as co-producers of knowledge. Eventually, Childhood Studies was recognised as a new academic discipline. The complexity of understanding childhood requires a multi- and interdisciplinary research approach (James & James 2012:19), in which theology has begun to participate.

 

Children and theology

Until theologians became involved in Childhood Studies, children and childhood apparently did not get much attention in theological research and thinking. As a result, theologians did not contribute much to this field (cf. Bunge 2004:43, 2006:551, 2012:4; eds. Bunge, Fretheim & Gaventa 2008:xv; DeVries 2001:162; Miller-McLemore 2003:xxii; Nye 2009:Loc. 1663-1669). Nye (2009:Loc 1663) dubbed this phenomenon as '[c]hildhood and "theological attention deficit"'.

Led by academics such as Bunge (ed. 2001), Berryman (2009), Jensen (2005), Koepf Taylor (2013), Mercer (2005), Miller-McLemore (2003) and Willmer and White (2013), this situation has started to change. More and more theological studies on children are being published in which children and theology are related to each other in different ways, leading to different outputs (Grobbelaar 2016b:70-75; Willmer & White 2013:13-15).

Some scholars have focused on creating a theological understanding of childhood, referred to as 'Theologies of Childhood' (cf. Bunge 2016:92-112). Others have used children as their hermeneutical lens to explore God and God's actions in order to gain new insights about God and God's kingdom (Grobbelaar 2016b:72). This has become known as 'child theology'.

Recently, biblical scholars have begun to place intentional focus on children and childhood in reading the Bible, using the term 'Childist Theology' (Parker 2019; cf. eds. Betsworth & Parker 2019:2-3; Elkins & Parker 2016:422-433; Garroway 2018:1-6). They have deliberately chosen childhood as their point of departure and read scripture from the perspective of children. 'At its core, childist theory addresses issues raised by its elder hermeneutic: feminist theory. Like feminist theory, it seeks to assign a voice to the silent other' (Garroway 2018:3). Childist theologians read the biblical texts in a child-centred way to give voice to the silent children of this world.

A crucial factor in a childist reading of the Bible, as well as in doing child theology, is your theology of childhood. The critical question is 'how do I view children?' in other words, 'how do I see children, my hermeneutical lenses, through whom I read the Bible?'

 

A high and a low view of childhood

Berryman (2009) grouped the different theological views of childhood into two main categories: a high and a low view. He (Berryman 2009:204) stated that the high view 'is respectful to, moves toward, and is open to learning from children'. It emphasises the role of children as social actors or agents, similar to the views expressed in the CRC. A low view, according to Berryman (2009:204), 'is dismissing of, moves away from, and only sees children in a narrow, closed way, as objects to be taught and purified'. Such a view comes to the fore in ambivalence, ambiguity and indifference towards children (Berryman 2009:203-213). Both these views of childhood are present in the Bible.

A low view in the Bible

One example in the Bible that portrays a low view of childhood is the negative references to childhood as a phase of life in a metaphorical way in some New Testament epistles (cf. Aasgaard 2008). The logic behind using the metaphor is that (adult) believers are reprimanded for behaving childishly. With the childhood metaphor, adult believers are motivated not to be or become like children. The metaphor is thus referring to spiritual immaturity. The use of the metaphor in this way is found in three New Testament letters: 1 Corinthians, Ephesians and Hebrews (cf. Grobbelaar 2008:344-359). Although debatable, the letters using the childhood metaphor negatively were probably written by different authors at different historical periods, from and for different contexts. The implication is that it is possible that this metaphor was used widely, not only in the 1st-century Mediterranean world but also amongst the early Christians.

This childhood metaphor is a characteristic of Paul's first letter to the Corinthians (Aasgaard 2007:144). He used it three times in this letter. In this article, attention will be given only to how Paul used the metaphor of childhood as a phase of life in 1 Corinthians.

A high view in the Bible

A high view of childhood expressed in the Bible is the positive references to childhood by the authors of the Synoptic Gospels. Space constraints do not allow the investigation of all the texts in the Synoptic Gospels referring to children in this article. Therefore, the focus will only be on the childhood metaphors and other sayings expressing the same sentiment towards children in the gospels of Matthew, Mark and Luke. Although we should keep in mind that the Synoptic Gospels represent a narrative genre that differs from the letters of the New Testament, all the authors used the same metaphor to express a specific message. The authors of the Synoptic Gospels, however, apparently used child-related language directly in contrast to Paul. Whilst Paul called on believers to stop being like children, the Gospels urged adults to change and become like children.

 

The childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians

Aasgaard (2007:128) opined that we could learn much of Paul's views of children from how he used his ideas about children and childhood to communicate a specific message in his letters. Paul used the childhood metaphor three times in 1 Corinthians. Paul's language and ideas about childhood are more complex and nuanced than his metaphorical use of childhood in 1 Corinthians (cf. Aasgaard 2008:249-277).

Therefore, the present discussion should not be regarded as a full representation of his child-related language. The goal of this research is to identify the place of children in Paul's thinking, as expressed in his use of the childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians. To understand his use of this metaphor in 1 Corinthians, we have to consider the historical situation in Corinth, as well as the origin and use of the childhood metaphor in antiquity.

The historical situation in Corinth

Paul wrote 1 Corinthians possibly between AD 53 and 55, probably 3 years after he planted the church (cf. Ac 18). The city of Corinth was, a strategic trade centre, abundantly wealthy, described (Fee 2014:n.p) as 'an aristocracy of money'. Furthermore, it was 'an oligarchy that was hierarchic and elitist' (Um 2015:n.p.) and accommodated various religions (Fee 2014:n.p.).

Most of the church members had recently converted to Christianity (Ciampa & Rosner 2010:n.p.). They were prone to the negative influences of the paganism and worldliness in their surrounding society and were 'inclined to throw in their lot with the values and culture of secular society' (Schreiner 2018:n.p.) to such an extent that the social values of the Corinthian society infiltrated the church (Ciampa & Rosner 2010:n.p.) and characterised their behaviour.

The influences of the secular society came especially to the fore in the conflicts and compromises that characterised the Corinthian church. Blomberg (1994:Loc. 293-300) described them as 'wracked by division', and their 'disunity was marked by a recurring arrogance and immaturity' (Blomberg 1994:Loc. 241). According to Nash (2009:n.p.), the harmony of the body of Christ was fractured by a type of elitism. However, these rivalries were not only about sociological or ethical differences. They were 'fundamentally symptomatic of theological error' (Fitzmyer 2008:n.p.), which influenced the spiritual life of the church.

According to Witherington (1995:47), part of Paul's goal with his letter was probably to reconcile the different factions with each other. Therefore, he wrote in 1 Corinthians 1:10:

I appeal to you, brothers, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that all of you agree, and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be united in the same mind and the same judgment.

This appeal forms the thesis of Paul's discourse, and the theme of unity features throughout the letter (Collins 1999:20; Hays 2011:21; Mitchell 1991:182; Witherington 1995:76). In Paul's message, the childhood metaphor plays an important role (cf. Aasgaard 2008:357). He used it three times in 1 Corinthians. To understand his way of using this metaphor, attention should be given to the historical use and development of this metaphor.

Origin and use of the childhood metaphor in antiquity

Childhood as a metaphor was well known in antiquity and widely used in Hellenistic rhetoric (Conzelman 1975:226). It seems as if Paul adopted this well-known metaphor for his admonishment of the Corinthian church. What is interesting regarding Paul's use of this metaphor is that he used words for children that emphasise age and not familial relations (Francis 1996:80). The Greek word he used in the first two instances, nēpios [baby or mere infant], literally means 'not speaking' (Bakke 2005:16; Francis 1996:70). It was usually associated with 'immaturity or being unlearned' (Francis 1996:67). Because children could not communicate through language as fluently as adults, it was generally accepted that they did not have the attribute of logos.

Therefore, they were seen as not capable of rational thinking and could not partake in the logical and intellectual world of adults (Bakke 2005:15-16; Francis 1996:70). According to Bakke (2005:16-21), Homer, Plato, Aristoteles, Cicero, Marcus Aurelius and Seneca wrote in this way about children. Children were employed as symbols of irrational behavioral patterns and attitudes: one criticized other adults by calling 'their conduct "childish."' (Bakke 2005:54).

In using ne¯pios in the first two metaphors, Paul echoed this Hellenistic view of children (Francis 1996:70-71). According to Fee (2014:n.p.), when Paul used nēpios, it 'almost always has a pejorative sense, in contrast with being adult, and refers to thinking or behavior that is not fitting for a "grown-up"'. Although Paul used the word paidion in the last metaphor, Oepke's (1967:638) opinion is that it was often used figuratively, referring to 'undeveloped understanding'. It seems as if Paul used the concept 'child' in the same negative way as in the Hellenistic world to describe the relationship of the Corinthians with God.

The different texts containing the childhood metaphor

To understand Paul's use of the childhood metaphor, and thus his thinking about children as expressed in this metaphor, it is essential to look deeper into the three passages in which Paul used it.

1 Corinthians 3:1-4:

1But I, brothers, could not address you as spiritual people, but as people of the flesh, as infants in Christ. 2I fed you with milk, not solid food, for you were not ready for it. And even now you are not yet ready, 3for you are still of the flesh. For while there is jealousy and strife among you, are you not of the flesh and behaving only in a human way? 4For when one says, 'I follow Paul', and another, 'I follow Apollos', are you not being merely human? (English Standard Version [ESV])

Paul started his rebuke in 1 Corinthians 3:1-4 with a 'confrontational accusation' (Ciampa & Rosner 2010:n.p), clearly pinpointing the Corinthians' lack of spiritual maturity. Because the believers have already received the spirit of God, their conduct should express God's wisdom. Instead, they are guided by earthly wisdom, 'which upholds the worldly values of superiority and competition, which result in factionalism' (Mitchell 1991:212). Therefore, Paul admonished them by addressing them as 'people of the flesh, as infants in Christ'. The terminology he used 'operates to draw strong contrasts between who they think they are, what their behavior says they are, and who they should be' (Nash 2009: n.p.).

Paul accused the Corinthians of failing to grow spiritually and being spiritually infants or babies, like 'little children crying over silly squabbles' (Mitchell 1991:213). This infantile behaviour shows that they do not understand what is truly important in the Christian life. Therefore, he must feed them with milk instead of solid food, as if they had not spiritually grown since the establishment of the church. Collins (1999:143; cf. 139) pointed out the overtones of irony: '[t]he Corinthians thought that they were very mature (2:6); in Paul's eyes, and from a Christian perspective, they were very childish'. Paul emphasised this irony by the metaphors he used. Hays (2011) stated:

The metaphors used here (adults vs. infants and solid food vs. milk) are stock language in relation to philosophical and religious instruction throughout the ancient world. The assumption is that spiritual progress can be graded and that a different sort of curriculum is appropriate to each level of maturity. Thus, Paul is not coining fresh categories in order to classify the relative spiritual maturity of his readers; rather, he is turning the tables on the spirit-enthusiasts, placing them at the bottom of their own scale of religious achievement rather than at the top, where they suppose themselves to belong. They consider themselves mature and spiritual, but Paul replies with a putdown: sorry, you remain immature and fleshly. (p. 48)

Aasgaard (2008:261) explained, '[h]ere, infancy is employed to indicate religious inadequacy: the Corinthians have fallen to a stage below what is required'. Using the metaphor in this negative way, Paul wanted to wake them up to live like people who had received and were guided by the Spirit of God.

1 Corinthians 13:11:

When I was a child, I spoke like a child, I thought like a child, I reasoned like a child. When I became a man, I gave up childish ways.

With 1 Corinthians 13, Paul wanted to encourage the Corinthian church to use all their gifts in a certain way: with love towards each other. He did not consider love as an emotion or an attitude, but as the way or sine qua non of the Christian life (Collins 1999:471). Love was the only antidote or cure for the factionalism amongst them (Mitchell 1991:271) because it 'promotes concord and combats against factions' (Oropeza 2017:n.p.).

Furthermore, 1 Corinthians 13 contains three distinctive parts (Blomberg 1994:226; Fitzmyer 2008:n.p.; Hays 2011:221; Witherington 1995:267). Collins (1999) explained the structure as follows:

Verses 1-3 affirm that without love charismatic gifts have no real value. Verses 4-7 offer a panorama on love, featuring both its positive and negative qualities, that is, what love does and what love does not do. Verses 8-13 contrast love with the spiritual gifts, affirming that love never ends. (p. 472)

In verses 8-13, Paul stressed again what will be beneficial for the church, only from another perspective: the eschatology (Mitchell 1991:278). From this eschatological perspective, he indicated that there are gifts that will end, but love will endure. The verb katargein, often used in the context of eschatological discourses (Schreiner 2018:n.p.), is a word Paul used regularly. Hays (2011) explained:

[I]t consistently refers to God's nullification and abolition of everything that is ephemeral or - in some case - opposed to him In verse 8, to be sure, the gifts listed are not allied with powers hostile to God; rather, they will be abolished simply because they will no longer be necessary when the Lord returns and the fullness of his kingdom is present. (p. 229)

Connecting with the ceasing of these gifts, Paul emphasised that believers know and prophesy only in part, 'but when the perfect comes, the partial will pass away' (1 Cor 13:10). In this regard, Wright (2003) stated:

The point of 13:8-13 is that the church must be working in the present on the things that will last into God's future. Faith, hope and love will do this; prophecy, tongues and knowledge, so highly prized in Corinth, will not. They are merely signposts to the future; when you arrive, you no longer need signposts. Love, however, is not just a signpost. It is a foretaste of the ultimate reality. (p. 296)

It is in this context that Paul used the metaphor of the child in verse 11 as an illustration to explain the difference between 'partial' and 'perfect'. It seems as if 'spoke, thought and reasoned like a child' refers to what is partial and not perfect. It is this partial phase to which the gifts of speaking in tongues and prophesy and knowledge belong, and which, like the years of childhood, will end and culminate in what is perfect (Schreiner 2018):

Paul does not demean these gifts in comparing them to childhood, but he does put a temporal limit on them. Just as the days of childhood are temporary, so are the gifts God has given the church. (n.p.)

With this metaphor, Paul was relativising the value of the gifts and warning the Corinthians to be careful not to regard the gifts too highly. Although they have a role to play in the present, their usefulness will pass away. The gifts are not the ultimate good in life.

1 Corinthians 14:20:

Brothers, do not be children in your thinking. Be infants in evil, but in your thinking be mature.

In 1 Corinthians 14, Paul moved back to the theme of spiritual gifts, which he discussed in 1 Corinthians 12. In this section, he did not discuss all the spiritual gifts but focused only on speaking in tongues and prophesies. In evaluating these two gifts, Paul's primary interest was whether it served the upbuilding of the Corinthian church (Collins 1999:505). He expressed his concern about the dividing influence speaking in tongues in their public meetings had on the church. To address this problem, Paul indicated that those who want to speak in tongues should pray that they will be able to interpret it (1 Cor 14:13). Otherwise, no outsider could understand their 'tongues-language' and respond with 'amen' (1 Cor 14:16). The consequence was that they would not be edified.

In the next section, 1 Corinthians 14:20-25, Paul moved away from stressing the importance of prophecy for the upbuilding of the church to the possible influence speaking in tongues and prophecy could have on outsiders and unbelievers (Hays 2011:238; Collins 1999:505). Paul started his argumentation in verse 20 with a firm rebuke. In the process, he used the metaphor of a child twice. In the first place, he warned them not to be children in their thinking, but rather mature. Taking the rest of 1 Corinthians 14 into consideration, it seems as if Paul's point with this metaphor was that the Corinthians in their ecstatic use of the gift of speaking in tongues muttered as if they were babies, who did not express themselves clearly and understandably. His main problem with speaking in tongues was the incomprehensible nature of it (Nash 2019:n.p.), especially for the unbelievers, who could not understand what God was saying to them. Thus, they could not respond in a positive way. Paul advised them that if they spoke in tongues, they should instead act like rational adults. As sort of an afterthought, he added, '[b]e infants in evil, but in your thinking be mature'.

In 1 Corinthians 14:23, Paul explained his view further by adding:

If, therefore, the whole church comes together and all speak in tongues, and outsiders or unbelievers enter, will they not say that you are out of your minds?

Paul used the Greek word mainesthe only once (Collins 1999:509). Fitzmyer (2008:n.p.) indicated that it is a powerful word that literally means 'you are crazy', sometimes indicating in antiquity that a person was demon possessed. According to Collins (1999:509), 'it was often used in reference to cultic frenzy'. It was also possible that '[t]he typical pagan Corinthian would say, "Oh, this is just another group like the devotees of Dionysius or Cybele" - one more consumer option in a pluralistic religious market' (Hays 2011:238-239). The Corinthians' childish gibberish prevented the non-believers from hearing and receiving the Gospel and only strengthened their disbelief (Nash 2009:n.p.). However, with the gift of prophecy, it was different. The believers understood it, they were built up in their faith, and it could 'have a powerful effect on nonbelievers because it is both supernatural and intelligible' (Witherington 1995:285).

It is in the context of this argumentation that Paul used the metaphor of a child in verse 20. It seems as if Paul believed the use of the gift of speaking in tongues in the church's public meeting was to act like a child. It was a sign of immaturity, thinking only of one's own religious experiences without considering the effects it might have on believers and unbelievers. This accusation is similar to the one he made in 1 Corinthians 3:1-4 in connection with the divisions amongst the Corinthians. Paul used childhood in 1 Corinthians 14:20 as a negative metaphor to achieve a definite goal. He tried to convince the Corinthian church to become more mature and to act like adults in their meetings. Paul's plea was essentially the following: do not act like children. Do not be children. Grow up spiritually and act like adults.

 

Some summarising remarks

What was the place of children in Paul's thinking as expressed in 1 Corinthians? In light of the above discussion, some preliminary remarks are made.

The different texts in 1 Corinthians show that Paul used the childhood metaphor to address some aspects of an adult's relationship with God. It is part of his rhetorical strategy to motivate and convince the Corinthians that they must change their behaviour and become spiritually more mature. Paul used childhood metaphor to express for the Corinthians what they should not be in their relationship with God. It seems as if Paul associated children with childishness. According to Thatcher (2007), Paul's use of this metaphor in 1 Corinthians probably:

[A]ssumes that being a child is an unenviable, provisional, and ignorant state to be left behind quickly and gladly. When the child/adult distinction is made into an analogy by being compared with the natural/spiritual distinction, the dismissive attitude to children becomes clearer. (p. 145)

How Paul used the childhood metaphor illustrates that he had a low view of childhood (cf. Berryman 2009 and the discussion above). Paul's attitude towards children in 1 Corinthians can be described as disrespectful, indifferent and even unconcerned. He did not see children as subjects from whom adults can learn spiritually, but rather as objects whom adults should teach. For him, adulthood was the norm for spiritual maturity, and children could only be spiritually mature when they become adults.

In this context, Paul was a child of his time, as evident from his view of children informed by his surrounding culture (cf. Aasgaard 2008:272 & 277), depending 'on common mentality and on philosophical and literary topoi concerning children' (Aasgaard 2008:272). It seems as if Paul 'sees children from the perspective of ancient patriarchy' (Aasgaard 2008:272). The fact that Paul used the childhood metaphor as a strategy to persuade and motivate the Corinthians to change their lives and to grow to the ideal Paul envisioned creates the impression that the Christian Corinthians' view of children confirmed the opinions of the society in which they lived. Therefore, DeVries (2001) was probably correct in stating that the early church, of which the Corinthians were a part, viewed children as:

[W]eaker, subordinate members of the community of faith, whose physical, emotional, and spiritual immaturity render them [as] objects of adult discipline but not bearers of spiritual insight or models of faith. (p. 167)

It is understandable that Paul, to be rhetorically persuasive, linked his arguments to this general and widely accepted notion of childhood in the world of his addressees (Aasgaard 2008:372).

Nevertheless, reading, interpreting and applying these texts from a childist approach in the context of the 21st century is difficult. Not only do they express a negative, dismissive view towards children, but they also contradict the general and growing cultural understanding of children as agents of their own lives and participators in the adult world. They also create a negative view of the spiritual life and maturity of children in a time that emphasises children's unique spiritual or religious potential and capabilities.

Against this background, it is more and more accepted in Christian and religious education, as well as spiritual development, that adults and children need each other to grow spiritually. Westerhoff (2008:365) said '[c]hildren are God's gift to aid us [adults] to mature spiritually'. To be aided in their spiritual growth, adults have to listen carefully to children. Stonehouse and May (2010) stated:

When working with very young children. I (Scottie) have found that listening often has to take a different form - that of watching children. Children three, four, and five years of age often do not have the language to speak adequately about their perception of God, but through careful observation it is evident that they can be deeply spiritual. (p. 23)

Bunge (2012) also emphasised that adults have the responsibility not only to listen to children but also to learn from them. She declared (Bunge 2012):

The Bible, the Christian tradition, and common experience reveal that children are not just students of adults. They can also be moral witnesses, models of faith for adults, sources or vehicles of revelation and inspiration, and representatives of Jesus. They can nurture, deepen, and challenge the faith of adults. (p. 11)

These new views about childhood, with other theological arguments, have led to a growing emphasis on intergenerational faith formation (cf. Allen & Ross 2012; ed. Allen 2018; Amidel, Merhaut & Roberto 2014; Grobbelaar 2008). This approach intends to create opportunities for interaction and learning between children and older generations and to establish an intergenerational culture in a congregation. However, it is almost impossible to achieve this goal if adults view children according to Paul's low view of children, as expressed in his use of the childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians. This low view of childhood leads inevitably to the 'adultisation' of faith (cf. Thatcher 2010:140). Confronted with this problem, we should consider other biblical texts about children. In this regard, some scholars think that we have to consider how the authors of the Synoptic Gospels viewed children and used the childhood metaphor (cf. Berryman 2009:14-19; Grobbelaar 2016c; Jensen 2005:124-134; Thatcher 2010; White 2011; Willmer & White 2013).

 

Childhood in the Synoptic Gospels

The theology of childhood expressed in the use of the childhood metaphor by the authors of the Synoptic Gospels differs radically from Paul's theology of childhood, expressed in his use of the childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians. They stated their high view of children in the following texts:

At that time the disciples came to Jesus, saying, 'Who is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven?' 2And calling to him a child, he put him in the midst of them 3and said, 'Truly, I say to you, unless you turn and become like children, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven. 4Whoever humbles himself like this child is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven. 5Whoever receives one such child in my name receives me'. (Mt 18:1-5)

33And they came to Capernaum. And when he was in the house he asked them, 'What were you discussing on the way?' 34But they kept silent, for on the way they had argued with one another about who was the greatest.35And he sat down and called the twelve. And he said to them, 'If anyone would be first, he must be last of all and servant of all'.36And he took a child and put him in the midst of them, and taking him in his arms, he said to them, 37'Whoever receives one such child in my name receives me, and whoever receives me, receives not me but him who sent me'. (Mk 9:33-37)

An argument arose among them as to which of them was the greatest. 47But Jesus, knowing the reasoning of their hearts, took a child and put him by his side 48and said to them, 'Whoever receives this child in my name receives me, and whoever receives me receives him who sent me. For he who is least among you all is the one who is great'. (Lk 9:46-48)

The Synoptic Gospels attribute these sayings to Jesus. Although it is not certain that they originated from the historical Jesus, these sayings were of such importance that they were preserved in the oral tradition(s) of the early church and became part of the written Synoptic Gospels. Referring to these texts, the reference is not to the historical Jesus but to the Jesus of the gospels and accordingly to the theology of the specific author of the particular gospel.

In the preceding texts, there are similarities as well as some differences. It could be that 'this kind of talk and parabolic action happened more than once, or perhaps these are different memories of the same event' (Berryman 2009:16). What is similar is that Jesus taught his disciples about greatness in God's kingdom by using a child, thereby explaining to them the actual values of God's kingdom. Jesus indicated by his actions and words that children can enter God's kingdom and that they also reveal God (Berryman 2009:16). Even if these narratives cannot be traced back in their totality to the historical Jesus, the central truth of these narratives became so crucial in the Jesus tradition that each of the authors of the Synoptic Gospels included it in their Jesus story. If this view did not originate from the historical Jesus, the truth it expresses was so important that it became part of the theology of each one of the authors of the Synoptic Gospels, proclaiming that it was part of Jesus' implied view of childhood.

Change and become like children

Jesus' actions here are absolutely countercultural. There do not exist any 'Jewish texts in which children are examples or models to be imitated' (Davies & Allison 2004: n.p.). Furthermore, where '[a]ncient moralists regularly trotted forth models of heroes and statesmen for their students to imitate; Jesus instead points to a child' (Keener 2009: n.p.), the least important person in their society. In using a child, Jesus turned the usual views of childhood, the relationship between children and adults, and the roles they play in the surrounding context, upside down (Berryman 2009:15). He contradicted the traditional views about childhood in the 1st-century Mediterranean world (cf. Grobbelaar 2016c:132-186), because in this context '[c]hildren had no social clout or independent rights' (Chouinard 1997; Mt 18:2).

The change Jesus expected from his disciples was not to acquire a specific characteristic of children like 'innocence or simplicity or sinlessness' or self-conscious humbleness, but rather to identify themselves with the humble status or position of children in the surrounding society (Davies & Allison 2004: n.p.). The disciples should become and live like someone without any status, a nobody, weak and vulnerable, just like the children around them.

In a certain sense, Jesus' pronouncement was shocking for his hearers. To enter God's kingdom, to be a real leader in Jesus' community, the disciples must grow backwards, must become like children, people without any status in their surrounding world. To become 'great', spiritually mature, you have to deny yourself, take up your cross and die (Mt 16:24-28), you have to become a servant, a slave (Mt 20:20-28) and, as expressed in Matthew 18:1-4, you have to change and become like children (cf. Grobbelaar 2008:313-315).

This change to become like children before entering God's kingdom also comes to the fore in both the Gospel of Mark (10:15) and the Gospel of Luke (18:17). Expressed in other words than in Matthew, both Mark and Luke declare that whoever does not receive the kingdom of God as a little child will never enter it. In this regard, Berryman (2009) asserted that:

[T]he child, whose value as a spiritual teacher is high, teaches the low adult, who is older and is assumed more important, how to enter the kingdom. The irony is that the adult may stay low and unable to touch the kingdom because of an inflated self-evaluation as being higher than children in importance and unable to learn from them. (p. 19)

The way Jesus used the childhood metaphor for entering into and becoming part of God's kingdom is directly opposite to the way Paul used it in 1 Corinthians. Paul used the childhood metaphor as an indication of the spiritual immaturity of the Corinthians: adults, you should not be like children. According to the Synoptic Gospels, not to strive for importance, not to think you are more important than any member of your faith family, not to boast about your gifts, and not to enhance strife and division in the church, as in the case of the Corinthians, is to become a child without any power. It is to become less, small, without status, like a child in the 1st-century Mediterranean world. The Synoptic Gospels say to adults, 'become like children'. This expression presents a high view of childhood. It is a view that stresses the vital role of children's agency in changing adults into mature followers of Christ. Adults need children in their lives, and therefore Jesus gave the disciples the instruction to receive the children in their lives.

Receive a child in Jesus' name

The emphasis placed in all three narratives mentioned above on the importance of receiving a child illustrates the same high view of childhood. According to Osborne (2010:Loc. 12584), receiving 'involves welcome, loving reception, and acceptance'. Hagner (1995:522; cf. Malina & Rohrbaugh 2003:92) interpreted 'receiving' as being hospitable towards children. All these interpretations have one common theme: the adult disciples should serve the children. They should do it unusually: they have to welcome the children in Jesus' name. In following Jesus in this world, the disciples become representatives of Jesus, and therefore they should emulate Jesus' behaviour by welcoming the children into their lives.

What is more extraordinary in Jesus' statement is that he added that those who receive a little child in his name also receive him. Both Mark and Luke added that they also received the One who sent Jesus. The implication is that Jesus identified himself with children. Children become the embodiment of Jesus in adults' lives. Those who show hospitality to a child will experience in the child that they are welcoming not only Jesus' presence but also the presence of the God who sent him.

By stating that the disciples should become like a child and see children as the embodiment of Jesus, the authors of the Synoptic Gospels reflected a high view of childhood. They did not describe children as symbols of spiritual immaturity but rather as people representing and revealing God.

 

'Not to be a child' or 'to become a child'?

The metaphor of childhood is used in totally different ways by the apostle Paul and the authors of the Synoptic Gospels. Paul used it as an expression of spiritual immaturity, of what the adults in the Corinthian church should not be. In the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus used it as an expression of what his disciples should become. Behind these different ways of using the same metaphor lie different views of childhood. Paul viewed children as spiritually immature, and therefore adults should not become like them. For the authors of Synoptic Gospels, childhood is a symbol of spiritual maturity. The Jesus of the Synoptic Gospels and Paul each use the childhood metaphor differently, but both can be true. The problem is that Paul's use of the childhood metaphor expresses a negative view of children and childhood.

By using children as a metaphor of immaturity, Paul contributed to the enhancement of the prevailing negative image of childhood in the surrounding Mediterranean world and amongst the church in Corinth.

By contrast, the use of the childhood metaphor by the Jesus of the Synoptic Gospels expresses a positive view of childhood. This view challenges the negative image of childhood in the surrounding Mediterranean world. It enhances a radically new and positive way of seeing children. This radical new view is supported by Francis' (1996:81) observation that according to the authors of the Synoptic Gospels Jesus did not use the childhood metaphor in a way that belittled children.

In this regard, the following observation by Strange (2004) seems true:

Jesus invited his followers to look at children with new eyes. The writers of the New Testament letters [in this case Paul] used the image of the child in their description of discipleship in much more conventional ways. For them [Paul], children were persons under the authority of parents, ready examples of immaturity and of potential for growth. All of these are quite legitimate ways of viewing children, but each one corresponds to the accepted perception of the children in society, rather than, as with Jesus, challenging that perception. (p. 69)

All adult theologians today are confronted with both these views of childhood: not to be a child or to become a child. It will be difficult, if not impossible, to do theology with children as our equal partners if we operate with a low view of childhood, as expressed in the childhood metaphor in 1 Corinthians - or in any of the three ways, or any combination thereof, identified by Berryman (2009). A childist reading of the Bible can only be practised with a high view of childhood, as expressed in the childhood metaphor used in the Synoptic Gospels.

Usually we think that we have to care for and educate children because we see them as immature and in need of adult guidance. As true as that may be, can we be converted from viewing children and childhood only as expressed by Paul in 1 Corinthians to the way in which children and childhood are viewed in the Synoptic Gospels? This is the place where all adult theologians must start when they embark on the way of doing theology with children as our equal partners and co-theologians. We shall have to overcome our inclination towards teaching and educating children, allowing children to be bearers of revelation and God's presence in our midst, and guiding us in entering God's kingdom (Berryman 2009:17-18):

Perhaps most important at this stage in our understanding can we be as willing to let what we learn from children change our theology and theory as we are willing to change children by the imposition of our theology and theory on them? (Hart 2006:175)

 

Acknowledgements

Competing interests

The author declares that no financial or personal relationships exist which may have inappropriately influenced the writing of this article.

Author's contributions

I declare that I am the sole author of this research article.

Ethical consideration

This was a research project using human subjects in a -low-risk informal survey. The participants were informed of the purpose of the research and participated voluntarily and anonymously.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

 

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Stonehouse, C. & May, S., 2010, Listening to children on the spiritual journey, Baker Academic, Grand Rapids, MI.         [ Links ]

Strange, W.A., 2004, Children in the early church. Children in the ancient world, the New Testament and the early church, reprinted, Wipf & Stock Publishers, Eugene, OR.         [ Links ]

Thatcher, A., 2007, Theology and families, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford.         [ Links ]

Thatcher, A., 2010, 'Beginning again with Jesus', in A. Dillen & D. Pollefeyt (eds.), Children's voices: Children's perspectives in ethics, theology and religious education, pp. 140-161, Uitgeverij Peeters, Leuven.         [ Links ]

Um, S.T., 2015, 1 Corinthians, Preaching the Word, Olive Tree edn., Crossway, Wheaton, IL.         [ Links ]

Westerhoff, III, J.H., 2008, 'The church's contemporary challenge: Assisting adults to mature spiritually with their children', in H.C. Allen (ed.), Nurturing children's spirituality: Christian perspectives and best practices, pp. 355-365, Cascade Books, Eugene, OR.         [ Links ]

White, K.J., 2011, 'Children as signs of the kingdom of God - A challenge to us all. Matthew 18:1-14', in S. Arles, D. Brewster, C. Kok, R. Tan & K.J. White (eds.), Now and next: A compendium of papers presented at the Now & Next theological conference on children at Nairobi, Kenya, Compassion International, March 9-12, 2011, pp. 41-61.         [ Links ]

Willmer, H. & White, K.J., 2013, Entry point: Towards child theology with Matthew 18, WTL Publications, London.         [ Links ]

Witherington, B. III, 1995, Conflict and community in Corinth. A socio-rhetorical commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians, William B. Eerdmans Publishing, Grand Rapids, MI.         [ Links ]

Wright, N.T., 2003, The resurrection of the Son of God, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.         [ Links ]

 

 

Correspondence:
Jan Grobbelaar
jgrobbelaar@petracol.org.za

Received: 02 July 2019
Accepted: 24 Apr. 2020
Published: 19 Aug. 2020

 

 

Research Project Registration:
Project Leader: S.F. de Beer
Project Number: 86233689
Description: This research is part of the research project, 'Children, Faith and Society', directed by Prof Stephan de Beer, director of the Centre for Contextual Ministry and associate professor in the Department of Practical Theology, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH

 

Understanding persecution in Matthew 10:16-23 and its implication in the Nigerian church

 

 

Prince E. PetersI, II

IDepartment of Religion and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Nigeria Nsukka, Nsukka, Nigeria
IIDepartment of New Testament and Related Literature, Faculty of Theology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

 

 


ABSTRACT

The modern use of the word 'persecution' in both speeches and books shows a phenomenon that is almost wholly associated with religion. However, persecution is a threat to the peace of religious institutions as well as various societies all over the world; thus, this makes it a phenomenon beyond the scope of religion. However, this research focuses on religious persecution. It studies an aspect of persecution which is called intra muros persecution. This means 'internal' persecution. 'Internal' in this context describes the kind that existed in the Jewish religious settings, amongst professing Jews, strictly between Rabbinic Jews and Messianic Jews as predicted in Matthew 10:16-23 and is reflected in today's Christianity in the form of various intra-denominational attacks in Nigeria. The study delves into the history of events which took place between Rabbinic Jews and Messianic Jews and how it relates to the Christian faith, coming out with the discovery that division which it called sectarianism was the brain behind this brand of persecution. The application of the study to the Nigerian situation necessitates the call for tolerance amongst various denominational sects in Nigeria.

Keywords: Persecution; Intra muros; Messianic Jews; Rabbinic Jews; Matthew.


 

 

Introduction

The Matthean community was distinctively set out from the rest of the Christian Messianic movements that existed in the 1st century because of some unique qualities possessed by it. This community was the only Christian Messianic group that emerged from core Jewish background and tried very hard to define its identity within the broader Jewish commonwealth even after the resurrection of Christ.1 Also, it was the community that faced much of persecutions from within by gentile Christians and without by both Rabbinic and Hellenistic Jews. Achtemeier (ed. 1985:613) reports that 'the church of Matthew was resident in a prosperous, urban, Greek-speaking area and subject to persecution from the side of a seemingly large population of both Jews and gentiles'. To be clear on these issues, a detailed and rigorous study was necessary on the background of the Matthean community and its attacks.

There is almost no certainty about the geographical location and setting of the Matthean community; however, it must be a Jewish community which shares a relationship with the gentile world in passing.2 The only probable relations they shared with the gentiles were the occasions of invitation made by the Rabbinic Jews to the gentiles, namely the Romans, to help deal with various religious and politically motivated affronts, including the unrest from Christian Messianic Jews.3 This Jewish-gentile relationship got to its zenith and led to the fall of Jerusalem and the temple in it, which Rutishauser (2014:3) described as 'the scene of liturgical and propitiatoryrites'. The fall of Jerusalem arguably brought about an almost extermination of the Jewish race as reported in Josephus' (1987:727) Wars. Josephus (1987) sadly recounted that 'they had their right hands already polluted with the murders of their own countrymen, and in that condition ran out to fight with foreigners'.4

It is probable that Matthew's community existed in an intra muros situation with the rest of the Jews, although its intramural status is challenged by the debate of 'whether the Birkath ha-Minim has been established by the time Matthew writes' (cf. Carson 1982:161).5 Yet there are sufficient reasons to show that the Matthean persecution as predicted in chapter 10 was intra muros (see Carson 1982:161; Fraatz 2010:2; Stanton 1992:118-124), that is to say, the persecution came to Messianic Jews from Rabbinic Jews at the time when the Messianic Jews still saw themselves as part of the Jewish faith.6 The astuteness in such a belief stems from the fact that the contending parties were Jews in both beliefs and nationality at the time; this did not mean that they worshipped in the same synagogues (Mt 12:9) or agreed on the Halakah.

Carson (1982:161-162) has pointed out that some scholars oppose this stance by suggesting that the gospel community called 'Matthew represents a form of Jewish Christianity that has broken with Judaism but is still defining itself over against Judaism'.

Carson (1982) then concludes that the persecution, which he preferred to call 'struggle', was extramural. However, what this study considers extramural persecution is the attack meted on gentile Christians by both their countrymen and Jews afterwards for turning their backs on their various native religions and embracing an ideology which is neither Judaism nor paganism (cf. Fredriksen 2006:596-597). The argument in favour of the Matthean community as being part of the Judaistic faith at the time of its persecution is logically considered valid when one views their professing of Jesus as the Messiah in the presence of their Jewish brethren (e.g. Ac 4:10). That necessitated the Birkath ha-Minim. The persecution was carried out against the Matthean Jews, who by then were weak because they did not have the backing of the temple or the government of the day, not excluding that the theology of their quintessence, Christ, was considered isolated and unorthodox. At the time, they were thought of by the Romans to be a part of the Jewish religious world (Fatokun 1999:9), but seen by Rabbinic Jews as heretics because of their belief in the advent of Messiah (Waardenburg 2004:14). For a misunderstood assertion that they believed in and preached the advent of a 'false' Messiah, they were variously attacked but not excommunicated; however, they finally parted from mainline Judaism. The date of the parting has been described variously but the study would settle with '200 CE, when Jewish persecutions of gentile Christians and increasingly effective ecclesiastical organization combined both to articulate and to finalize the "inevitable" break' (Fredriksen 2003:35). This parting was 'the eventual result of mutual incomprehension and suspicion' (Stanton 1992:10).

As has been stated earlier, the Birkath ha-Minim was a promulgation to react to the Matthean community intra murosly. The Encyclopedia Judaica (2008:par. 3) states that it was formed and added to the Tefilat Ha Amidah [the standing prayer] as the 12th benediction in 'Eighteen Benedictions'7 around 85 AD. This date is, however, questionable. Langer (2013) asserts the following:

The Birkath ha-Minim, according to rabbinic tradition, was added to the 'amidah' in the late 1st century CE in response to minim, some sort of sectarians. If not originally, then at least by the end of the fourth century, it explicitly named noerim (Nazarenes or Christians) with these minim in some versions. (p. 8)

This move was to incriminate Messianic Jews and to bring God's curse on them by reciting three times daily the words 'God curse the Nazoreans' (Mayo 2006:331; Nadler 2012:2) in order to ostracize them from general synagogues. The words of the Birkath ha-Minim (France 1998) are as follows:

Let Nazarenes (Christians) and minim (heretics) perish in a moment, let them be blotted out of the book of the living, and let them not be written with the righteous. (p. 85)

Situating the text of the study in its pericope, it is found as the second discourse of Jesus, which has been recorded in the book of Matthew (Mitch & Sri 2010:29). The whole chapter where the pericope resides is a conglomeration of the talks delivered by Jesus on a single motif: persecution. The talks were delivered at different times and places, to which the Matthean School redacted to suit one purpose. The purpose was to explain that even Christ himself believed that persecution was expected for all his disciples in all ages (Cochran 2014:9-10). Christ's simple prescription against this traumatic situation was his enlightenment speech to his disciples, asking them to be as wise as serpent and as harmless as dove. Christ's popular comparative phraseology of sheep and wolves represented the disciples of Christ, on the one hand, and Rabbinic Jews, on the other hand.8

These two Jewish parties survived two Jewish wars and entered into an era where they were permanently divided against each other on a straight part never again to become one.

The study of persecution in Matthew 10:16-23 King James Version (KJV) relates the danger faced by the Christian Messianic movement in the 1st century to the intra-denominational Christian wars witnessed in Nigeria's Christianity today. In other words, Matthean intramural persecution forms a contextual background to understand the intra-denominational persecutions going on today in Nigerian Christianity. It should be pointed out that the author agrees with Olojo's (2014) assertion that:

Muslim-Christian religious violence appear [sic] to gain more local and international traction in academic and media circles in contrast with the attention accorded to the narratives of intra-religious violence. (p. 3)

This accounts for low literature that discussed intramural persecutions in Nigerian churches.9

The article asserts that there are no more visible, widespread mutual attacks between Rabbinic Jews and Messianic Jews, but rather between factions in a denomination and also between various denominations of Christianity in Nigeria. The factional war in Assemblies of God church, Nigeria (herein after referred to as AGN), since 2014, serves as a case study. The author conducted an oral interview on the ousted general superintendent in which he spoke about the remote and immediate causes. The study yielded to the finding that what instigates intramural attacks concerns, amongst other things, doctrines, and these attacks, which present themselves as both verbal and psychological, are the physical ways to show-off unalloyed and unflinching doggedness in Christian orthodoxy and doctrinal purity. These attacks naturally produce retaliatory actions to the extent of tearing asunder the seamless coat of Christ, all in a selfish defence of orthodoxy. However, the problem statement of the study goes beyond physical and psychological attacks targeted at rival denominations to include a subtle conveyance of the idea of superiority and orthodoxy by the persecutor to the persecuted. Such conveyance features regularly in church Bible studies, homilies and scholarly discussions on electronic, social and print media.

This study's objective is to find remote and immediate causes of intra-denominational attacks in Nigerian churches, especially as it exists in AGN today, and to proffer a sound academic solution. Textual, form and historical critical methods were used to systematically align the study with the best practices of biblical studies, and Kieh's (2002:12-13) eclectic theory, as modified by Akanji (2011:65) for the purpose of religious conflict management, was employed to study the multi-dimensional aspects of conflict in Nigeria. This latter theory was re-modified to interpret conflict situations within the Christian denominations in Nigeria.

Social scientific criticism was also used to interpret 'the historical world behind the text, rather than the historical world in the text (Wendland 2017:40). Consequently, the study robustly contributes to the growing body of literature, which fights denominational superiority in the guise of upholding sound doctrines amongst various denominations in Nigeria.

 

Text of Matthew 10:16-23

In this section, the author proceeds to do a verse-by-verse exegetical analysis of the study text. Application of exegesis to the intramural situation in Nigerian church follows immediately.

Verse 16: Apostolic enlightenment regarding the ἀποστέλλω (I send)

Jesus' use of language in the pericope under study is enigmatic. He uses popular terms in quite a spiritual manner, and the use of Ἰδού starts it all. Literarily, when Ἰδού 'has an acute accent … it is used as a demonstrative particle to draw our attention to something' (Revised English Version Commentary 2019:13). Leim (2014:87) refers to it as 'the attention-grabbing particle' and it carries the same import in this passage. It seems that Jesus used it to call attention to his statement (Hagner 1993:276) as if he said, 'look', 'listen, pay attention to this all important announcement'. The attention the great αὐθέντης [master] and ἐκπαιδευτής [instructor] sought from his μαθηταὶ [disciples] was not to merely listen but to bring their entire mind into what he had to say.

Pinar (2015:1306) provides a strategy for bringing the attention of students to the teacher, which he called fixed-time (FT) schedule. 'FT schedule involves the delivery of a stimulus, independent of behavior after a set period of time has elapsed' (Pinar 2015:1306). This social scientific tool is just comparable to Jesus' use of Ἰδού, which presupposes the application of a rabbinic pedagogic technique in the middle of his sayings. This becomes obvious in the infusion of apocalyptic urgency in his pedagogy, which is the falling out of the Jews with the Jesus' people - Messianists; this results in intra muros persecutions. Jesus' position as a Jewish teacher has been never in doubt. In fact, '[f]ar from being some illegitimate self-appointed wanderer, Jesus was recognized by his rabbinic competitors as a teacher', even though 'the Pharasaic order may have disagreed with Jesus' midrash (מִדְרָשׁ) or his Halakah (הֲלָכָה)' (Kennedy 2009:4-5). As a Jewish rabbi, Jesus displayed the knowledge of FT schedule in Matthew 10:16, which was also applied in the Shema Yisrael [Hear O Israel] dogmatic recitation. Urkin et al. (2017:5) made a comparative table of traditional Jewish and modern teaching techniques. Under the Jewish teaching techniques, '[c]onsideration of the student's needs and abilities in pacing study' was mentioned. This parallels with '[s]tudent-centered teaching; personal learning plan and portfolio' under modern teaching techniques; this is a good example of FT schedule in ancient Jewish pedagogy. Furthermore, it should be borne in mind that Jesus' use of Ἰδού never displays narcissistic tendencies. Some people who use various vices to seek attention may be suffering from a psychological disorder known as histrionic personality disorder (Lewis & Mastico 2017:1).

Jesus is, however, absorbed of this psychological challenge because there is nothing in Ἰδού that suggests a desperate attention-seeking. In fact, on the contrary, the use of such a strong gesture as Ἰδού suggests the imminence of the warning he gave to which he wanted them to be both wary of and alert.

With the addition to Ἰδού is ἐγώ, structured in a way to strengthen emphasis. Ἑγώ on its own, as it appears in this passage, may be considered as one of those 'I am statements' outside the book of John, and with no predicate used to concretise his divine person. Although in the book of John, Jesus used the I am statements to answer numerous questions that arose about his person, questions such as 'who is Jesus?', 'who are you?' and 'who is he that I might believe in him?' (Vereş 2008:111), but in Matthew he uses it to take responsibility. Here and always, ἐγώ is emphatic. Jesus would have said by the use of that pronoun, 'it is I who (am) that send you into the midst of such dangers; conduct yourselves, then, in such circumstances in a manner becoming those who are my messengers'. The emphasis on 'I', as stated earlier, explains that the sender takes responsibility for anything that proceeds from the sending and so, relaxes any worry that should accumulate from the disturbing situations associated with the sending. But the sending (ἀποστέλλω) without an assurance of protection leaves room for serious worry when the comparison of the caliber of messengers he sends is made with the kind of creatures he is sending them to.

By construction, ὡς πρόβατα ἐνμέσῳλύκων [as sheep in the midst of wolves], Christ projects the idea of danger (persecution) inherent in his mission mandate. However, the text arouses curiosity about the antagonistic relations that exist between sheep and wolf, of which the sheep is made a prey for the wolf.

Furthermore, the prey is asked to utilise a particular instrument in his effort to safeguard himself from the predator. The instrument is 'prudence', a word quite imbued with meanings from its Greek etymology. When φρόνιμος interprets prudence, it carries with it the implication of practical wisdom and sensibility. Christ's call for prudence should be seen from the subtlety of acts associated with religious persecution itself. This calls to the mind that the act of religious persecution is more complex than acknowledged popularly. For example, coercion in itself is widely known as persecution, but Gunn (2002:22) goes a step further to see coercion as being much more than what is described popularly. He identifies two directions that coercion can take in a religious persecution, namely, 'coercion that attacks or interferes with religion' and 'coercion that enforces religious conformity'. The first is the popularly known type of coercion in religious persecution. Gunn (2002:22) defined it as that which is 'against a religious believer, a religious community, or a group of religious communities'. He further insists that (Gunn (2002):

[T]he coercion may consist of attempts to disrupt religious services, cause harm to religious buildings, shrines, and symbols, or to threaten the lives of others. The actions may be taken for the purpose of expressing hatred or of destroying a religious community or of forcing it to flee. (p. 22)

The second kind of coercion described by Gunn (2002) is:

[T]hat of enforcing religious conformity on a community. In such situations the state or a religious community uses compulsion to require members of a religious community to comply with religious (or cultural) rules. (p. 22)

This second kind of persecution is largely overlooked and misunderstood, and the kind of persecution this study attends to discuss.

Verses 17-18: Psychosomatic attacks in defence of Christian orthodoxy

Προσεχετεδὲ ἀπὸ τῶνἀνθρώπων is translated in verse 17 as 'but beware of men'. Jesus' figurative use of wolves and sheep is present in this verse, straightened by the mention of real predators: men. Jesus' idea of men in the text is somewhat beyond superficial description. On matters that relate to religion, man can unleash the most dangerous mayhem on his fellow man as undeniably borne in the history. Man easily finds justifiable reasons to feed on his fellow man so far as religion is concerned. On the platform of religion, man's common thought pattern when he meets another man of smaller strength is, 'a wolf does nothing wrong in killing sheep for food, so why should it be wrong for human beings to eat meat?' (Fink 2005:1). With this insatiable carnivoracity that exists in man's depraved mind, punitive laws are always enacted to make anyone who eschews violence for religious sake a ready prey. Such laws and its execution would even be carried out in religious courts and synagogues - συνέδρια - συναγωγαῖς. This explains that the attacks of men on men for religious reasons would never happen outside religious institutions but carried out right in the midst of religious places. Μαστιγώσουσινὑμᾶς [they will scourge you] explains that religious persecutions can graduate from being psychological to being psycho-physical. 'They will scourge you' in their councils, and synagogues could be interpreted to mean that people would rise in arms against others for religious reasons. Gunn (2002:33) has sadly admitted a truth that a Christian churchman or even a denomination would actually rise up in arms against another Christian denomination. He reminded us that 'defrocked Orthodox priest Vassili Mkalashvili in Georgia has led attacks on religious services of non-Orthodox churches'.

Christ's prediction of the places where his disciples shall appear in order to be judged for the sake of their faith surprisingly moves outside the Jewish temple and synagogues to include government houses presided by kings and governors. Tertullian understood the persecution recorded in this text and Jesus' subsequent instruction to flee from one city to another as limited to both the Jewish lands and the original disciples,10 probably because of the following words: οὐμὴτελέσητετὰς πόλειςτοῦἸσραὴλ, Denique Non consummabitis, inquit, ciuitates Israelis ['you shall not have gone over the cities of Israel']. But the involvement of ἡγεμόνας' [a Roman] governor, who 'was an official appointed to be the chief administrator of Roman law in a province, and included military and administrative duties' (Graves 2017:74) contradicted Tertullian's proposition. ἡγεμόνας explains the position that Pontius Pilate occupied in Roman Judea in those days, to whose presence Christ was brought and before whom Christ was condemned. However, such governors were not found only in Judeanor did they operate only within the period of the apostles.11

Furthermore, it is doubtful whether the kings mentioned afterwards included any Roman ruler because the rulership of Rome in the 1st century was under an emperor. However, the use of plural βασιλεῖς naturally expands the geographical horizon of apostles' persecution beyond Israel. Also, it is now known that even before the republic, Rome was ruled by kings, starting with Romulus and ending with Tarquinius Superbus during 753-509 BC (Fagan 1999:16). The regal period ended and the republic started consequent of coup d'état to stop Superbus' son Sextus from ruling because the boy was a bad leader like his father, and even a rapist (Fagan 1999:20). But the Roman system of government at the time of Christ was the imperial system headed by Tiberius, decades after 'Octavian gradually arranged the state on a new footing and placed himself at its head' (Fagan 1999:101).

Verse 21: Family betrayal

One of the most shocking experiences that people go through is betrayal, especially by those whom they trusted and least expected the betrayal from them. 'Betrayal has been predicted to have a significant impact on cognitions (e.g. negative attributions for perpetrator's behavior), affect (e.g. sadness) and behavior (e.g. demands for retribution)' (Gobin 2012:22).

Religion as opium has the potentialities to induce a trusted ally to betrayal, which creates traumas that are commonly 'associated with greater symptom severity across various mental health outcomes, including depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress, and hallucinations' (Martin, Ryzin & Dishion 2016:2).

Matthew's use of such words as Ἀδελφὸς [brother], πατὴρ [father], τέκνα [children] and γονεῖς [parents] brings the emotions of family bond to bear, but religious divergent opinions are powerful enough to force people to break such familial bonds in betrayal. ἐπαναστήσονται carries the weight of physical attack which could even be extended to θανατόω [murdering or causing the murder] of one's family member because of disagreeable religious opinions. From the exegesis of Jesus' words, it is seen that religiously motivated forces could lead people to homicide, even though Dietz (1986:479) refused to admit this. The pericope of the study was an eye-opening fact that intimidated and persecuted would not be victimised by people of superior intelligence. It is also suggestive that the attacker has much of connections with the attacked, mainly biological, making the attacker very weak to retaliate. This could be seen in cases where the father would attack a son or a son attacking the father. This type of persecution produces some form of emotionalism because of what holds the persecutor and the persecuted together and for this emotional situation, and not because of fear, Christ admonishes the persecuted to flee. The advice to flee from a persecutor was never given to those who are facing extermination and annihilation in the hands of strange government and rival religions; it is only applicable to intra-religious crisis. To what a believer or a believing community should do when the attack is extra-muros? The answer to this question seems to be found in Luke 22:36 KJV. Cases of genocide (such as the case of Hitler's Second World War) or terrorist insurgencies (such as the ravaging Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria) should not be treated in the pericope under study because it fits a rather different context.

Verse 23: Certainty of persecution and attacks

The warning of imminent persecution in the text carries with it the dual idea of certainty and preparedness against it by the employment of the conjunction ὅταν and the adversative particle δὲ. Such note of preparedness also conveys a soothing idea of comfort (https://biblehub.com/commentaries/egt/matthew/10.htm). These twin conjunctions suit a situation if one is sure of an event to occur but has no idea when it would take place. Therefore, when they persecute you here (ἐντῇ πόλει ταύτῃ), flee (φεύγετε) there.

Summary of Exegesis

The result of exegesis proved that from the foregoing Christ took responsibility of exposing his disciples to the various forms of possible attacks following the mission mandate he gave them. However, he warns that certain individuals who could be used to constitute obstacles (in the form of persecution) to the mission would not be strangers to the persecuted, rather they would be well acquainted with them. He sets out the boundary of attacks, which would be 'for the sake of his name'. He, however, advised that as the persecution is certain, the disciples have the option of moving from one city to another, avoiding the persecutor carrying along, as it were, the gospel message that he has entrusted to them. The exegesis was applied to the Nigerian church, where it has become fashionable for the church to split into factions and one faction would rise, sometimes violently, against the other. The exegesis targeted the lacuna of scholars' neglect of internal church crisis as a form of persecution. Whilst it made efforts to close this gap, it provided a solution in its non-retaliatory campaign so far as intramural persecution is concerned.

Solving textual problems in Matthew 10:23

In verse 23 of the pericope, there was a textual problem. εἰςτὴνἑτέραν - to the next - when examined on the manuscript and date support, the reading of ἑτέραν, which is supported by א and B, is preferred to ἄλλην in all their various readings. An argument from the theological interest of Matthew's gospel, which is succinctly captured by Utley (2013:11), would however project evangelism and discipleship as the heart of Matthew's gospel. If this argument is to be adopted, then Matthew's original word in the passage could be ἄλλos [another of a different sort] to refer to gentile cities, and under circumstances ἑτέρos would not apply because ἑτέρos is suitable only in an explanation that justifies fleeing from one 'Israelite' city to another 'Israelite' city. Utley (2013:11) reminds us that the gospel mandate of Christ, especially as contained in the persecution motif of Matthew 10, is universal and not particular; this would properly embrace the two pronouns ἄλλos and ἑτέρos logically in advancing evangelism.

Adopting a reading

Utley's (2013) theological interest may not give a right understanding of the textual problem because it does not take care of the statement that '[y]ou will not finish going through the cities of Israel, until the Son of Man comes' (Mt 10:23). This statement is regarded by Stewart (1997:169) as 'one of the most difficult in all of Matthew' because scholars are not fully aware of what Jesus meant there. This in fact helps to worsen the sought-after solution to the textual problem because the text's both figurative and literal positions fit into any of the textual variants. The study therefore reconstructs the problem passage based on careful examination of all variables and readings in the passage. Consequently, it argues that the original text should read: '[b]ut when they shall persecute you in this city, flee ye into another (ἄλλos); and if they persecute in the other, flee ye unto another (ἑτέρos)' (Mt 10:23). Firstly, this aligns perfectly with the second variant and reading, which justifies the use of both pronouns. However, the research noticed that the second variant is scarcely supported by quality manuscripts. It could lead to doubts about the authenticity of accepting the reading if not that the first reading, which boasts of texts in the Alexandrian family as well, lays credence to the validity of the second variant. This, therefore, authenticates it. In conclusion, some Apostolic and Church fathers such as Clement, Origen and Cyprian supported the idea of fleeing during persecution (Sutcliffe 2018:135); however, their argument for the acceptance of flight during persecution has nothing to do with evangelism amongst gentiles, and so do not encroach into the reconstruction given to the passage.

Sitz im Leben of persecution in Matthew 10:16-23

The sitz im Leben of Matthew 10:16-23 properly situates on the internal attacks by Rabbinic Jews on Messianic Jews. It is an eye-opener to the acrimonious hatred suffered by Messianic Jews. The Old Testament scriptures talked about the birth of a Messiah (the anointed one) who would rule Israel (see Mi 5:2ff. KJV) after rescuing it from the hands of gentile overlords who have made them wander in sins - ipse enimsalvumfaciet populum suum a peccatiseorum - for he shall save his people out of their sins (Mt 1:21). At the emergence of Jesus, some Jews who were well versed in Judahite prophetic texts understood and so believed that he was the ruler that the Old Testament prophets severally talked about,12 even though the popular Jewish understanding before the inter-testamental period was that the Messiah must be a warrior like the ancient King David, limited in operation to the Jewish race.13 Therefore, when he came as a controversial teacher and not as a warrior, some Jewish sects needed clarity on who was he, or else they would not accept his claim as the Messiah (Mt 26:63).

Because Jesus never met the proper qualifications of a messianic candidate (Mishkin 2015:1), the very thought of he being the Messiah was blasphemy to some sections of Jews, and the blasphemer deserved death. This was the major cause of persecution that Messianic Jews received, of which the direct consequences included the separation of Matthean community as 'the new People of God as distinct from the nation which rejected Jesus as their Messiah' (Viljoen 2006:para. 1). The sitz im leben of Matthew's gospel makes for the argument that the actual date of writing the gospel should not be placed after the 70 AD Roman invasion; to do this would present a narrative that is anachronistic and far removed from reality. Instone-Brewer (2003:2) lays credence to this idea by citing Heinemann, who believed that the main development of the prayer (Birkath ha-Minim) took place before 70 CE; and as the gospels are reactions to the promulgation of the Birkath ha-Minim (Carson 1982:para. 1), a later date would be problematic.14 Kilpatrick (1946) agrees with this.

Physico-mental persecutions amongst Nigerian churches

The use of Gunn's (2002:22) framework is further maintained in this exegetical application. He refers to the study's type of persecution as 'Coercion that enforces religious conformity'. It is, therefore, intra muros. However, a brief overview of extra-mural persecution in Nigeria is necessary for a proper appreciation of the trauma faced by Nigerian Christians, which unarguably has much of adverse effects on their psychosomatic health. Lives of many Christians in Nigeria have been wasted by Islamic extremists, most recently by Fulani herdsmen and the Boko Haram sect, which has been dubbed as 'the world's deadliest terrorist group in terms of the number of people it has killed' (Baba 2016:59). This is an oppression meted out to the Christians who number about 86.5 million, that is, 46.3% of the total Nigerian population (ed. Grim et al. 2017:83). The size of Christians in Nigeria makes them a deadly weapon if their religion had expressly permitted them to fight back.

Going back to intra muros persecution, the research considers it as the most disturbing type of abuse because it is the persecution within the same body. The same pattern of persecution features in Nigerian Christianity, where various denominations show the strength of human muscles against one another just to display superiority or to defend Christian orthodoxy. Lay people who have been severally brainwashed are used by some denominations to carry out these nefarious activities against brother denominations. Although it is alleged that 'congregations do not enjoy conflict' (Oppenshaw, Nel & Louw 2018:3), these congregants are the ready instruments of conflict and attack (Ellis 1989:244; Haynes 2009; Otite & Ogionwo 2006). Such thuggery is made possible because, according to Lenshie and Inalegwu (2014), religion has turned into:

[A] force which has packaged the thought pattern of most Nigerians not to think outside what they believe in, and anything that appears to contradict their belief systems, they tend to oppose it vehemently, which consequently has been a major source of conflict among various religious adherents. (p. 47)

The events of Matthew 10:16-23 reflect an internal war because of divergent doctrinal opinions between people who shared religious and biological kinship. This also reflects in the history of the church, where after classical martyrdom and subsequent 1000 years of general peace, the church that was delivered from this persecution has turned around to persecute itself. This behaviour spurred some individuals towards a return to the New Testament faith without embellishment and the paraphernalia of Roman and Greek mystical religions. Such a call for return to Christian orthodoxy further led to more unwarranted killings of so many Christians in the medieval era in the form of crusade and inquisition.15 The church finally broke loose from the stifling grip of Graeco-Roman patrimonial Christianity during the Reformation. Such liberation produced Pentecostal churches, which would have set a clean example, correcting the mistakes of the medieval church. However, it seems the world expected too much from the reformers and their descendants. Assemblies of God Church, Nigeria poses as the mother of Pentecostalism in Nigeria, and such a claim has been backed by a solid history. The researcher happens to possess first-hand information about the history of AGN from one of its founding fathers, late Papa George Nnorom Alioha. The story of Papa Alioha perfectly agrees with the research of Mbamalu (2016), which makes Mbamalu's history impeccable. Assemblies of God Church, Nigeria was started by Pa Ehurie Nwogu after he was born again in 1930 and converted a few of his kinsmen, including Papa Alioha. They formed a congregation called 'the Church of Jesus Christ' (Mbamalu 2016:1). These men, who were young in both age and faith, needed the mentorship of stronger born-again Christians, but unfortunately, at that time such 'stronger' people were living abroad. Through contacts in numerous gospel tracts published by the Assemblies of God, USA, which was also the channel of their Holy Ghost baptism, they invited white men, who arrived Old Umuahia, to mentor and incorporate the Church of Jesus Christ, thoroughly populated by the Igbo men into AGN.

Following this, Mbamalu (2016:3) sees the crisis in AGN as foundational for both leadership and ethnic dominance, and at the same time faults their Presbyterian leadership style because of its poor hierarchical structure.

Edike's (2014) newspaper interview, which was granted by the ousted general superintendent of AGN, Rev. Paul Emeka, was targeted at clearing the air on the allegations against the general superintendent which were also mentioned in Mbamalu (2016:6). These allegations were immediate causes of the crisis, finally leading to the untimely removal of Rev. Emeka. However, both Mbamalu (2016) and Edike (2014) did not represent the causes of problems very well. The oral interview conducted with the ousted general superintendent produces remote and immediate causes of crisis. About the remote cause(s), he said (Edike 2014):

Assemblies of God began to get lax and began to think of herself as the most spiritual and holiest church in the whole world. And for that reason was no longer careful over so many things until certain criminal and immoral acts began to creep into the church. (n.p.).

'Criminal and immoral acts' could be understood as the pursuit of dogmatic accurateness at the expense of sound religiosity. Still on remote causes, he mentioned people's freedom to embezzle money, high-handedness, poor handling of ministers' transfers and funds, etcetera. On immediate causes, Rev. Emeka charged ambassadors (a group of elite members in AGN) of accusing him with many unprintable falsehoods, which were not substantiated. The public belief in such allegations led to the crisis in AGN.

The researcher understands that the remote causes leading to AGN crisis happened or started happening during the tenure of the past general superintendent, and merely spilled over during the administration of Rev. Emeka. The study also understood that the ambassadors who were instituted by the past general superintendent were his puppets. Finally, the study also realised that the past general superintendent had a choice candidate over Rev. Emeka, but that candidate failed to win the position in a free and fair election. This led to instigations using the ambassadors to oust and replace Rev. Emeka. In short, the past general superintendent had an unbreakable influence on church to both make and destroy it. Meanwhile, most of the allegations levied on Rev. Emeka, and which led to years of bloodbath, have not been substantiated by any academic scholarship because the case is still in the court. Again, this paper opines that the AGN did not exercise enough patience and maturity to allow the ousted general superintendent to complete his tenure. One wonders why the AGN did not put late Rev. John Nwakamma through such a humiliation as they did with Rev. Paul Emeka when Nwakamma used the power of incumbency to amend 'the bye-law provision that granted a maximum mandate of four years in office' to general superintendent. He decided that any occupant of the office of general superintendent could remain there 'as long as the Lord wills' (Mbamalu 2016:5). Nwakamma's act was both criminal and ungodly.

 

Summary

Intra-church persecution of Christ, which is of the kind meted out to Messianic Jews by Rabbinic Jews, has been addressed as the brain behind the volumes of segregation, denominational proliferation and dogmatic incoherence found in the church today. It is the agent of irreconcilable differences paraded by various denominations against each other, and one of the reasons as to why rival religions do not find Christianity as a credible religion. Efforts were made to point out the excesses of the medieval Church through various forces, including inquisition, to make the body of Christ as one. Such moves were against Christ's own method, which was prayer (Jn 17:21). Adding to this, the Christian denominations, with AGN as a case study, have been deeply involved in internal crises and infightings, which are a type of persecution discussed in the study. The study of texts created an eye-opening experience to the fact that Christ does not want any form of violence or retaliation when the persecution is intra muros; rather, he advised for subtle means to manage such critical situations.

 

Acknowledgements

Competing interests

The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Author's contributions

P.E.P. is the sole author of this research article.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

 

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Correspondence:
Prince Peters
prince.peters.195254@unn.edu.ng

Received: 11 Oct. 2019
Accepted: 03 Apr. 2020
Published: 02 July 2020

 

 

Research Project Registration:
Project Leader: E. van Eck
Project Number: 2400030
Description: Dr Peters is a research associate of Prof. Dr Ernest van Eck, Department of New Testament and Related Literature, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria.
1. Viljoen (2016:1) states that 'the Matthean group was still in a process of establishing its own identity as deviant Judaistic group' whose specific interest resided in the meaning and interpretation of the Jewish law (Viljoen 2012:255), whilst Oliver (2016:367) informs that the Matthean community's text is referred by Harrington (2013:159) 'as the most "Jewish" of the gospels'.
2. Vledder and Van Aarde (1995:388-408) present various hypotheses favouring Antioch as the geographical location of the Matthean community and other hypotheses opposing such ideas, which make the certainty of Antioch or any other geographical city for the Matthean community only a guess work.
3. The Jews masterminded a report sent to Emperor Claudius that the disciples of Jesus broke into Jesus' grave and stole his body whilst soldiers slept. This report by the Jews to the Roman emperor against the Christians must have led to a series of events culminating in raising Jerusalem to the ground. For further discussion, see Bruce (1962:309-326).
4. The Roman domination of Jews, starting with the Jewish invitation of Pompey during the Mithridatic wars, led to several revolts from some Jewish groups. We understand Josephus' haireseis (used for four of those groups) not to actually connote sectarianism but 'philosophy' (Baumgarten 2015:262). However, the fourth of those philosophical groups, the sicarii was Jewish, the so-called bandits distinct from Zealots and other bandits (see Horsley 1979:436; Vandenberghe 2016:2). Although they were considered bandits mainly by Josephus, their leadership was intelligentsia as descended from the sophistes Judas (Bellum Judaicum 2.118, 433; cf. the sophistai Matthias and Judas in 4 BCE, Bellum Judaicum 1.648; Antiquities 17.149). Their guerrilla warfare against Rome may have contributed to the destruction of Jerusalem and planting in its stead the Aelia Capitolina in 70 AD.
5. Viljoen (2016:4) suggests that scholars traditionally dated the Birkath ha-Minim ca. 85 CE (e.g. France 1998:85; Horbury 1982:19-61). He insists that this date, however, is dubious. Viljoen goes on to state that 'the Birkath ha-Minim developed over a period of time while synagogues at different locations and times increasingly did not tolerate the presence of other deviant groups and Christians (Saldarini 1994:14-19). It is also not clear how widespread the Birkath ha-Minim has been used'.
6. Viljoen (2016:4) tells us that 'Hummel (1966:55) has described the relationship of the church with Judaism as part of a larger "family conflict" or a rival among feindliche Brüder. It was not so much a conflict with the Christian community as an outsider group, but strife within Judaism'.
7. Langer (2012) informs us of Joseph Heinemann's school of thought interpreting Tosefta text as providing 'a window into some of the pre-Yavnean blessings, which include one on the topic of "separatists"'. She talks of Saul Lieberman, who suggests that the birkath ha-Minim is a revision of these blessings, inserting the topic of Minim, because they were now beginning to endanger the community (cf. Ki-FshuJah 1992). See also, more recently, Henschke (1999:90-96) cited in Langer (2012).
8. For an in-depth discussion on the subject, see Davies and Allison (1991:181).
9. A good book discussing intramural persecutions, which it called 'conflict', was Augsburger's (1992) book.
10. Tertullian, De Fuga 9. 18.
11. In fact, Roman governors were in charge of Roman provinces even at the time of Tertullian and he even wrote about them (Tertullian, Apol. 30.5-7: CCL 1, 141-142.). Far from the 1st century when apostles operated, Tertullian was said to have written 'at the turn of the 3rd century CE' pointing 'out Pliny's hesitation to sentence the Christians and takes issue with Trajan's reply' (Carlson 2012:36). Part of the letter states, Tunc Traianusrescripsit hoc genus inquirendosquidem non esse, oblatosveropunirioportere. O sententiam necessitate confusam! Negatinquirendosutinnocentes, et mandate puniendosutnocentes (Tertullian, Apol. 2.7-8). It is interesting to note that this Pliny who hesitated to punish Christians was Tertullian's contemporary and he was a Roman governor.
12. That the eschatological ruler would be a restoration after the Davidic rule had been cut off is apparently suggested by pre-exilic prophets (Jesse's 'stump' in Isa 11:1; cf. perhaps David's fallen tent [as opposed to 'house'] in Amos 9:11, although scholars debate passage's meaning and date). - see Keener (2015), Messianic Expectation: Prepared for the Yale Centre for Faith and Culture Consultation on 'expectation and human flourishing', p. 1.
13. After the devastation of 66-73 CE, some leading rabbis hailed a messianic figure in the early 2nd century (during the Bar Kochba Revolt of 132-135 CE). This revolt's failure led to messianic disillusionment in the early rabbinic sources, but eventually messianism surrounding the promised Son of David revived - Keener ('1), Messianic Expectation, p. 2.
14. For more discussion on the evidences for an early date in the composition of the book of Matthew, see Stewart (1997:13-14).
15. Jones (1998:9) mentions that the Albigensian Crusade directly led to the establishment of first inquisition, which on 22 July 1209 saw the slaughter of over 20 000 men, women and children from the city of Beziers. Stark (2016:9-10) considers the crusades as promoted 'by power-mad popes' seeking to greatly expand Christianity
and thus the crusades constitute 'a black stain on the history of the Catholic Church' - from Ekelund (1996). Quotes from Madden (2002).

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH

 

The challenges of full participation of laity in the mission of the church

 

 

Mary J. ObiorahI, II

IDepartment of Religion and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria
IIDepartment of New Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

 

 


ABSTRACT

The church shares in Christ's mission of bringing all to the knowledge of God and to salvation. All its members are called to this intrinsic mission bequeathed to the entire church. The lay faithful form the greatest number of the members and their functions are important in this mission. However, they are beset by numerous setbacks that constitute untold challenges for the church. This article, written from a sub-Saharan African and Catholic background, examines the nature of this mission as a requisite prelude to discussion on various challenges experienced by the laity in participating fully in the mission. It also recommends ways of enhancing their contributions.
CONTRIBUTION: The primary contribution of this article is its specific focus on the challenges the laity encounter in carrying out their mission in the world. It is a theological study based on scriptural foundations of the laity in the church. As members, laypersons share fully in the church's received mission mandate

Keywords: Laity; Mission; Christians; Munera Christi; Challenges.


 

 

Introduction

Reflections, strategic plans and their executions, positive attitude towards the laity and their involvement in the mission of the church are some impacts of Apostolicam Actuositatem and Lumen Gentium, chapter IV of Vatican II. Swift implementation of Apostolicam Actuositatem no. 26 followed immediately by the creation of the Pontifical Council for the Laity by Paul VI in 1967, reformed in 1976, and made a permanent Dicastery of the Roman Curia. The Synod of Bishops in 1987 on the laity was followed in 1988 by Christifideles Laici of John Paul II. Pope Francis merged the existing Pontifical Council for the Laity and the Pontifical Council for Family on 15 August 2016 and gave them a new name: the Dicastery for the Laity, Family and Life. Its creation became effective from 01 September 2016. The task of this dicastery is 'promotion of life, the apostolate of the lay faithful, the pastoral care of the family and its mission according to God's plan and for the safeguard and support of human life' (Francis 2016b:1). Similar solicitude of the church for the laity is shared by National Episcopal Conferences, Dioceses and Parishes (Wangbu 2013) through their national, provincial and diocesan laity councils.

'The Church, devoted mother, throughout the centuries, has always had care and consideration for the laity, the family and life, revealing the love of the merciful Saviour towards humanity' (Francis 2016:1). The term 'laity' (Klein 2003:415) here refers to 'all the faithful except those in Holy Orders and those who belong to a religious state approved by the Church' (Vatican II 1975a:31). Because they form the greatest part of her members, their participation in her mission is crucial for the success of the same mission entrusted to her. She nurtures and makes maximum use of their diversified gifts for the edification of the church and the world. As her baptised members they ought to participate in her mission. Many avail themselves of the formation she offers and fan their gifts into flames. Their presence in every facet of the world affords them the opportunity to penetrate more deeply those places where the mission is so much needed. The nature of their mission as Christians in the world poses untold challenges and the church readily offers assistance.

This article explores those challenges militating against full participation of the laity in the church's mission. Its premise is an understanding of this mission rooted in Christ's own mission and the status quo of the participation of the laity. These are considered necessary prelude for a meaningful discussion on the challenges they experience. Suggestions towards their enhanced mission are proffered as a contribution to the church's concern for its members. All these sequentially form the contents of the tripartite structure of this article.

 

Christ's mission and church's mission

The appellation Χριστιανοί given to followers of Jesus in Acts 11:26 aptly depicts the common heritage of all, who, by their acceptance of baptism, profess faith in the kingdom inaugurated by Jesus. Coined from the title of 'Christ' (anointed), albeit perceived as a proper name by the Gentiles of Antioch, the term 'Christian' conveys that affinity which all followers of Jesus have with his person and mission. Central to the common vocation of Christians is utter identification with the life of Jesus, exemplified by Paul in these words: 'it is no longer I who live, but it is Christ who lives in me' (Gl 2:20).

Jesus' followers were attracted to his person and teachings which were very different from what they were accustomed to observe in other teachers of their time (Mt 7:29; Mk 1:22; Lk 4:32). His teachings were credible because the message was the messenger; he lived what he preached (Mt 9:35; Mk 6:6). His prodigies were extraordinary, surpassing those of the prophets of old. The events of his life and triumph over death convinced his followers of his divinity which formed the nucleus of the post-Paschal confession. Jesus came to lead the depraved humanity back to the Creator and he explained his mission as follows: 'I am the way, and the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me' (Jn 14:6). Jesus is the one Saviour of all, the only one, who because of his nature as God and man is able to reveal the Father and lead humanity to God (John Paul II 1991). He affirmed, 'I came that they may have life, and have it abundantly' (Jn 10:10). Firm adherence to his teaching leads one to this life and his miracles strengthened the faith of his followers, for they are a foretaste of the fullness of life in him hereafter. Jesus' mission on earth is to 'save his people from sins' (Mt 1:21), a mission that reverberates in his name, Yeshua 'salvation'.

The varied use of fulfilment formulae and copious citations of the Old Testament (OT) and New Testament writers, especially the evangelists, are meant to corroborate their claim that Jesus is the fulfilment of the Old Testament in its entirety. 'Do not think that I have come to abolish the law or the prophets; I have come not to abolish but to fulfil' (Mt 5:17). He continued the history of salvation with significant newness stated in Hebrews 1:1-2. In continuing the work of our salvation initiated in the period before his incarnation, Jesus, appropriating the words of the prophet (Is 61:1-2), reveals the novelty of his coming as Good News (Lk 4:18-19). This is the programmatic passage of the Lukan gospel. Coded in symbolic terms, the words convey the mission of Jesus, which is human salvation.

In his mission and person, Jesus embodies the threefold functions elicited from the three significant classes of persons in the Old Testament (Tangorra 2013). These are priests, prophets and kings. Ideally, a priest offers sacrifices on behalf of others and himself (cf. Heb 5:3), thereby mediating between God and human beings. A prophet [nābî'] as God's spokesperson is one who reprimands, edifies, exhorts and consoles and is convinced of the way that leads to life and teaches others to come to similar conviction so as to know God and live a life pleasing to God. A king takes care of others like a shepherd; he governs with authority for the good of others. These images in the OT, when true to the functions they depict, cooperated with the divine will of bringing human beings to the knowledge of God. They prefigured the functions of Jesus in the New Testament, the three munera Christi.

Jesus exhibited these functions to its fullness. He is not merely a priest who offers sacrifices on behalf of others; he is the priest, one who offers, and at the same time the victim, who is offered. His death on the cross is the culmination of his unique office as a priest. He is the eternal high priest whose function, prefigured in the symbolic image of Melchizedek (Gn 14:17-20; Ps 110:4; Heb 7:11-28), is timeless because those who are yet to exist share in the merit of his one sacrifice (Heb 7:24-25). Jesus is the perfect prophet, who by virtue of his divine nature is the author of the knowledge; he teaches with authority. He is the king who describes himself as 'the Good Shepherd who lays down his life for the sheep' (Jn 10:11), an imagery he draws from the OT (cf. Is 4:9-11; Ps 23; Ps 78:52; Mi 2:12-13; Jr 3:15). His Kinship is different from earthly kingships, for he came to establish the kingdom of God, contrary to the political messiah expected by his contemporaries. His is a kingdom that is first and foremost spiritual; he is the eternal king of all and at all times, and the model of all kingships.

Understanding the mission of the church

All members of the church, the body of Christ the head, participate in the threefold office of Christ by virtue of baptism, which bestows on each and every one a common dignity (Vatican II 1975a:32). In the rite for baptism, the church anoints its prospective new members with the oil of chrism and prays over them in these words (Onitsha Ecclesiastical Province 2006):

[G]od the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has freed you from sin, given you a new birth by water and the Holy Spirit, and welcomed you into his holy people. He now anoints you with chrism of salvation. As Christ was anointed Priest, Prophet, and King, so may you live always as members of his body, sharing everlasting life. (p. 15)

As a sacrament, the baptismal gestures manifest that transformation which it confers, for 'through Baptism we are freed from sin and reborn as sons of God; we become members of Christ, are incorporated into the Church and made sharers in her mission' (CCC 1994:1213).

Therefore, membership in the body of Christ through baptism as the first sacrament of initiation is the common foundation for all Christians, who in their various capacities and functions in the church become the relational concreteness of Christ the head. Those in the holy orders, consecrated life and the laity share in the priestly, prophetic and kingly offices of Christ according to the nature of their vocations in the church. The first are ordained to the sacred ministry, consecrated persons 'give outstanding and striking testimony that the world cannot be transfigured and offered to God without the spirit of the beatitudes' (Vatican II 1975a:31). The laity engages in temporal affairs in various ambits in the world. In other words, all Christians are called to participate in the mission of Christ entrusted to the church.

Faith and acceptance of baptism incorporate the faithful into the mystical body of Christ, making them sharers in the common priesthood of all the believers (cf. 1 Pt 2:9). The sacrament of confirmation in this initiation brings an increase and deepening of baptismal grace (CCC 1994:1303-1304; Vatican II 1975a):

[B]y the sacrament of confirmation they are more perfectly bound to the Church and are endowed with special strength of the Holy Spirit, [sic] Hence they are, as true witnesses of Christ more strictly obliged to spread the faith by word and deed. (p. 11)

These sacraments that are common to all Christians and which initiate believers to the Body of Christ equip them to participate in the mission of Christ and of the church.

From the inception of his earthly ministry, Jesus explicitly called some (cf. Mk 1:16-20; Mt 4:18-22; Lk 5:1-11; Mk 2:13-17; Mt 9:9-13; Lk 5:27-32) 'to be with him, and to be sent out to proclaim the message' (Mk 3:14). Perhaps, there were others whom he called but the accounts of how they received their vocation to follow Jesus are not narrated by the Evangelists. There were also those who followed him, attracted by his person and deeds, for many who heard his words or who received favours from him became his followers. Some followed him out of personal interests and he knew the motive of each person (Jn 6:26).

When during his earthly ministry he sent out those who had been with him to preach and report back to him, he had the intention of making them participate in his mission on earth and to continue this mission after. His mission mandate confirms this: '[g]o therefore and make disciples of all nations' (Mt 28:19) and 'you will be my witnesses in Jerusalem, in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth' (Ac 1:8). 'The proclamation and establishment of God's kingdom are the purpose of his mission' (John Paul II 1991:13). The church exists for this and to continue this mission which entails bringing salvation to all peoples. In this sense, '[s]alvation consists in believing and accepting the mystery of the Father and of his love, made manifest and freely given in Jesus through the Spirit' (John Paul II 1991:12).

The kingdom of God is characterised by its universality, for all, without exception, are called to it. The basis of missionary activity lies in the will of God, who wishes all men to be saved from damnation and come to the knowledge of the truth (Vatican II 1975b:7). It is holistic because it must touch the physical and spiritual dimensions of a human person. The kingdom aims at transforming human relationships which must be known by its unconditional love. Furthermore, the kingdom must be a preoccupation of everyone, individuals, society and the entire world (John Paul II 1991:15). All these explain the great care taken by Jesus to ensure its continuity till its full realisation at the end of time. Similar to what Jesus did in instilling the desire for salvation in his contemporaries, those who have accepted this salvation and received the mandate to propagate it work in varied ways to bring others to the faith and to salvation. The church has therefore always understood the call to follow Christ by faith and Baptism as a call to the apostolate (Arinze 2013:11).

The intention for founding the church is for it to be at the service of the kingdom which it does in the footstep of Jesus (Vatican II 1975c:2). Foremost in its strategic plan of bringing others to the faith is by treading the path of Jesus, preaching a change of mentality, metanoia, that should conform to the dictates of the kingdom. Jesus' first proclamation was a call to conversion (Mk 1:15). Similarly, the church at the service of the kingdom preaches conversion and establishes communities of believers. It communicates the tenets of the kingdom to all it encounters. As an institution, the church is a sign of the presence of the kingdom in the world through its witness and through such activities as dialogue, human promotion, commitment to justice and peace, education and the care of the sick, and the aid to the poor and to children (John Paul II 1991:20). Jesus continues, through the church, to fulfil his mission delineated in Luke 4:18-19. Furthermore, the church, being aware of the nature of the Kingdom as God's gift, implores God for the grace on prospective believers.

The church does its mission in three circumstances where its work is needed. The first is its missio ad gentes. This is when the church endeavours to sow the seed of faith amongst (John Paul II 1991):

[P]eoples, groups, socio-cultural contexts in which Christ and his gospel are not known, or which lack Christian communities sufficiently mature to be able to incarnate the faith in their own environment and proclaim it to other groups. (p. 33)

The second is missio ad intra when the church focuses primarily on the strategised pastoral care of the faithful for a sustainable Christian life in places where there is already a good ecclesial structure. The third is missio ad extra which is new evangelisation or re-evangelisation of the baptised Catholics who have lost their faith or are experiencing tepidity; the church's intention is to revive their faith. In all these three situations of its mission, the contributions of the laity are indispensable because their action within the church communities is so important that without it the apostolate of the pastors will be unable to obtain its full effect (Vatican II 1975c:10).

It is impressive to know that all the answers provided on the concept of the church's mission by the laity interviewed in this study are varied shades of meaning of the mission entrusted to the church. The lay persons understand Christ's mission and that the church exists to continue this mission on earth.

The laity and the mission of the church in Africa

At the time of Jesus' earthly ministry, the enormous crowd that followed him could not be compared with the limited number of his inner cycle of the 12 disciples. Many provided for his needs and those of his disciples (cf. Lk 8:1-3); they worked for the same intention of propagating the kingdom. Worth mentioning were Mary Magdalene (cf. Lk 8:2; Jn 20:11-18), Cornelius (Ac 10), Dionysius and Damaris (Ac 17: 34). Paul mentioned some whom he called 'fellow workers in the Gospel': Apollos, Aquila, Priscilla, Euodia, Syntyche, Clement, Aristarchus, Luke, Demas, Epaphras and Nympha (cf. Phlm 2:25; 4:2-3; Col 4:10-16; Rm 16: 9; Phlm 24). The number of the laity has always outnumbered those of the ministerial priesthood and of the consecrated life (Annuarium 2016). By virtue of the common priesthood of all who are baptised (cf. 1 Pt 2:9), the lay faithful share in the mission of the church, according to their various states in life; they received their mission from Christ himself.

In sub-Saharan African contexts, the lay persons interviewed in preparation for this article are aware of their participation in the mission of the church. There are, however, a few who think that this mission belongs solely to the clergy and consecrated persons. The lay faithful participate in the church's mission in various ways. They are in every sector of human life and activities (Benedict XVI 2011:131), in those places where priests and consecrated persons might not be able to penetrate. It is their special vocation 'to make the Church present and fruitful in those areas and circumstances where it is only through them that she can become the salt of the earth' (Vatican II 1975a:33). Because they are greater in number, they can reach most human beings easily and in their diversified life conditions (Benedict XVI 2005:29). Lay persons understand the situations and plight of many because they live with them in the world, intermingle daily and easily with them.

Well-informed lay faithful make incalculable impact in diverse levels of political affairs. Some of them interviewed in this study mentioned this as one of the strongest areas of their contributions to the mission of the church. They use Christian values to sanitise politics, as much as it lies in their power. Supported by priests and consecrated persons, and imbued with the tenets of their faith, the lay persons speak and act for the common good. In some places, they form Christian political leagues, creating a unified stronghold for the edification of their society.

In a world of growing disrespect for human life and that dignity bestowed on it by the Creator (Gn 1:27-28), the lay persons in medical sector, applying Catholic teachings, help to give meaning to human life. In some places in Africa, there are various associations of Catholic health workers under the auspices of local ordinary or national episcopal conferences. It is an effective means of carrying out the mission of the church. Many have been converted to the faith through the efforts of Catholic lay medical workers. Fighting against inappropriate practices that contravene both natural and divine laws in healthcare delivery system is more effective when health workers are united in a supervised Catholic association or any other Christian and non-Christian groups that share similar aspirations.

Teaching in various fields of learning has always been an efficacious means of evangelisation (Obinwa 2017:39). In the footstep of Christ and of many missionaries (Ajegbo 2016:109; Eze 2005:65), lay Catholic teachers in Africa see their vocation as a contribution to the church's mission. Knowledge of the principles of Catholic Education, universal and particular church, aids Catholic teachers in their work of evangelisation and re-evangelisation. When correctly used, they inculcate Catholic values in the recipients of their missionary activities (Anusionwu 1994:30). Voluntary Nigerian Catholic teachers in Zanzibar Island, for instance, were able to live their Catholic faith and left some Catholic imprints in this predominantly Muslim society.

The vibrant church in Africa is also blessed with many and various statutory bodies (organisations for men, women and youth) and vivacious pious associations engaged in a good number of social works and spreading of the faith. There are, for instance, the Legion of Mary, Bible societies of different kinds, Charismatic movements, Saint Anthony's Guild and many others. These associations convene regularly and have sustainable apostolates aimed at alleviating the ordeals of many less-privileged. Some members of the associations are instructors in the faith, catechists, itinerant preachers and promoters of Catholic values in their walks of life.

Similarly, various branches of Knights and their Ladies Auxiliary are all lay persons. In places where this is properly understood and there are no ulterior motives, these eminent lay faithful contribute tremendously to the mission of the church. Usually, they are educated and have adequate and ongoing formation in the Catholic faith. They are formed to defend and promote the faith. Knights and their Ladies Auxiliary in many African countries have resources to support the church's mission; they themselves participate in the same mission and have organised ways of doing it. They donate their resources for missio ad gentes or in other situations of missionary activities by training missionaries and aiding those already in mission. They financially support establishments of Catholic communities or parishes, and also sustain the existing ones.

Doctrinally well-informed lay Catholics in military and paramilitary are great treasures for the church. In spite of the challenging nature of their profession, many stand their ground in upholding Catholic values, shunning bribery of every category, respecting human life, serving the society selflessly and giving up their lives for the just course of their faith. Some national episcopal conferences or local ordinaries assign priests as chaplains to this group of Catholic lay missionaries. It is not rare to find them expressing their faith openly through common prayers and liturgical celebrations, and preaching verbally to their non-Catholic and non-Christian colleagues.

The growing number of religious institutes and consecrated persons in Africa witnesses an augment in the number of the laity becoming associates of these institutes. Associates voluntarily participate in the mission of the institutions by supporting them with prayers, finance, advice and sometimes engaging in their apostolate, in accordance with their state of life. Closely related to this type of missionary endeavours are instances of the laity who from their resources, like those mentioned in the gospel (cf. Lk 8:1-3), donate a greater part of their properties to the church. There are also persons who in their magnanimity have erected churches, rectories and convents for the church's mission.

The contributions of good Catholic families, where real homes and domestic churches are formed, surpass all others. Parents can create or mar a society, making it what it is through their diligence or negligence of their duties as parents (Paul II 1981:42). 'This irreplaceable role of parents in the family, the smallest unit in the society, [cannot be overemphasised] because the Christian home constitutes the first school of virtue' (Ghana Catholic Bishops 2015:n.p.). At a time like ours when there are obvious aberrations in natural and Christian values concerning families, good Catholic parents perceive their work as crucial for the church's mission (Paul II 1981:52). The church pays particular attention to families by providing adequate instructions to prospective parents and ongoing formation. Parents, on their part, continue to advance the church's concern for good Christian families and pass on the same to their posterity (Okike 2008:169). Many Catholic parents consider this a priority in their lives, despite many setbacks militating against this mission.

 

Challenges of the mission of the laity

It is essential to know that the laity share genuinely and naturally their challenges in participating unreservedly in the church's mission. Indeed, some adequately understand the nature of their expected contribution to the mission; they desire strongly to participate in this mission but are hindered in many ways.

Very common in their innumerable setbacks is a confirmation of Paul's insight (1 Cor 7):

[T]he married man is anxious about the affairs of the world, how to please his wife the married woman is anxious about the affairs of the world, how to please her husband. (vv. 33-34)

Family affairs are their outstanding obstacle. Some cannot go beyond their nuclear family of spouse and children. They believe that they have a mission within their family and it is limited solely to this. Missionary activities in distant places are rare and considered as part of the vocation of priests. A call of their duties at homes disrupts some of their contributions as Christians. Their primary needs subject them to situations where they may not easily witness to their faith (Iwuamadi 2009:77).

The oldest institution of divine origin (Gn 2:18-24), marriage that forms family, is greatly besieged by perverse ideologies (Pope Francis 2016:40). Its divine origin, character and form as ordained by the Creator, one man and one woman, are questioned and altered into same-gender marriage. The natural process of procreation is abused and humans attempt to procreate through their own invented scientific means. Indeed, the social question has become a radically anthropological question (Benedict XVI 2009:1). Indissolubility of marriage carefully taught with an aetiology in Genesis 2:18-24 and corroborated in Jesus' teaching (Mt 19:1-9; Mk 10:1-12) is infringed upon, resulting in frequent divorce with its devastating repercussions (Pope Francis XVI 2016:246). Lack of sense of the sacredness of marriage affects the society in which Christians live. Families are gradually losing their status as domestic church and cradle of missionary zeal.

It is important to note that financial resources are needed in an organised work of evangelisation, and a dearth of these resources adversely affects the mission. Many people in Africa barely have enough to live on; therefore, contributing adequate resources for mission is still an unrealisable desire for many. It is common in some places in Africa to see individuals relying on external aids for their survival. Poverty, financial constraint, is the issue even when some nurture an ardent desire to participate in the church's mission. Moreover, considering the trend in the society where mostly the rich or the influential have a voice, if Christians are poverty-stricken, they may not be able to speak out in situations that require outright interjection.

If materialism is akin to avidity towards material things and their acquisition at all costs, it describes appropriately a phenomenon detected by the laity as a setback to their full participation in the mission. No one wants to engage in a non-lucrative venture from which they will gain nothing. A desire for material things has nothing in common with the propagation of the Christian faith whose aim is highly altruistic, and therefore it is not of this world. Materialistic tendency obstructs the mission and is contrary to the evangelical poverty in imitation of Jesus who became poor so that we might be rich (2 Cor 8:9).

A lack of formal education, that is, inability to read and write, debars many lay persons who are willing and available for the mission of the church for accomplishing their desires. There is a limit to what illiteracy can do, in spite of good will, piety and generosity. Interaction with some classes of individuals in the society becomes impossible. The situation results in a lack of facilitators of faith sharing and good witnesses of the community.

'Many are not adequately instructed in the faith' (Ghana Catholic Bishops 2015) and its repercussions are almost palpable, particularly in 'neo-pagan trend' manifested in various forms of syncretism (Ifeanyi 2017:88). The vacuum generated by inadequate instructions in the faith, or lack of knowledge of Catholic teaching, is unrestrainedly filled with practices of Traditional Religion, which are inconsonance with Christian belief. One who is not conversant with the Christian faith and praxis cannot be its herald, for 'we need knowledge and truth, because without these we cannot stand firm, we cannot move forward' (Pope Francis 2013a:24). For the laity to participate in their mission of enlivening the world, they need adequate catechesis. Without this they cannot courageously face the challenges they encounter from others, answer their questions and be a light to them.

Closely related to the facts discussed above is the lack of adequate formation of the laity towards mission (Pope Francis 2013:102). Many of them want to be involved in various aspects of the church's mission, particularly missio ad gentes, but there is no programme for this where they can live and work. They attribute this to the lack of interest by the clergy and consecrated persons. Some of them live their faith in their daily lives and make contributions for the mission. They believe that if they are instructed and co-opted, they can move beyond their immediate environment in proclaiming the faith.

Some practices of African culture are incongruous with Christian orthodoxy and orthopraxy. Some of these practices from necromancers and revival of forgotten superstitions have untold influence on the laity who, because of inadequate instructions on the faith, have not yet extricated themselves from them. Living a Christian life with identity crisis breeds syncretism, a form of infidelity, and the adherents of this mixture cannot propagate any of the two religions.

For varied reasons that often defy classification, some priests and consecrated persons, who ought to understand and recognise the dignity and contributions of the laity, are indifferent to their position in the church. They are not involved in making decisions in the church (Pope Francis 2013:102), especially where it concerns them, the common good of parish or diocese. If the primary ministers of the church are insensitive to the real situation of the laity, there is a block in spreading the gospel. The expected encouragement from them seems not forthcoming, and consequently the efforts of the laity around them are dampened, if they are not involved in evangelisation. The mission suffers because whatever the number of priests and consecrated persons in a given place, they cannot fill the part of the laity.

Like Paul, who experienced both internal and external oppositions in his mission (2 Cor 11:26), and in fulfilment of Jesus' words that internal division is inevitable in authentic discipleship (Mt 10:36), some lay faithful are hindered by fellow Catholics and non-Catholics or non-Christians. Catholics who lack the zeal obstruct others; non-Catholics and non-Christians perceive the efforts of zealous laity as overstepping the boundaries. It entails courage and fortitude to live and proclaim one's faith in a subtly hostile environment. It is more challenging to be a Catholic in a predominantly non-Christian place where religious freedom is not officially forbidden, but there is silent persecution in practice. This is the case of the laity living amongst fanatical Muslims in some parts of Africa. Official state documents remain tacit about religious freedom, but many who openly profess their belief are eliminated and the government does nothing or purports to be concerned about the victims of such unofficial religious violence. When there is oppression or determined plan by other religions to suppress and malign the Christians, they find it difficult to fully participate in the mission.

The increasing use of information and communications technology (ICT) facilitates communication, particularly in evangelisation (Inaku 2016:96), and renders the world a global village where many obtain the same information at the same time. Some contents can be beneficial when they are geared towards a vision of the person and the common good that reflects truly universal values and tenets (Benedict XVI 2009:73). Others, conversely, erode individual cultural values and lead to self-alienation. Christianity, which has fertile terrains in many parts of Africa (Paul II 1995:42), is greatly diluted because of the influence of other world cultures conveyed through ICT. This has adverse impact on orthodoxy and orthopraxy of the faith in a culture that could have naturally enhanced this faith. Affected lay persons have very little to offer for the mission because they have no natural basis offered by sound cultural values.

Some lay persons can persevere in their faith when faced by scandals of church leaders; unfortunately, others are discouraged, grow lukewarm to the extent of suffering loss of their faith. Participating in the mission of the church in the midst of clerical scandals poses tremendous challenge to the laity. The bishop of Bruges, Roger Vangheluwe, resigned in April 2010 after admitting that he had sexually abused a boy for years when he was a priest and after being made a bishop (BBC 2010:1). Bernard Preynat (75 years old), received a 5-year sentence after admitting that he had assaulted boys over a 20-year period, a scandal that embroiled a top cardinal (Breenden 2020:1). Many victims of such abuses have left the church and discouraged others with their stories and attitude towards its mission.

 

Towards enhanced participation of the laity in the mission

Some dioceses are engaged in the doctrinal and theological formation of the laity with organised formation programmes, theological schools, awarding certificates and diplomas in theology (Benedict XVI 2009). These efforts should be intensified, with missiology and orientation on mission duly incorporated in the programme, to equip the laity for the church's mission (Omeayo 2015:429).

Early missionaries achieved so much through formal education of the laity. The church in Africa must not relent in its effort to collaborate with states in offering formal education to all. It is laudable where some parishes organise adult education in their parochial schools. This is highly recommended; they can make use of volunteers for the affordability of this education for those with limited resources.

The church has always cared for families, recognising them as an indispensable organ of evangelisation (Anyawu 2015:230). Dioceses, parishes and religious institutes should bring the documents of the church on families to the grassroots level. These should be essential materials in their ongoing formation, which must be taken seriously by all competent authorities.

Parish and pastoral councils in many parts of Africa incorporate the laity and involve them in their decision-making. This should be encouraged in places where it does not currently exist (McGraw 2019). Knowing the laity's essential roles in the mission of the church, religious leaders ought to bring them closer with respect and concern for their welfares.

In places where there is commitment to ecumenism and inter-religious dialogue (Paul II 1995:65), peace thrives and healthy co-existence is facilitated. This fosters freedom to practise one's religion and collaborative efforts with other Christians in inculcating Christian values in the society (Kanuba 2016:128). Leaders should make it their priority and carry the laity along in the course of ecumenism and inter-religious dialogue.

The lay faithful believe and propose assiduous prayers for missionary zeal; these are highly needed in our time that is pervaded by materialism, individualism and selfishness, which are incompatible with Christian tenets and missionary spirit.

More than ever, the formation of youth is so much required in our time, mainly where youth no longer give the hope of being the future of the society and the church. Existing youth formation programmes in many parts of Africa should be vivified and new establishments should be made.

 

Conclusion

Conscious of the varieties of charisms united by their common source, the Holy Spirit, and that these form a glaring beautiful mosaic edifying the Body of Christ, the church is ever concerned about all its members who bear these divine gifts. The church's dynamic feature inspired and guided by the same spirit helps it grow steadily in its understanding of each person's dignity and vocation. This explains the church many endeavours in the form of teaching, synods and publications on various aspects of its life and mission. The church progresses in its knowledge of the mission bequeathed to it by Christ by sharing in his own mission of redemption, for its existence coincides with this mission.

The lay members enjoy the church's loving concern for all her children for she constantly plans on how to carry everyone along and helps them realise their vocations and fructify their individual gifts. Through the efforts of the church, the lay faithful have come to appreciate their dignity and vocation. They share in various ways, according to their understanding and capacities, in its mission. Through them the church is able to permeate all sectors of human life because they live and work in places which only they can adequately evangelise. Being aware of their indispensable role in bringing the gospel to the ends of the earth, the church nurtures them, paying particular attention to the cradle, the human family, where all should first receive the fundamental instructions on the common vocation of Christians.

As their various gifts and life conditions are, so are their hindrances in giving themselves unreservedly to the work of evangelisation, particularly in reaching out to persons and societies far from their vicinities. Natural family engagements, lack of adequate preparations, expected support from leaders, poverty manifesting in varied ways and perverting effects of globalisation that lead to self-alienation are some of the many challenges that stare the laity in the face. The church can assist by intensifying its maternal roles of encouraging, equipping spiritually, morally and physically, so as to accomplish its mission through all its members.

 

Acknowledgements

The author thanks the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Mother of Christ in Kenya and Ghana, Pontifical Missionary Societies, and Anglophone Africa for their contributions to this research article.

Competing interests

The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this research article.

Author's contributions

M.J.O. is the sole author of this research article.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

 

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Correspondence:
Mary J. Obiorah
jerome.obiorah@unn.edu.ng

Received: 23 Mar. 2020
Accepted: 18 June 2020
Published: 17 Aug. 2020

 

 

Research Project Registration:
Project Leader: E. van Eck
Project Number: 2400030
Description: Mary J. Obiorah is participating in the research project 'Socio-cultural Readings', directed by Prof. Dr Ernest van Eck, Department of New Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH

 

Dealing with the cultural and financial challenges during death of a loved one and repatriation of the remains: A mission to the wounded

 

 

Mookgo S. Kgatle

Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, Human Sciences, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

 

 


ABSTRACT

The death of a loved one and the repatriation of the remains have become the double pain experienced by many Zimbabweans in South Africa. The double pain is caused by the cultural demand for burial to be conducted at the home country and the financial demands to do so. While previous studies on mission and theology have addressed the pain of death, only few have looked at the second pain of repatriation. The research gap calls for missiologists to seek ways of addressing the double pain as caused by cultural and financial challenges. By conducting interviews with the Zimbabweans in South Africa, missiological ways of dealing with the double pain are sought through the participant observation method. The proposal is that 'a mission to the wounded' as a theoretical framework within missiology is able to deal with these challenges. In addition, there is a need to embrace alternative burial protocol and rethink cremation as an additional solution to financial challenges.
CONTRIBUTION: This article revisits a theology of mission by suggesting 'a mission to the wounded' in light of death and repatriation

Keywords: pain; death; repatriation; cultural anthropology; missiology.


 

 

Introduction

About 3-4 million Zimbabweans have migrated to other countries, given the economic challenges in their own country. This means that a quarter of Zimbabweans are living outside their country. African countries have a fair share of the total number of Zimbabweans living outside their country, at about 2.5 million.

Seventy-five percent of the 2.5 million live in South Africa. This means that South Africa is better placed to study the repatriation of the bodies of Zimbabwean migrants (Makina 2012:365-378) because there is a great presence of Zimbabweans in South Africa. However, during the death of a loved one, the Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa go through what this article refers to as 'double pain'. They go through the pain of mourning the loss of their loved one, on the one hand, and the pain of dealing with the repatriation of the body of the deceased, on the other hand.

This is because most Zimbabweans living in other countries like to be buried in Zimbabwe. Rowles and Comeaux (1987:115) opined that 'the belief one should be buried at "home" among friends and relatives is a human trait finding expression in a diversity of cultures'. According to Félix (2011:158), it is 'the expressed desire of migrants in life to be returned to their community of origin in death'. Nunez and Wheeler (2012) added that some migrants:

[M]ay wish to return home when facing a possibility of their own death in a foreign country to avoid the risk of not being able to return home after death. (p. 214)

In the words of Fontein (2009):

The process of bringing human bodies back to Zimbabwe is done to bring back the spirit of the dead person back to his or her root and ensure that it rests in the right place. (p. 14)

Correspondingly, Fontein sustained that failure to perform these specific rituals to return the spirits of the dead has consequences. In some cases, if a person is not buried in their place of origin, their spirit might come back as bad sign and cause problems within the family. It is understood to anger and trouble the spirits and in turn precipitate great personal or family misfortune (Fontein 2009:14). Therefore, to avoid cultural and spiritual problems, families go the extra mile to ensure the repatriation of their loved ones. Although the cultural reasons for repatriating bodies back to Zimbabwe are valid, there is a need to be practical and do a cost-benefit analysis; the money used to transport the body could be used to support the education of the deceased's children.

The cultural and subsequent financial challenges of repatriating the remains of Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa call for a different way of doing mission. Mission to those mourning the loss of their loved ones in their home country cannot be the same as for those mourning outside their home country. Those who mourn away from their country are going through the double pain of death and repatriation of their loved one's remains (challenge) at the same time. By using 'mission to the wounded' as a theoretical framework, the article reimagines the repatriation of bodies back to Zimbabwe by being sensitive to the cultural values of those who insist that their bodies be buried in their home country. Secondly, the article reimagines cremation as a way of dealing with the financial costs involved with the repatriation of dead bodies. Thus, 'mission to the wounded' in this context, according to Kritzinger, refers to the sensitivity that needs to be offered to the community of Zimbabweans in need of help in burying their loved ones. It is not only a commitment to the Christian faith, but also how the Christian faith can be maintained among those who are mourning, on the one hand, as well as facing cultural and financial challenges, on the other hand (Kritzinger 2013:97). Mission has to be done by considering its context (Kgatle 2018:2). Kgatle (2019:63) continues by saying, 'It is not only a redemptive mission but also the mission with social responsibilities to the poor, oppressed, sick, prisoners and the vulnerable in society'.

 

Methodology

This article uses the participant observation method with a qualitative research design. This method was used to collect data from Zimbabwean migrants, which were then analysed by the researcher. Participant observation is used in ethnographic studies, especially to understand different cultures in a better way. The method is not only applicable to social sciences, but it can also be used in many other disciplines, particularly Cultural Anthropology, Ethnology, Sociology, Communication Studies, Human Geography and Social Psychology. The main purpose of this method is to gather information within a specific community or group such as a religious group or organisation. In this article, it was used to gather information on the Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa. Therefore, participant observation is known for objectivity in research such that the research conducted is free of judgement, stereotypes and imposition.

The researcher conducted interviews among Zimbabweans living in South Africa. Ten people were interviewed. The participants were selected by looking at families who had experienced repatriation of their loved ones from South Africa. The following five main questions were asked:

· Q1: What is the experience of having to deal with the pain of the death of a fellow congregant?

· Q2: What is the process for repatriating a dead body from South Africa?

· Q3: How does the process of repatriating remains affect the grieving family?

· Q4: What is the relationship between mourning the death of a loved one and the pain of the repatriation of remains?

· Q5: What are the best ways to help migrant families deal with the double pain of death and the repatriation of their loved ones' remains?

Table 1 shows the number of participants, criteria for selection, questions and comments.

 

The pain of death

Death is painful on its own; it does not matter if it is the death of a child, someone middle-aged or an elderly person. It does not matter if the cause is natural or accidental. Death does not respect one's economic status, religious affiliation, race, skin colour or ethnicity. Death remains painful. However, death is more painful if one has to deal with the challenges of repatriating the remains, which requires a lot of effort and financial ability. In the words of Connolly et al. (2017:1), 'the death of a family member or friend is a traumatic event. This trauma is intensified in the setting of foreign travel'. During the interview, the participants were asked a question: what is the experience of having to deal with the pain of death of fellow congregant? In answering this question, one of the participants said that it is always a very difficult moment, given that most congregants, especially close relatives, will be looking for guidance and leadership for most of the procedures and processes.

The participants agreed that death is the principal cause of grief and pain experienced by family and friends. However, pain is not only caused by the loss of loved ones but other associated matters. These difficulties can lead people into a loss of hope for the future (Dysvik & Furnes 2010:163). In addition, the loss of a loved one has the potential to cause a root of bitterness in life, where even small matters cause a person to be angry. Some people even go to the extent of losing their faith during the loss of their loved one. When people are not strong in the Lord, they can easily lose their faith during the death of their loved one because their faith is not grounded. Some mourning families sometime struggle with questions like why did they lose their loved one? Failure to answer such questions leads many to a loss of faith (Marrone 1999:495-519).

 

The process of repatriation of remains

Repatriation, according to Connolly et al. (2017:1), is the process whereby 'human remains are transferred from a foreign territory to the native land of the deceased'. Connolly et al. (2017:2) continued to say '[c]ontacting the local national embassy, travel insurance broker and tour operator, if applicable, are important initial steps in the repatriation of the deceased traveller'. The participants were also asked another question: what is the process of repatriating a body from South Africa to Zimbabwe? The participants indicated that they were not very involved in this process, as it can only be facilitated by a registered funeral parlour.

The first step, therefore, is to find the best service available according to the financial means of the family.

It is also important to note that funeral parlours can charge any price, as there are no regulations or standardised prices. Nonetheless, the participants were willing to share the process that was run by the funeral parlours they used.

 

The challenges of repatriation of remains

Paperwork

The third question was centred on how the process of repatriating remains affects the grieving family. One participant said that family members have to be available for any requirements to process and prepare the body.

They also have to be available to provide identity documents, clothing and cosmetics. They have to sign documents as the next of kin. They need to be available to help in coordinating gatherings and updating friends and relatives on the progress. Availability is a challenge to most of the Zimbabweans in South Africa.

The process of repatriation of remains involves not only the members of the family who are in South Africa but also those in their native land. When the relatives in Zimbabwe wait, family members in South Africa try their best to make sure that the process advances smoothly and the necessary documentation is processed in good time. The paperwork involved in the process of repatriating remains is a long one; it usually takes a week and includes the burial order, notice of death, post-mortem report, death certificate, embalming certificate, non-infectious disease letter and a permit to repatriate from the Department of Home Affairs in South Africa. A clearance letter also needs to be obtained from the Zimbabwean consulate. The South African government has been lenient in cases where an undocumented person dies, but a documented family member must complete the paperwork. A family member must do this paperwork while struggling with the fact that the one they loved is no more. The family member is expected to be strong and face the challenges involved in processing all the paperwork in order for the body to be finally repatriated back to Zimbabwe. Most of the time, such a huge responsibility requires a mature family member who can deal with both the pain of death and the process of repatriation of the remains.

Given the discussion between the interviewer and the participants, it is clear that repatriating remains is a challenging process, especially the paperwork involved in the process. The process is difficult for both the individual and their family. Individuals and churches who do not cope with this process actually stand at a risk of losing their jobs, if they have contractual obligations. Most of the time, both the church and the individual are not prepared for the process of repatriation of remains. Thus, when the day of death arrives, they have culture shock and do not know what do to. This is because the process of repatriating remains can become a very traumatic experience for the family and church members. At the end, the process imposes suffering and pain on others. This calls for a different approach to doing mission among the wounded. This process should not be only the responsibility of the individual and the church; companies that employ foreign nationals should rethink the way they take care of their employees, especially as it relates to funeral policies and so on. Lack of such mediation by families, churches and companies results in chaos when it comes to the process of repatriating remains (Sánchez Vidal et al. 2008:1683-1702).

Finances

The fourth question regards the relationship between mourning and the pain of repatriation. The immediate answer involves the financial implications. Hence, the repatriating funeral parlour has emerged, a specific niche in the 'death industry', which according to Nunez and Wheeler (2012:219) has emerged from the need to return deceased migrants home and offer services primarily to African migrants or their families. In this kind of funeral parlour, body preparation and transportation may cost a minimum of R15 000.00. It can be cheaper if members provide their own transport, but the services of a funeral parlour will still be required at the final destination of the deceased. Thus, repatriating a body from South Africa to Zimbabwe is expensive. Although some families who cannot raise enough money hold the funeral in South Africa, many families still insist on taking their loved ones back home. There are funeral insurance policies, but not everyone takes one out. Some of the funeral insurance companies that specialise in repatriation of remains for Zimbabweans include Doves, which has the Zimba-Mzansi funeral plan and the Zororo Phumulani division, as well as Moonlight Funeral Assurance and Services and the MFS Insurance funeral cover. When repatriated by air, an R6000 tax has to be paid on top of this at the airport to the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority, and a funeral company should be available to collect the body. Another option is to send the body by road to Johannesburg and then with Air Zimbabwe. If the person is to be buried outside of Harare, there is that additional transport cost.

The costs of repatriation also depend on how many members wish to accompany the body during transportation. Thus, these processes make body repatriation a big business these days, especially between South Africa and Zimbabwe. Costs can tally well into the thousands for body transportation services, with additional options like offering a small bus to bring relatives back to Zimbabwe with the body. Thus, the price of R15 000 can increase if more relatives are added to the list of those accompanying the body. It can therefore amount to about R23 000 to R25 000. These costs also depend on the location from which the deceased is to be taken. For example, it costs more to transport a body to Zimbabwe from Cape Town than from Durban or Johannesburg. These costs are too much for individuals and for their families. They are also costly given the economic challenges in South Africa and Zimbabwe. However, in the midst of these challenges, Zimbabweans in South Africa still insist on repatriating the bodies of their loved ones.

The main challenge is that even when members take out funeral policies, sometimes they are not enough to cover the expenses of repatriation and the funeral to be conducted back at home in Zimbabwe. The funeral itself is a costly exercise, given the fact that for the whole week they have to cook for visitors until the day of burial. Therefore, even if members take out funeral policies, they are not sufficient at times to cover all these costs. If a specific member wants to have a funeral policy that takes care of everything, they equally have to pay a fortune on a monthly basis towards such a policy. Thus, at times, Zimbabweans have to hire a South African funeral insurance company that they normally pay cash to compensate for gaps created by their own funeral policies. Thus, the South African funeral policy will cover the logistics in South Africa, then at the border responsibility will be transferred to a Zimbabwean funeral policy. In this way, the burden of this massive process is shared between the two countries. However, the South African insurance companies can be equally expensive for Zimbabweans.

 

Dealing with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains

The last interview question focussed on how to help migrant families deal with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains. Regarding death, one participant said that the migrant family needs to be allowed to gather and receive members who are coming to help and console them. They need prayers and comfort. Regarding repatriation, another participant said that because the main challenge is financial, they need assistance to cover the main costs that are incurred here locally, that is, funeral parlour and transportation costs. However, regarding the financial aspect, one participant highlighted that taking the decision on which funeral parlour to use for the body preparation, depending on the affordability, is pivotal. Therefore, family members have to choose the package they can afford as quoted by the service provider. Another participant said that it is important to have financial viability for gatherings and other running costs in South Africa. Financial viability is also needed for the processes and procedures, and the same will be happening on the other side. Family members in Zimbabwe have to engage a funeral parlour as well to finish the burial, unless a quotation has been agreed for one service provider to do everything.

The challenges of death and repatriating remains also call on Zimbabweans in South Africa to organise themselves to help each other make ends meet. In the words of Ahaddour, Van den Branden and Broeckaert (2019):

[A] deceased who did not have a repatriation insurance would be helped out by the community through donations via social media (e.g. Facebook) to guarantee the deceased a dignified burial, as this is a collective duty. (p. 48)

Fellow Zimbabweans can support others, and this does not necessarily involve money; such help can be rendered in terms of organisation, paperwork and other arrangements. According to Nesteruk (2018):

[B]eing with their loved ones and participating in rituals associated with death, such as making funeral preparations, sharing meals, praying, and attending services, provides them with a sense of belonging and comfort. (p. 1020)

To deal with repatriation of remains in the future, it is high time to form groups that will faithfully contribute money on a monthly basis or as crises arise, committing to distribute such monies equally among the members.

Zimbabweans in South Africa can help each other by setting up accounts that can assist members to repatriate and bury their loved ones. In the form of any organisation with the proper structure, members can elect a board with a chairperson, secretary and treasurer who will manage such an organisation. This kind of organisation can assist with burdens and administration of the process of repatriating remains for Zimbabweans living in South Africa, as repatriation is important for many Zimbabwean families, who believe that relatives must be buried in their homeland. However, as more Zimbabweans build lives outside their native country, repatriation of remains and the associated costs need creative solutions.

Those who insist on repatriation of their remains should properly plan. According to Ahaddour et al. (2019), a good repatriation should be understood as having:

[A]n insurance, a speedy handling of the administration (e.g. documents, tickets) and burial (e.g. washing the dead, taking care of a coffin and transportation to the morgue, airport and cemetery). (p. 48)

Knowing the difficulties of repatriation of remains and preparation can go a long way to addressing these difficulties prior to the repatriation process. Meaning, members do not have to wait until death comes but can actually plan ahead of time to make sure that the day death comes they are ready for the process of repatriation. The aspects of preparedness for repatriation, cultural identity change and attributions of causality on the repatriation experience of the individual returning home from South Africa to Zimbabwe should not be left to those who are still alive; rather, the individual should take care of these aspects personally.

A successful repatriation process can be attained when, upon arrival in South Africa, individuals think not only about the present but also the future, as to where they want to be buried when they die. This might relate to gaining access to a suitable job upon arrival in South Africa and having a proper financial plan. Access to a suitable job requires a match between a person's expectations and their actual willingness and capacity to meet those expectations. It might also involve the type of qualifications an individual holds in their career (Hyder et al. 2007:264-281).

 

Embracing alternative burial protocol

Alternatively, Zimbabweans living in South Africa might have to rethink the question: where is home? As Mashau (2019:2) calls on us 'To see the world as a common home that should be shared by all and for their well-being'. Maybe home could be redefined, not only in terms of where one was born but also in terms of where one lives with one's immediate family. Other than the cultural reason given by participants in previous sections, individuals need to ask themselves a bold question: What is wrong with being buried in a foreign land? After all, what is a foreign land, given the fact that many Zimbabweans have found a home on South African soil and have actually established families in South Africa? Some Zimbabweans have married South African women or men.

Others have established businesses that have created jobs for both Zimbabweans and South Africans.

Therefore, it can be reiterated, where is home for such individuals? Thus, it might be ideal given the economic challenges to opt for being buried in South Africa. The little money that a member has accumulated over the years while living in South Africa can go a long way towards assisting the family members who are still alive, especially the children of the deceased. The money can help families back in Zimbabwe who are going through economic hardships. Moreover, in the study that Ahaddour et al. (2019:42) conducted, the participants explained that God created the earth, and therefore all ground is the same. The participants expressed the belief that the deceased should be buried where God takes away the soul. In this respect, a few middle-aged participants stated that it actually does not matter where you are buried, given the fact that it is the situation of the soul in the afterlife that counts.

 

Rethinking cremation

One of the ways to deal with the double pain of death and repatriation of remains is for all Africans, not only Zimbabweans, to rethink their perception on cremation. Cremation, according to Masango (2006):

[R]epresents a means of disposing the remains and establishing a means of focus for remembering their deceased loved one. It can also serve as a means for recognizing the transition from body presence to body absence. (p. 1031)

However, most Africans are negative towards cremation because they are used to burying the actual body. Nonetheless, cremation can save costs because it will be cheaper to move the ashes of the dead person than to move their whole body. Another advantage of cremation is that it simplifies the funeral process, which can be very long in an African context. The fact is that in addition to moving the body back to their country of origin, there are other costs that relate to the processes leading to the final burial. Cremation can make these processes short, as family members do not have to wait for transport of the dead body. Cremation can shorten the paperwork needed to finalise the moving of the remains of the deceased back to their country of origin.

The other advantage is that cremation is not particular about the place of burial, which is normally the graveyard.

The ashes can be laid to rest in a garden at home or in the garden on the church premises. This also opens the possibility of laying the ashes to rest in the country where the deceased died because the logistics or the costs are less. The final advantage is that the remains can be laid to rest on any day of the week. The most important thing is that the family will still mourn their loved one; it does not change the way they feel about their lost family member. They still can pay their last respects in a dignified way. The respect does not change because they have cremated the body, as long as there is a service of committal. According to Masango (2006), such a service:

[E]specially when the ashes are placed in a niche, buried in a garden of remembrance, or are interred, reinforces the recollection process, again remembering with respect and reflecting with respect and remembrance on the way in which the past relationship is [sic] came to an end. (p. 1031)

 

Mission to the wounded in the light of death and repatriation of remains

The challenges of death and repatriation of the remains mean that mission among the wounded cannot be carried out as it has been before. We need to answer an important question: what is the meaning of ministering to wounded people in a specific setting (Knoetze 2017:1)? Mission in this context would not only be understood theoretically but as being there for the wounded community (Knoetze 2017:2). It is also important to assess how wounded people are able to minister to others while in pain. Given their trauma, missiologists need to provide solutions for how such people can continue to serve the God in their situations. The reason for this assertion is that God is involved in the wounds of the people. According to Exodus 3:7, God knows the pains of his people.

Therefore, the wounded should never be perceived as people who are outcast and standing outside the will and purpose of God's mission for his people. Mission to the wounded draws a parallel between the mission of God and wounded people in the sense that God is concerned with what people are going through in their lives (Knoetze 2017:3). God wishes to see healing for those who are going through trauma.

Therefore, anyone involved in mission is called to stand in solidarity with people undergoing the same pain. The mission practitioner or even missiologist should not shy away from the daily sufferings of the people of God. Anyone involved in the mission of God who sees the injustices of the people cannot ignore them, because the same pains are the concern of God the Almighty, who is on the side of the wounded. Therefore, the concern of the participants in the mission of God is pivotal in mission to the wounded (Mashau 2018:139). The role of the Holy Spirit is also important in giving power to those who desire to take part in healing the wounded (Niemandt 2015:90). The work of the Holy Spirit will grant healing to the wounded and bring restoration to their lives. All the world needs to know is that God is still in charge even as the world receives many wounds. God has vowed to save the crying world because of his unfailing love in the midst of many atrocities. Therefore, mission to the wounded has the promise of the goodness of God happening in the midst of wounds (Molale 2018:106).

Mission to the wounded calls on missiologists and practitioners of faith to rethink and reimagine mission among the wounded. In the words of the conveners of the International Association for Mission Studies (IAMS) 2019 conference a mission to the wounded requires 'new locating and refiguring: creating resilience in those who carry wounds, pursuing spaces of religious freedom and engaging in deep solidarity, transformation and renewal'

In this kind of renewal, Dysvik and Furnes (2010:163) suggested, '[s]upport to people who suffer grief caused by death or chronic pain, should focus on grief as a specific type of experience taking a phenomenological perspective'. In the context of this article, grief is caused not only by death but also by the processes of repatriation that involve high costs. The wounded in this instance are not only the emotionally wounded but also the financially challenged individuals who cannot afford to transport the bodies of their loved ones from South Africa to Zimbabwe.

Mission to the wounded means that, following Christ and taking up the cross as presented to Christians, suffering and death cannot be the only remedy given to the wounded. There is also a need to lend a hand in terms of the financial support to be offered to the members of the deceased's family. This means that the preacher cannot just visit the family to preach the good news in terms of what Christ has done on the cross but needs to also encourage church members to support those going through the double pain. Yes, it is true that followers of Christ need to follow the example of Christ in suffering and dying with him, being buried with him and resurrected with him.

However, this is not enough. The same follower of Christ in his or her vulnerability, experiencing death and the challenges of repatriation of their loved one's remains, should not only be comforted with words but be given assistance as well. The redemptive work of Christ on the cross of Calvary should not be used as an excuse for not taking care of one another as members of the Christian faith. Thus, the follower of Christ already knows about the cross but needs comfort in a more practical way (Noonan 1998:387).

Nonetheless, members can find comfort in knowing that Jesus has overcome death. The prophet Isaiah 25:8 already prophesied that Christ would swallow up death in victory and God would wipe the tears from the faces of all the people. The other promise is that the shame of the people on earth shall be taken away with the victory of Christ over death. Thus, the coming of Christ according to Isaiah not only presents salvation for the people but victory over death and the promise of a shameless life. Thus, although followers of Christ experience death, the promise is that death now has no power over them. In Hosea 13:14, speaking through the mouth of the prophet, God promised to redeem people from the power of the grave. God also promised to ransom his people from the power of death itself. God declared that both grave and death would be destroyed. Thus, as the grave could not hold Christ for more than 3 days, in a similar way, the grave has no power over the followers of Christ. This does not mean that people will not die in the present, rather that death has no permanent hold over their lives.

Thus, death has no power over followers of Christ. Jesus will reign until all his enemies are found under his feet. Death and the grave no longer have power over Christ (1 Cor 15:55). In addition, one of the enemies found under the feet of Jesus is death. This is because God himself has put everything under the feet of Jesus Christ, including death. Thus, it must be understood that everything is under the feet of Christ except for the one who gave him the authority, that is, God the father (1 Cor 15:25-27). The victory of Christ over death and its power actually marks the beginning of a life of grace. To illustrate the victory of Christ over death, John the revelator says that the sea will give up its dead and death and Hades will give up their dead (Rv 20:13). In addition, both death and Hades will be thrown into the lake of fire in what is called the second death (Rv 2014). Moreover, after the second death, the promise is that there will be no more death or pain inflicted upon those who will spend eternity with Christ (Rv 21:4).

Death should not be seen as the end of life but the beginning of eternal life. Anyone who views death as the final arbiter and the final destination will be discouraged when it happens, but those who view it as a door to eternal life will find comfort in Christ. Although the natural followers of Christ cannot have power over physical death, they do have power over spiritual death. Moreover, those who believe that after death they have the opportunity for eternal life cannot be discouraged and will not lose their faith. They know that there is a God in heaven, who is above death and controls everything in heaven and on earth. In the words of Marrone (1999:495-519), '[t]he belief in an afterlife may be the most common religion-based assimilation strategy observed in individuals dealing with loss'. Therefore, the death of Christ is the centre of Christian faith because according to Loewald (2007):

[H]e is not only the ultimate love object which the believer loses as an external object and regains by identification with Him as an ego ideal, He is, in His passion and sacrificial death, the exemplification of complete internalization and sublimation of all earthly relationships and needs. (pp. 1113-1133)

Finally, death should not be feared by people, including African people. Death should not be feared to a level where African people worship death and/or the dead. To fear that when one is not buried at home something wrong will happen is actually the fear of death and the dead. Therefore, missiologists must convince the African people that there is no relationship between the dead and the living. When a person passes on, they cannot control those who are still alive. On the contrary, the biggest tragedy is spiritual death, when people fail to reconcile with their master because of their sin. This means that the spirit of a person is of greater importance than their body.

Therefore, instead of fearing death, people should be more concerned about where their spirits are going after that death, rather than where they should be buried.

 

Conclusion

Death is painful and inevitable, but death should not be allowed to take over the emotions because Christ has defeated death. In addition, there is hope after death. Thus, death should not be seen as the final destination in this life, but as a door to eternal life. The current pain of death and losing a loved one should not deter people from their walking with God. Death should not be allowed to take away the faith of those who are in the Christian community, but should rather strengthen their faith, knowing that God is still in charge. When it comes to death and the challenges of repatriation of remains, which require a lot of effort and financial strength, the matter makes sense in terms of cultural norms. However, when considering the economic hardships, it may be better to be buried in the country to which a Zimbabwean national migrated during his or her life. This means that there is a need to redefine 'home' to refer to where one is living with one's close or immediate family and not necessarily where one was born. For families that can afford repatriation of remains, there is a need for a proper plan that may involve policies and other financial aspects. Lastly, there is a great need to rethink cremation, as it can save costs as opposed to repatriation of the actual body.

 

Acknowledgements

The author thanks the Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology for the support provided in conducting this research.

Competing interests

The author declares that he has no competing interests.

Author's contributions

M.S.K. is the sole author of this article.

Ethical consideration

The ethical clearance was issued by the University of South Africa, College of Human Sciences Research Ethics Review Committee.

Funding information

This study was financially supported by the University of South Africa.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

 

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Correspondence:
Mookgo Kgatle
kgatles@yahoo.com

Received: 21 Feb. 2020
Accepted: 12 May 2020
Published: 03 Aug. 2020

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