Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Koers]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=2304-855720140004&lang=en vol. 79 num. 4 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Calvinus</b><b>: Auctoritas Dei (Calvin: The authority of God) </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Calvin's teaching on providence: From his debates</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Calvyn se leer van God se voorsienigheid is ongetwyfeld een van die mees kontroversiële onderwerpe van sy teologie. Dit word duidelik in al die debatte waarin Calvyn sy leer oor die voorsienigheid moes verdedig, byvoorbeeld teen Pighius, Bolsec, Bullinger en Castellio. Vyfhonderd jaar later word Calvyn weer in die openbaar oor sy voorsienigheidsleer aangeval deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse teoloog, Adrio König. Calvyn se antwoord op Castellio in Die verborge voorsienigheid van God is duidelik nie deur König in ag geneem nie. In Calvyn se verdediging van sy voorsienigheidsleer verwerp hy nooit die soewereiniteit van God nie, maar gee ook nie vir God die skuld vir die kwaad nie - 'n beskuldiging wat Castellio en König teen Calvyn inbring. Die troos van God se voorsienigheid lê vir Calvyn juis daarin dat God alle dinge, ook teenspoed en verdrukking, deur sy verborge voorsienigheid beskik met die doel om sy kinders nader na Hom te lei.<hr/>ABSTRACT Calvin's teaching on God's providence is without doubt one of the most controversial subjects in his theology. This is clear in all the debates in which Calvin had to defend his teaching on providence, against, for example, Pighius, Bolsec, Bullinger and Castellio. Five hundred years later Calvin has again been publicly attacked on his teaching on providence by a South African theologian, Adrio König. König, however, did not consider Calvin's response to Castellio in The secret providence of God. In Calvin's defence of his teaching on providence he in no circumstances denies the sovereignty of God, but also does not give God the blame for any ills that might result - an accusation that Castellio and König levied against him. For Calvin, the consolation of God's providence rests in the fact that God ordains all things, including adversity and affliction, through his secret providence for the purpose of leading his children closer to him. <![CDATA[<b>The death of a leader: Calvin commenting on Joshua in the last year of his life (1563)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In the early modern period the testament, death, burial and funeral orations of public figures were often registered carefully. Such accounts told the story of the esteem in which the leaders were held, as the example of Martin Luther shows. While the account of John Calvin's demise seems simpler, in his case the story of his dying days is focused on his farewell addresses. The surviving manuscripts of Calvin's contributions to the Bible study of Joshua in 1563-1564 testify to his awareness of his mortality. How did he, their moderator, address the Company of Pastors in the course of their treatment of the book of Joshua in the weekly congregations during the last year of his life? Both the end of the Pentateuch Harmony and the Joshua commentary cover farewell speeches of Israel's leaders. Did Calvin compare the Old Testament prophets and leaders with the preachers of Geneva? The academic discussion of Calvin's perception of himself as a prophet is taken up in the discussion of his self-awareness in the last year of collegial exposition of the Bible.<hr/>In die vroeë moderne periode is die testament, dood, begrafnis en begrafnistoesprake van openbare figure dikwels noukeurig opgeteken. Sulke verslae gee weer watter agting daar vir hierdie leiers was, soos die voorbeeld van Martin Luther duidelik aantoon. Ofskoon die verslag van Johannes Calvyn se afsterwe eenvoudiger lyk, fokus die verhaal van sy laaste dae veral op sy afskeidsredes. Die oorblywende manuskripte van Calvyn se bydraes aan die Bybelstudie oor Josua in 1563-1564 getuig hoe hy bewustelik oor sy eie sterflikheid gereflekteer het. Hoe het hy, hulle voorsitter, gedurende die laaste jaar van sy lewe die Vergadering van Predikante toegespreek tydens die behandeling van die boek Josua in die weeklikse congregations? Sowel die einde van die Harmonie op die Pentateug as die einde van die kommentaar op Josua behandel afskeidsredes van Israel se leiers. Het Calvyn die Ou-Testamentiese profete en leiers met die predikante van Genève vergelyk? Die akademiese diskussie oor Calvyn se persepsie van homself as profeet is deel van die diskussie oor sy selfbewussyn in die laaste jaar van die kollegiale uitleg van die Bybel. <![CDATA[<b>Die teoloog as sendeling - Op soek na 'n sleutel vir Calvyn se sendingbeskouing</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die bewering dat die Reformatore en by name Calvyn weinig of geensins in sending geïnteresseerd was nie, is nie nuut in die kerkgeskiedskrywing nie. Ten spyte van vele studies wat deur die loop van jare die teendeel aangetoon het, kom hierdie bewering ongekwalifiseerd steeds per geleentheid voor, byvoorbeeld in 'n resente publikasie van een van die wêreld se toonaangewende kerkhistorici. Juis na afloop van die internasionale herdenkings van Calvyn se 500e geboortejaar in 2009 en die talle studies en publikasies wat daaruit voortgespruit het, is dit gepas om die vraag op 'n ander manier te belig: Watter teologiese grondmotiewe is belangrik in die sendingbeskouing van Calvyn? Die artikel stel die vraag oor die verhouding tussen sending en Calvyn aan die orde met spesifieke verwysing na die begrip sending, maar ook ten opsigte van sommige ander teologiese vrae. Volgens Calvyn het alle gelowiges 'n verantwoordelikheid in die uitdra van die evangelie. Die adressate van hierdie 'sendingwerk' is alle volke, alle mense, die hele wêreld. Hy bind die sendingtaak ekklesiologies in: vir hom is die kerk (die plaaslike gemeente) slegs kerk, wanneer dit missionêr georiënteerd is.<hr/>The contention that the Reformers, and especially Calvin, had little or no interest in mission is not new in church historiography. While many studies, conducted over years, have demonstrated the contrary, this groundless allegation continues to assert itself from time to time, for example as found in a recent best-seller by one of the world's leading church historians. Given that 2009 marked the world-wide commemoration of Calvin's birthday 500 years ago with the consequence of many studies published, it is appropriate to elucidate the question in a different manner: What theological motives are important in Calvin's view of mission? This article examines the issue of the relationship between mission and Calvin with regard to the concept of mission, but also concerning some other theological questions. According to Calvin, every believer has a role to fulfill in evangelism. The 'mission field' is comprised of every nation, all peoples, the entire world. Calvin interprets the task of mission ecclesiologically: for him the church (as local congregation) is only church when it has a missionary orientation. <![CDATA[<b>Calvin's view on the book of the Acts of the Apostles</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en How does John Calvin view the book of the Acts of the Apostles? What does he see as the benefit of this book for the church of his time? Is he, like so many today, of the opinion that the book of Acts is primarily about the work of the Holy Spirit? Calvin preached and commented on the book of Acts from 1549 to 1554. His commentary is preceded by an Argumentum as well as a number of dedicatory letters (accompanying the respective editions). In these introductory documents Calvin gives the reader insight into his view on the benefit and the theme of Acts. He describes the benefit of the book of Acts primarily from a Christological perspective: the book of Acts paints a picture of the effect that Christ's death and resurrection had after he ascended into heaven. This benefit takes its most visible form in the theme of Acts, which Calvin subsequently identifies: the beginning of the church. The theme of the book of Acts is therefore defined from an ecclesiological perspective. This article demonstrates the value of studying not only Calvin's commentaries themselves, but also the introductory documents that accompanied them. In this way, a clear picture of Calvin's view on the book of Acts is painted.<hr/>OPSOMMING Wat is Johannes Calvyn se visie op die boek Handelinge van die Apostels? Wat is, vir hom, die waarde van hierdie boek vir die kerk van sy dae? Is hy, soos baie vandag, van mening dat Handelinge in die eerste plek gaan oor die werk van die Heilige Gees? Vanaf 1549-1554 het Calvyn oor Handelinge gepreek en geskryf. Sy kommentaar word voorafgegaan deur 'n Argumentum sowel as verskeie opdragbriewe (wat die onderskeie uitgawes vergesel het). In hierdie inleidende dokumente gee Calvyn insig in wat hy beskou het as die waarde en tema van die boek Handelinge. Hy beskryf die waarde veral vanuit 'n Christologiese perspektief: die boek Handelinge skets vir ons die effek van Christus se dood en opstanding nadat Hy na die hemel opgevaar het. Hierdie effek neem sy mees sigbare vorm in die tema wat Calvyn vir die boek Handelinge identifiseer: die begin van die kerk. Die tema word dus vanuit 'n ekklesiologiese perspektief gedefinieer. Hierdie artikel toon die waarde daarvan aan om nie slegs Calvyn se kommentare te bestudeer nie, maar ook die gepaardgaande inleidende dokumente. Daardeur word Calvyn se visie op die boek Handelinge duidelik vir ons geteken. <![CDATA[<b>Calvin's instruction on the fifth commandment</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In this article Calvin's explication of the fifth commandment in his works intended to be used in education and catechetical instruction is surveyed. The investigation is restricted to (in this sequence) the 1536 Institutio, the Instruction et Confession de Foy, printed in Geneva in 1537 and 1538, l'Institution puerile de la doctrine Chrestienne and the expanded Institutio (1539) and incorporated Calvin's exposition of the core biblical texts (Ephesians, Colossians, Exodus and Deuteronomy) used for his explanation of the fifth commandment. The renowned Catechismus (1541/1545) is then scrutinised, followed by a consideration of La maniere d'interroguer les enfans qu'on veut recevoir a la cene Seigneur Iesus Christ (1553). The aim of the research is not limited to a discussion of the content of Calvin's exposition, but also to establish whether a development can be traced in the theological thinking of Calvin. The conclusion is that Calvin supplemented and clothed the basic trajectories of his interpretation, but that the 1539 Institutio provided the most complete and finalised explication of the fifth commandment. In addition, the conditional obedience of children is omitted in the 1545 Catechismus. It was probably done for pedagogical reasons.<hr/>Hierdie artikel gaan Calvyn se uitleg van die vyfde gebod in sy werke na wat op onderrig, insluitende die kategese, gemik was. Agtereenvolgens is die 1536 Institutio, die Instruction et Confession de Foy, gedruk in Genève in 1537 en 1538, l'Institution puerile de la doctrine Chrestienne en die uitgebreide Institutio (1539) ontleed. Hierna word die beroemde Catechismus (1541/1545) onder die loep geneem. Die oorweging van La maniere d'interroguer les enfans qu'on veut recevoir a la cene Seigneur Iesus Christ (1553) voltooi die navorsing. Die vraag aan hierdie werke van Calvyn is nie beperk tot die inhoud van Calvyn se uitleg nie, maar ook of daar 'n teologiese ontwikkeling af te lees is. Die gevolgtrekking is dat Calvyn die basiese trajekte van sy uitleg aangevul en ingeklee het, maar dat die 1539 Institutio die mees volledige en gefinaliseerde uitleg bevat. Hierbenewens het Calvyn in die uitgewerkte Catechismus nie alles wat byvoorbeeld in die 1539 Institutio (en ook sy kommentare op Eksodus, Deuteronomium, Efesiërs en Kolossense) na vore gebring is, ingesluit nie. Dit was waarskynlik om pedagogiese redes gedoen. <![CDATA[<b>The school order of Genève 1559: A basis for a reformed school order</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Calvyn en die onderwys is sinoniem. Behalwe dat sy geskrewe nalatenskap van sy intense besig wees mét en liefde vir die onderwys getuig, het hy hom konkreet vir die daarstel van skole beywer waar die jeug in die vrees van die Here opgevoed word. Nie alleen die inhoud van die onderrig wat die kinders ontvang nie, maar ook die vorm waarin dit aangebied word, asook die leerkragte wat daarby betrokke is, het besondere aandag by Calvyn gekry. Oor alles laat hy die lig van God se Woord skyn. In hierdie artikel word aangetoon hoe hy, gegewe sy eie historiese agtergrond, met die middels tot sy beskikking in die stad Genève gepoog het om 'n skoolstelsel te ontwerp waar kinders en jongmense onderrig word ooreenkomstig die doopsbelofte wat die ouers afgelê het. Calvyn se Geneefse skoolorde van 1559, in samehang met die Geneefse Kerkorde van 1561, gee insae in sy denke en optrede betreffend die onderwys. 'n Poging word aangewend om enkele lyne te trek wat hopelik vir die huidige onderwysgesprek bruikbaar sal wees. Die vraag is of daar te midde van al die skoolbeleide en skoolreëls 'n dringende behoefte aan 'n deeglike grondliggende skoolorde is. Die artikel wil aan hierdie vraag aandag skenk.<hr/>Calvin and education are synonymous. Apart from his written legacy, which speaks of his intense love for education, he endeavoured to put schools in place where young people could be educated in the ways of the Lord. This was not only in the curriculum, but also in the way it was presented and the teachers who presented those lessons received special attention from Calvin. The light of God's Word is shed over everything. This article shows how, given his own historical background and the tools available to him, he tried to develop a school system in the city of Geneva where children could be educated in accordance with the promise of their parents at their baptism. The school order of Geneva (1559) in conjunction with the Genevan Church order (1561) gives us insight in the doings and thoughts of Calvin on education. I hope to indicate some lines that could be of use in the present dialogue on educational matters. Sadly, the way Calvin set up a system for education is no longer evident in schools. Isn't there an urgent need for a well-defined and fundamental school order amongst all the school policies and rules? This question will receive attention in the article. <![CDATA[<b>Post-Reformation Reformed exegesis: Continuity or discontinuity of John Calvin?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Although the Post-Reformation Reformed theologian, philosopher and Hebraist Petrus van Mastricht (1630-1706) praises John Calvin (1509-1564) as one of the best commentators of Scripture, he rarely refers to Calvin's work in his Theoretico-practica theologia and, if he does, he either takes issue or concurs with it. This contribution explores the reception of Calvin's work by Mastricht, focusing on exegetical continuities and discontinuities in their comments on the psalms. It concludes that Mastricht gives more attention to etymological and philological issues of the Hebrew text than Calvin does, and emphasises more than the Genevan Scripture commentator does the doctrine of divine immensity and the Reformed concept of the covenant.<hr/>Hoewel die na-Reformatoriese gereformeerde teoloog, filosoof en Hebraïs, Petrus van Mastricht (1630-1706), Johannes Calvyn (1509-1564) as een van die beste eksegete van die Skrif prys, het hy in sy Theoretico-praktica theologia selde na Calvyn se werk verwys. Wanneer dit wel die geval was, het hy daarvan verskil of krities daarmee saamgestem. Hierdie bydrae verken die hantering van Calvyn se werk deur Mastricht, deur op eksegetiese kontinuïteit en diskontinuïteit in hul onderskeie kommentare op die Psalms te fokus. Dit kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Mastricht meer aandag aan etimologiese en filologiese kwessies van die Hebreeuse teks gee as Calvyn, en ook meer as die Geneefse Bybel kommentator die leer van die Goddelike grootsheid en die Gereformeerde verbondsbeskouing beklemtoon. <![CDATA[<b>John Calvin and the 'accursed idolatry' of the papal mass</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article comprises a comparison of article 16 of the Genevan Confession (1536), certain extracts of 'A small tract on Holy Communion (1541)' and a letter to Madame the Duchess of Ferrara (1541), with question 80¹ of the Heidelberg Catechism (HC80).<hr/>Die artikel fokus op die Gereformeerde teoloog Johannes Calvyn se besware teen die Rooms Katolieke mis soos verwoord in artikel 16 van die Geneefse Belydenis (1536), sekere uittreksels van sy 'Klein traktaat oor die heilige nagmaal' (1541), en 'n brief deur hom aan Renée die Hertogin van Ferrara (1541). Sy besware word verder vergelyk met vraag en antwoord 80 van die Heidelbergse Kategismus. Hierdeur poog die artikel om die huidige ignorering van die verskille tussen die nagmaal van die Here en die Rooms Katolieke mis wat die onlangse debatte daar rondom kenmerk, te deurbreek. <![CDATA[<b>An edifying circle of pastors</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article comprises a comparison of article 16 of the Genevan Confession (1536), certain extracts of 'A small tract on Holy Communion (1541)' and a letter to Madame the Duchess of Ferrara (1541), with question 80¹ of the Heidelberg Catechism (HC80).<hr/>Die artikel fokus op die Gereformeerde teoloog Johannes Calvyn se besware teen die Rooms Katolieke mis soos verwoord in artikel 16 van die Geneefse Belydenis (1536), sekere uittreksels van sy 'Klein traktaat oor die heilige nagmaal' (1541), en 'n brief deur hom aan Renée die Hertogin van Ferrara (1541). Sy besware word verder vergelyk met vraag en antwoord 80 van die Heidelbergse Kategismus. Hierdeur poog die artikel om die huidige ignorering van die verskille tussen die nagmaal van die Here en die Rooms Katolieke mis wat die onlangse debatte daar rondom kenmerk, te deurbreek. <![CDATA[<b>An image of the church in Calvin's commentary on the Minor Prophets</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article comprises a comparison of article 16 of the Genevan Confession (1536), certain extracts of 'A small tract on Holy Communion (1541)' and a letter to Madame the Duchess of Ferrara (1541), with question 80¹ of the Heidelberg Catechism (HC80).<hr/>Die artikel fokus op die Gereformeerde teoloog Johannes Calvyn se besware teen die Rooms Katolieke mis soos verwoord in artikel 16 van die Geneefse Belydenis (1536), sekere uittreksels van sy 'Klein traktaat oor die heilige nagmaal' (1541), en 'n brief deur hom aan Renée die Hertogin van Ferrara (1541). Sy besware word verder vergelyk met vraag en antwoord 80 van die Heidelbergse Kategismus. Hierdeur poog die artikel om die huidige ignorering van die verskille tussen die nagmaal van die Here en die Rooms Katolieke mis wat die onlangse debatte daar rondom kenmerk, te deurbreek. <![CDATA[<b>Claude Le Jeune and Theodore de Bèze: A first encounter in the <i>Dix Pseaumes... en forme de Motets </i>of 1564</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2304-85572014000400012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In this article Claude Le Jeune's Dix Pseaumes is investigated, with special attention to its historical context. The Dix Pseaumes came into existence during the initial phase of the French wars of religion, between the Edict of Ambois on 19 March 1563 and its publication in 1564, with Le Jeune as its composer and Theodore de Bèze wrote the texts. De Bèze's influence in forming the French Protestant's view on armed resistance makes his connection to the Dix Pseaumes very interesting. It is argued that the non-sequential order of the psalms in this work cannot be accepted as unintentional, but relates directly to the political situation of that time. The texts were evidently chosen to mirror a well-defined consciousness of the French Protestants' particular existential situation. This is worked out in detail with respect to the opening psalm (Psalm 96), but can be detected in all the other psalms as well. The closing psalm (Psalm 81) ends with an upbraiding of the people's unkindness in refusing the yoke of God's law. Thus the obstinate disobedience of the people is blamed for the sad state of affairs in the country. This sorrowful note is echoed in the chanson spirituelle, Mais qui es-tu, which closes Le Jeune's collection.<hr/>In hierdie artikel word Claude Le Jeune se Dix Pseaumes ondersoek, met spesiale aandag vir die historiese konteks. Die Dix Pseaumes het ontstaan tydens die beginfase van die Franse Godsdiensoorloë, tussen die Edik van Amboise op 19 Maart 1563 en die publikasie van die Dix Pseaumes in 1564. Le Jeune was die komponis en Theodore de Bèze het die tekste berym. Laasgenoemde se invloed op die Franse Protestante se visie op gewapende weerstand maak sy verbintenis met die Dix Pseaumes besonder interessant. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die psalms in hierdie werk doelbewus in 'n nie-opeenvolgende orde geplaas is, en dat dit saamhang met die politieke situasie van daardie tyd. Dit is duidelik dat die tekste gekies is om die bewussyn van die Franse Protestante se besondere situasie te reflekteer. Dit word in besonderhede uitgewerk met betrekking tot die openingspsalm (Psalm 96), maar kan ook in die ander psalms waargeneem word. Die slotpsalm (Psalm 81) sluit af met 'n vermaning oor die volk se onbedagsaamheid omdat hulle God se juk weerstaan het. Die hardnekkige ongehoorsaamheid van die volk word geblameer vir die hartseer toestand in die land. Hierdie droewige noot vind weerklank in die geestelike lied, Mais qui es-tu, waarmee Le Jeune se versameling afgesluit word.