Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Kronos]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0259-019020130001&lang=en vol. 39 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>A Loosening grip: the liberation script in Mozambican history</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Politics and contemporary history in Mozambique: A set of epistemological notes</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Political rhetoric in the transition to Mozambican independence: Samora Machel in Beira, June 1975</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In late May 1975, Samora Machel crossed the Tanzanian border and began a month-long 'Triumphal Journey' down the whole length of Mozambique from north to south, finishing in Lourenço Marques (now Maputo). During the journey, he addressed crowds in the former liberated zones, as well as in urban centres such as Nampula, Quelimane and Beira, where Frelimo had had no public presence during the liberation struggle. A few days before national independence he made a lengthy speech in Portuguese to a large crowd in a football stadium in an outlying black suburb of Beira, Mozambique's second city. This speech ranged widely over such topics as colonial racism, economic exploitation, and the tasks of reconstruction that lay ahead. It was the first time that the population of Beira had seen the Frelimo leader, soon to be the country's first president. With no television stations, censored radio broadcasting, and only a few Portuguese-language newspapers with limited circulation, Frelimo needed to rely heavily on mass meetings and speeches to get its message across. This article breaks new ground in Mozambican studies by combining historical and socio-linguistic techniques to analyse an accurately reconstructed text of this particular speech, a recording of which is available online. It focuses on the historical context of Beira as a centre of colonial and settler resistance to FRELIMO's struggle, as well as the speech's content, its linguistic register and the rhetorical devices used to compel agreement and to persuade listeners of the correctness of Frelimo's political line. <![CDATA[<b>The political sublime. reading Kok Nam, Mozambican photographer (1939-2012)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Kok Nam began his photographic career at Studio Focus in Lourenco Marques in the 1950s, graduated to the newspaper Noticias and joined Tempo magazine in the early 1970s. Most recently he worked at the journal Savana as a photojournalist and later director. This article opens with an account of the relationship that developed between Kok Nam and the late President Samora Machel, starting with the photographer's portrait of Machel in Nachingwea in November 1974 before Independence. It traces an arc through the Popular Republic (1976-1990) from political revelation at its inception to the difficult years of civil war and Machel's death in the plane crash at Mbuzini in 1986. The article then engages in a series of photo-commentaries across a selection of Kok Nam's photographs, several published in their time but others selected retrospectively by Kok Nam for later exhibition and circulation. The approach taken is that of 'association', exploring the connections between the photographs, their histories both then and in the intervening years and other artifacts and mediums of cultural expression that deal with similar issues or signifiers picked up in the images. Among the signifiers picked up in the article are soldiers, pigs, feet, empty villages, washing, doves and bridges. The central argument is that Kok Nam participated with many others in a kind of collective hallucination during the Popular Republic, caught up in the 'political sublime'. Later Kok Nam shows many signs of a photographic 'second thinking' that sought out a more delicate sublime in his own archive. <![CDATA[<b>'They can kill us but we won't go to the communal villages!' Peasants and the policy of 'socialisation of the countryside' in Zambezia</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en After its ascent to power in June 1975, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo) adopted socialism as a model for development. This led to the implementation of many policies, one of which was the 'socialisation and modernisation of the countryside'. More concretely, it involved the implantation of communal villages, collective machambas [farm, plot] cooperatives, the prohibition of initiation rites and the abolition of traditional authorities. In the province of Zambezia Frelimo faced innumerable obstacles to putting the policy of 'socialisation of the countryside' into practice. This happened to such a degree that, according to the government of Zambezia in that era, the population of other provinces like Nampula, where this policy was more highly prioritised, fled to Zambezia because they knew that there were no communal villages. The objective of this article is to analyse the 'socialisation of the countryside' campaign in Zambezia and the different forms of resistance to this policy on the part of the Zambezian peasants. <![CDATA[<b>History writing and state legitimisation in postcolonial Mozambique</b>: <b>the case of the History Workshop, Centre for African Studies, 1980-1986</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article discusses, through an examination of the work of the Oficina de História of the Centre for African Studies (CEA) at Eduardo Mondlane University, the politics of historical production and nation-state building in post-Independence Mozambique and the ambivalent position in which CEA historians were placed within that intellectual and political context. This ambivalence is in relation to two main assumptions, which can only be understood in the specific historical context of FRELIMO's strategy for socialist construction. First, the CEA researchers were well aware of their role as critical historians and fought to exercise it at the Centre. Second, they were intellectually engaged in producing a new historical narrative of FRELIMO's liberation war and the liberated zones. This meant not only producing a counter-narrative to the colonial historiography (writing 'history from below', rescuing the 'voices' of the Mozambican people etc.), but also producing a strategy to legitimise FRELIMO's hegemonic project in the post-independence period. It was in the intersection between the social production of historical knowledge and the perpetuation of FRELIMO's worldview that the historians at CEA were able to safeguard and exercise their perceived role as critical historians, opening a new form of historical inquiry in Mozambique: a history of the present, at once critical and policy-oriented. Put differently, the CEA historians were able to safeguard and exercise their critical role, not on the sensitive, controversial and dangerous terrain of writing the history of FRELIMO's liberation war and the 'liberated zones', but on the writing of the history of the present en route to socialism. As they would claim, it was not possible to understand the past unless you could understand the present. With this shift these historians were able to 'escape' from simply becoming 'trapped' by their intellectual commitment to the power elite. This was done by their use of a kind of 'double-speak' that first spoke critically about the present in relation to the historical experience of the liberation war and the 'liberated zones', and, secondly, that worked critically to review other historical productions about Mozambique as a way to criticise FRELIMO's totalising approach to the national historical narrative of Mozambique. <![CDATA[<b>Constructing a history of independent Mozambique, 1974-1982: a study in photography</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The taking and publication of photographs played an important role in Mozambique's independence and in the years after 1975. As settlers departed Mozambique in the wake of riots and the Portuguese handover of power, the newly independent government, Frelimo, assumed control of abandoned commercial studios and other photographic equipment. Frelimo used legal and technical distinctions to create a group of photographers who traveled with and photographed its leader President Machel, while the other photographers, lumped under the heading 'commercial', were responsible for studio portraits also known as headshots. In one respect, press photographs allowed Frelimo to document and transmit its political ideologies to public audiences. In another respect, commercial studio portraits, which individuals carried on identification cards in their wallets, permitted Frelimo to categorise populations as employed versus unemployed or as possible enemies of the state. These contrasting forms of image making illuminate the reality that Frelimo supplemented the 'more positive' political power represented through press photographs of President Machel with 'more negative' forces of self-identification and public shaming. This article uses photographs and oral histories with photographers, journalists and government leaders to explore the inter-relationship between press and commercial photography from 1974 to 1982, a time of transition for the Frelimo government from a liberation movement into a political party. By exploring the uneasy and tenuous relationship that ensued between institutions and technologies that supported photography's practice in Mozambique, this article considers how Frelimo's control over photography - and photographers' own compliance - impacted on the historical and visual representation of Mozambique's independence. <![CDATA[<b>The writings of the national anthem in independent Mozambique</b>: <b>fictions of the subject-people</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article examines how the writing of the national anthem - taken as an object of a history of post-independence Mozambique - reveals processes of identification concerning the imagining of a subject-people. This involves an analysis of three calls to submit proposals for an anthem and the responses to such calls, at the eve of independence, in the context of the civil war and the Fourth Congress in the early 1980s, and after the advent of multiparty democracy. While each of these calls was related to a different fiction of the people, all of them shared a common contradiction: the postulate of an active, sovereign people coexisted with the presumption of its passivity, conceived as the inability to produce the anthem which would represent the people's very self. Thus, rather than confirming the principle of popular sovereignty, the writings of the national anthem led to its problematisation and constitutes an intriguing historiographical object. <![CDATA[<b><i>Lingundumbwe:</i></b><b> feminist masquerades and women's liberation, Nangade, Mueda, Muidumbe, 1950s-2005</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In the aftermath of the war for national liberation, a group of Makonde women guerillas invented a flamboyant feminist mapiko mask, venturing in a terrain traditionally reserved for men. The invention spread throughout the plateau, becoming the signature dance of a generation of women empowered by the revolution. This essay reconstructs the history and fortunes of lingundumbwe, locating its roots in the experiences of the liberation struggle as well as in the late colonial era, and discussing the conflicts surrounding the invention and its eventual demise in favour of an apparently less provocative genre. The history of lingundumbwe offers a vista into the affective and aesthetic dimensions of the Mozambican gendered revolution - one which escapes the linear temporality and neat binaries established in the scholarship that has so far addressed the theme. Methodologically, the essay argues for a holistic interpretation of song-and-dance that is based on vernacular concepts and that privileges performance and the interplay between its various facets, in order to render expressive and affective complexity <![CDATA[<b>Muslim memories of the liberation war in Cabo Delgado</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The transition from socialism to the neo-liberal model after the end of the civil war in Mozambique prompted a public debate about the meaning and memories of the liberation struggle. While the Frelimo party has been re-assessing and reaffirming its 'ownership' over the collective memory of the nation-state, whose foundational myth is based on the independence struggle, the professional historians, veterans and disenfranchised groups have been attempting to insert their own insights and memories into that debate. This article addresses memories of the liberation war by the ordinary Muslims, including male and female guerrilla fighters and political prisoners interviewed in the Paquitequete neighbourhood of Pemba City, Cabo Delgado province, which was one of the pivotal regions of the war. Through their stories the article attempts to give voice to marginalized groups and bring the agency of the forgotten into the public and ongoing contemporary debate in order to re-inscribe them into the national narratives of the independence struggle <![CDATA[<b><i>Uhuru na Kazi:</i></b><b> recapturing MANU nationalism through the Archive</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This paper explores the history of the Mozambique African National Union (MANU) and of early nationalism in Mozambique, by providing an analysis of MANU discourse in 1961. Reading through MANU documents produced in 1961 and deposited in the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique, I argue that MANU was neither exclusively constituted by Makonde nor was it in favour of a local or regional ethno-nationalism. While it was strongly represented by Makonde people, MANU also integrated the other ethnic groups of northern Mozambique - such as Yao, Nyanja and Makhuwa people - who were also working and living in different parts of Tanganyika, Zanzibar and Kenya. Defending the importance of national unity and accepting other ethnic groups beyond the Makonde, MANU wished to become a political party representative of all Mozambicans. The Union was also in favour of the participation of women in political struggle and it placed great importance on education. It was this vision that prompted MANU to join efforts with the Mozambican Democratic National Union (UDENAMO) and Independent Mozambique African Union (UNAMI), which merged to form the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) <![CDATA[<b>Memory and identity in the history of Frelimo: some research themes</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b>Fictions of the Liberation Struggle: Ruy Guerra, José Cardoso, Zdravko Velimirovic</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b>The Anti-Lusotropicalist good fortune of a Mozambican dissertation</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b><i>Sure Road? Nationalisms in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b><i>Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life under Company Rule in Colonial Mozambique</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b><i>Dams, Displacement, and the Delusion of Development: Cahora Bassa and its Legacies in Mozambique</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony <![CDATA[<b><i>Nghamula, O Homem Do Tchova (ou o Eclipse de um Cidadão)</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article, which is part of a larger research project on historical memory and identity in the history of Frelimo, is a contribution to the study of certain central aspects of the transmission of that history and memory from 1975 to the present day. After independence, Frelimo's history was transmitted above all through the documentation published by the Secretariat for Ideological Work, and through testimony provided by protagonists in the liberation struggle. This historical narrative became, during the period of single party rule (1975-1990), the official national history of the Frelimo government. However, the war of destabilization/civil war was extremely unsettling for the country, and the economic and social changes after 1986-1987 and the political changes after 1990 - which established political pluralism - profoundly altered the political and public space and hence the freedom to question this referential historical narrative. Frelimo needed to guarantee that its memory, which it was now possible to interrogate, would continue to be part of the national identity and the reference point for the past and the future. For this reason, in response to all these changes and to critiques, Frelimo not only countered by revitalising the party at all levels, but also by publishing large numbers of pamphlets about the lives of its heroes and the restoration of historical sites. Through these actions, Frelimo tried to maintain both its identity and the ideological project that sustained it as a party in an attempt to guarantee its own legitimacy and hegemony http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902013000100019&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en