Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120210005&lang=es vol. 61 num. 4-2 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>COVID-19 and day labourers in the South African economy: The impact on their lives and livelihoods</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie was reeds voor die COVID-19-pandemie in 'n benarde posisie. Dagloners en andere in die informele ekonomie was struktureel selfs meer kwesbaar vir so 'n eksogene skok. Die doel van hierdie oorsigstudie was om die impak van die COVID-19-pandemie op die lewensomstandighede van dagloners op die navorsingsagenda te plaas. 'n Oorsig van tersaaklike elemente uit die enigste nasionaal verteenwoordigende databasis van dagloners, afkomstig vanuit die Blaauw (2010) studie, in Suid-Afrika, was die vertrekpunt. Daarna is die jongste beskikbare navorsingsinligting oor veranderinge in die daglonermark gebruik om die moontlike kort-, medium- en langtermynimpak van die pandemie te bespreek. In 2008 was die dagloners in die Wes-Kaap en Gauteng se loonvlakke hoër as dié van die dagloners in die res van Suid-Afrika. Selfs dagloners in hierdie twee provinsies was steeds kwesbaar met lae en onsekere inkomstevlakke. Sedert 2008 het makro-ekonomiese faktore en 'n derde golf van oorgrensmigrasie 'n verdere verswakking in dagloners se posisie meegebring. Die vraag na hul arbeid het verminder en reële lone het in verskeie stede gedaal. Die COVID-19-pandemie het dagloners op die kort termyn voor hongersnood te staan gebring. Die talle mense wat vanweë die pandemie hul formele werk verloor het of nog gaan verloor sal die daglonermark onder verdere druk plaas. Die minimum loonvlak waarvoor dagloners bereid is om te werk, sal selfs verder daal. In die lang termyn kan duisende van die leerlinge wat hul skoolopleiding te midde van die pandemie staak ook dagloners word, met rampspoedige gevolge vir die maatskaplike bestel in Suid-Afrika.<hr/>The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is currently reverberating throughout the South African economy - including the informal economy and those on the brink of the formal economy, such as day labourers. Even before the start of the pandemic, the South African economy was already in an extremely vulnerable position due to a number of multidimensional factors, for example the global financial crisis of 2008 as well as a decade of corruption and looting of state resources. Day labourers are particularly vulnerable to exogenous shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Against this background, the aim of the overview study was to place the possible impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the living conditions of informal workers such as day labourers on the research agenda. The methodology was twofold. Firstly, the only available nationally representative database from a study by Blaauw (2010) on activities of day labourers in South Africa was used as a summary starting point with regard to the socio-economic position of day labourers. Secondly, in the second part of the analysis we used the latest available research information on changes in the day labour market to identify the factors that have changed the socio-economic conditions of day labourers in South Africa in the last decade. The possible short-, medium- and long-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic was discussed against this background. The results of the starting point analysis among day labourers in South Africa confirm that in 2008 the day labourers in the Western Cape and Gauteng were comparatively better off than the day labourers in some of South Africa's less prosperous provinces. Their wages were higher in all the income variables that were part of the study. Despite this relatively better situation, even day labourers in the strongest possible position were still vulnerable with low and uncertain income levels, the risk of not always being able to provide for them and their dependants' needs, and an inability to plan ahead as a precaution against future exogenous economic shocks. These shocks did indeed come. Since 2008, macroeconomic shocks such as the global financial crisis and a declining mining and construction industry have put the day labour market under further pressure. A decade of looting and mismanagement of the South African economy as well as a third wave of cross-border migration led to a further deterioration of the day labour market's ability to meet the material needs of tens of thousands of day labourers in South Africa. Increased unemployment as well as declining real and reservation wages among day labourers occurred across all provinces in South Africa, and studies in East London, Tshwane, Emalahleni, Mbombela, Cape Town andPaarl clearly show the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions of day labourers in the last decade (Theodore, Pretorius, Blaauw & Schenck, 2018; Mapendere, 2019; Xweso, 2019; Schenck, Blaauw & Matthee, 2020; Smith, 2020). Day labourers' vulnerability has therefore deteriorated dramatically since 2008 and the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic has created the perfect storm in the day labour market. The COVID-19 pandemic has left tens of thousands of day labourers facing the real prospect of economic hardship and starvation and a desperate need for help. Day labourers are in fact worse off than the informal self-employed, such as informal reclaimers, who have at least a voice through industry organisations such as Plastics SA, the South African Waste Pickers Association or the African Reclaimers Organisation. The South African Government has announced measures to mitigate the socio-economic impact of the pandemic. Theoretically, many of the day labourers could have benefitedfrom the COVID-19 Social Emergency Relief Grant of R350per month that has been paid to the unemployed since President Ramaphosa's announcement on 21 April 2020. However, this payment came to an end in April 2021. The short-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on informal workers and day labourers was therefore nothing short of catastrophic. In the medium term, further pressure is likely to be put on the day labour market due to the many people who have lost or are about to lose their formal jobs because of the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. A resultant oversupply of day labourers will have a further devastating effect on day labourers' lives and livelihoods - even after the pandemic has been brought under control. Day labourers' reservation wages will be pushed even lower due to day labourers' desperation to be able to work at all. This negative impact could be further exacerbated in the long run as thousands of pupils, who are currently dropping out of school in the midst of the pandemic, will have no choice (other than crime) but to turn to the informal day job market. The situation in the day labour market is therefore already critical and can only have further devastating consequences for the social order and social cohesion in South Africa. South African society urgently needs to reflect on these issues. The riots and looting in July 2021 are prima facie proof that the social order is already under tremendous pressure. Academics also have a role to play in the process of reflection and reconsideration. There is an urgent needfor nationwide research on the day labour market and other forms of informal employment and self-employment. New nationwide data (using a similar methodology), as well as other forms of participatory research, are needed to gain an understanding of the impact of the events of the past ten years on the lives and livelihoods of informal wage earners. A crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic has once again highlighted the plight of the marginalised and vulnerable in South Africa's unequal society. <![CDATA[<b>Transforming the prison system in South Africa into a public institution with positive peace underlying its values</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Tradisionele benaderings in hoofstroomkriminologie formuleer misdaadbekamping as 'n voortdurende of voortslepende konflik waarin geweld as 't ware met geweld beveg moet word. In teenstelling hiermee word nuwer rigtings in kritiese kriminologie in hierdie artikel verken en onderskryf - benaderings wat positiewe vrede beskou as 'n effektiewe en blywende(r) "antwoord", selfs al is dit net ten dele, op die probleem van misdaad. Die ietwat onkonvensio-nele benadering in rigtings wat krities teenoor hoofstroomkriminologie staan, in die besonder die vertakking bekend as "vredemakende kriminologie" (Quinney en Pepinsky se bydrae), word in samehang met belangrike werk in die breër konfliktransformasiebeweging beskou. Op grond daarvan word betoog dat vrede wat op vreedsame wyse bewerkstellig word, groter voordeel inhou as die mislukte pogings tot dusver om geweld met geweld te (probeer) beveg. Dit verg egter 'n paradigmaverskuiwing. In hierdie bydrae word daar spesifiek gevra na die wenslikheid daarvan om die Suid-Afrikaanse gevangeniswese te transformeer van 'n openbare instelling wat negatiewe vrede (in die vorm van die afwesigheid van misdaad) verskans, tot 'n instelling wat positiewe vrede as 'n waardestelsel onderskryf. Hierdie waardevolle gedagte staan sentraal by Galtung. Daar word veral aan die hand gedoen dat die bekendstelling van oop gevangenisse (soos in Zimbabwe, Mosambiek en die Seychelle) en ander modelle wat in Suid-Afrika ondersoek word, 'n goeie tussentydse maatreël is. Wat sentraal staan in my redenasie rakende die trans-formasie van die gevangeniswese in Suid-Afrika, is dat so 'n voorstel slegs haalbaar is indien daar aan (vrygelate) gevangenes se basiese menslike behoeftes (Burton se belangrike bydrae) - werkverskaffing, respek, ens. - voldoen word. Teen die agtergrond van Pat Carlen se waarskuwing dat die rehabilitasieparadigma ontoereikend geword het weens politieke onwilligheid om grondliggende veranderinge aan te bring, word enkele besware oor die gevaar van 'n sogenaamde oorkoepelende "carceral spread" (aldus Foucault), gemik teen alternatiewe vir gevangenisstraf, oorweeg. Hierdie bespreking vind plaas in die konteks van die breër gevangenistransformasiediskoers hier te lande. Hoewel ek skepties staan teenoor die moont-likheid dat akademiese diskoers, soos hierdie bydrae, beleidsoorwegings wesenlik kan beïnvloed, doen ek nietemin aanbevelings in die hoop dat hierdie verkennende studie belangstelling in 'n vreedsame alternatief vir misdaadbekamping sal prikkel.<hr/>This exploratory project deals with a topic not common in the subject literature, namely an attempt to break with the traditional approach to the management of crime, which is seen as protracted (Galtung) or deep-rooted (Burton) social conflict. The traditional approach to the phenomenon of crime is to fight violence with violence, which can be described with the well-known military metaphor of waging a trench war against crime. By blending one of the branches of critical criminology, known as peacemaking criminology (the seminal work of Quinney and Pepinsky, in particular), with the broader movement of peace-building in conflict transformation, I argue that fighting violence by peaceful means instead is arguably a worthwhile effort, even though it would require a considerable paradigm shift. The alternative - attempting to combat crime with violence - has failed repeatedly. In this contribution, the question is raised whether or not the prison service as a public institution in South Africa is capable of being transformed from an institution propagating negative peace (in the form of the absence of crime) into one advocating positive peace (in the sense of achieving peace by peaceful means). The idea of positive, as opposed to negative, peace is especially Galtung 's. I contend that South Africa's relatively conservative climate makes the suggestion of de-incarceration unlikely to fall on sympathetic ears, even though the case for decriminalising petty crime (with its unmistakable colonial roots) and alternative models to imprisonment is a compelling one. The South African view is conditioned by issues such as the politicisation of crime, the corruption of our understanding of crime by phenomena such as the prison-industrial complex (PIC) and the profit motive embedded in crime management as it has come to shape the PIC. The endless recycling of ex-offenders in our stigmatising shaming culture is an important, though certainly not exclusive, driver of South Africa's alarmingly high rates of incarceration and recidivism. I argue that the idea of open prisons (as found in some European countries, in particular Finland, and in countries such as Zimbabwe and the Seychelles), may well take root, but that the further-reaching objective of prison abolition should be postponed indefinitely. I am sceptical, along with academic authors from both the East and the West, about the possibility of academic knowledge - even if it is supported by evidence - influencing public policy formulation in the field of crime management. My argument is built around Eugene McLaughlin's contention that mainstream conventional criminology is complicit in the state's uncritical fusing of its electoral mandate with the agenda of Big Business, which causes far more injury and death than so-called conventional crime; and that the influence of academic criminological discourse on the formulation of public policy on crime control and management has waned, while vested interests in criminal justice and the privatisation of the "crime control industry" have in fact filled the gap. Add to these disturbing trends the view of both Colin Leys and Colin Crouch that while government embraces neo-liberal interests, it pays mere lip service to the academic recommendations of experts in the field. My research design, conceptual and theoretical framework, and research question and objectives are meant to stimulate debate along the lines suggested. Central to these proposals is the idea that the transformation of the prison system in South Africa would be feasible only if ex-offenders'basic human needs are realised. It is worth noting that Burton has contributed substantially to the theory that realising basic human needs would prevent prolonged social conflict. Against the background of Pat Carlen's warning that the rehabilitation paradigm has become redundant because of political reluctance to effect fundamental change, concerns over the widening of the so-called "carceral spread" (Foucault) are highlighted in the context of the broad prison transformation discourse in South Africa. I justify my scepticism about the possibility of public policy formulation being influenced in any meaningful way by an academic discourse such as this, but nonetheless offer seven recommendations in this regard. The recommendations range from urgently addressing the worst features of this country's harshly stigmatising shaming culture - which leads to the endless recycling of those who are subject to that culture and form a very marginalised group - to arguing in favour of criminalising the stigmatisation of ex-offenders by having it declared hate speech and an offence that carries both civil and criminal sanctions. I conclude the article by expressing the hope that this exploratory approach to a decidedly novel view of conflict management and crime transformation would stimulate debate and new thinking about the notion of addressing the issue of crime by peaceful means rather than the outmoded methods and repeated failures of attempting to fight violence with violence. <![CDATA[<b>Policy discrimination, change and entrepreneurship: Political rights for "Coloureds" in South Africa until 1979</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel kontekstualiseer, verduidelik en beoordeel die ontwikkeling van politieke regte vir "Kleurlinge" in Suid-Afrika, tot 1979. Dit word gedoen vanuit die teoretiese perspektief van beleidsentrepreneurs wat verskillende persoonlike, professionele en ander sosiale netwerke tot hulle beskikking gebruik om direkte beleidsbeïnvloeding te doen. Die artikel skets eers kortliks die teoretiese uitgangspunte en kenmerke van beleidsentrepreneurskap en netwerkbeïnvloeding en som dan die ontwikkeling van politieke regte vir die "Kleurlingge-meenskap" in die land op, tot PW Botha die leierskap van die Nasionale Party oorgeneem het. Die artikel kontekstualiseer en fokus veral op die aanloop tot en die afloop van die Erika Theron-kommissie, wat 'n direkte rol gespeel het by die uiteindelike instelling van 'n fundamentele nuwe staatsbestel in die land. Die ondersoek illustreer die toepassing en impak wat doelgerigte individuele beleidsentrepreneurskap en netwerkbeïnvloeding deur strategies geposisioneerde individue, groepe en netwerke op fundamentele samelewingsverandering kan hê. Dit illustreer en staaf verder die belangrike kumulatiewe effek wat beide interne en eksterne politieke druk op beleidsverandering kan hê. Dit het belangrike implikasies vir huidige en toekomstige beleidsaanpassings in Suid-Afrika en in ander demokratiese beleidsveran-deringsprosesse.<hr/>This article contextualises and assesses the development of and changes in political rights for "Coloured" South Africans, until 1979. The research was undertaken from the theoretical perspective of policy entrepreneurs who use various personal, professional and other social networks at their disposal to engage in direct lobbying and policy influencing of political decision makers in government from their power bases inside of or close to government, instead ofjust voicing opposition to existing policies from an outside perspective. The article first briefly outlines the theoretical tenets and characteristics of policy entrepreneurship and network influence and then summarises the development of political rights for the "Coloured" community in the country, until PW Botha took over the leadership of the National Party. The article contextualises and focusses especially on the run-up to and the fall-out of the Erika Theron Commission, which played a direct role in the eventual establishment of a fundamentally new constitutional dispensation in the country. The research comprises a case study of attempts during the period 1960-1979 to improve political rights for the "Coloured" community in South Africa. During this period of time a significant attitudinal policy change occurred in the South African government that initiated a gradual erosion of the ideological tenets of apartheid. It created an experiment with restricted power-sharing of whites with two other racial minority communities in the country during the early 1980s. This experiment failed, but ironically created crucial facilitating conditions for the start of political negotiations between the NP government and black liberation movements that eventually led to the current post-apartheid society in South Africa. These changes were largely triggered and facilitated by a number of more "liberal-minded " reform-orientated individual academic policy entrepreneurs and activists within or close to the ranks of the governing NP elites. They used their professional positions and politically legitimate personal and career networks to influence or lobby political decision makers in government from the inside in strategic ways to try to persuade those decision makers to change their minds and to accept the proposals that the policy entrepreneurs tried to sell to them. Many of these policy entrepreneurs were the main drivers behind the Afrikaner Broe-derbond's establishment of the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA) as a conservative nationalistic counter to the more liberal South African Institute of Race Relations. These and other academics in Stellenbosch, SABRA, were instrumental in developing, expanding and consolidating the NP government's apartheid policy from 1948 to 1961 through various direct interactions with government decision makers. The efforts of individual Stellenbosch academics, supported by a number of others elsewhere in the country, to try to improve the political rights of "Coloured" South Africans via SABRA in the run-up to the appointment of the Erika Theron Commission are then summarised. Their 1960/61 recommendations to SABRA for direct political integration of "Coloured" voters in existing (white) government decision-making bodies were rejected outright by SABRA and the NP establishment in 1961. This led to the side-lining and eventually the resignation of most of the Stellenbosch SABRA members. The direct policy impact that these events had on the findings and recommendations of the Theron Commission on the future of the "Coloured" community in South Africa 15 years later, and ultimately the establishment of a fundamental new ideological political order in the country, form the core focus of the rest of the article. In 1976, a younger generation of more "liberal" (moderate) Stellenbosch academics resuscitated the 1961SABRA proposals and fed them directly into the NP government's policies via the Erika Theron Commission (1973-1976). The majority of the Theron Commission supported the inclusion of a vaguely worded general recommendation for the extension of direct political participation of "Coloured" voters in mainstream political processes, in the Commission's report in 1976. Although the NP government did not accept this recommendation, the controversy around the issue started a process of open debate about the merits of racial integration in South Africa, which had been explicitly rejected by the NP until that point in time. This debate eventually resulted in the acceptance of restricted political power-sharing with white, "Coloured" and Indian racial communities in the country in the form of the 1979 draft Constitution, as refined in the form of the 1983 Tri-Cameral Parliament. This system, however, still excluded participation by black South African citizens, which led to their rejection of it in principle, as well as by most of the international community. The research illustrates the impact that deliberately targeted policy entrepreneurship and networking, frequently carried out by relatively legitimate insiders, can have on fundamental societal change. The most important finding of this assessment of policy influencing initiatives in South Africa during this period suggests that internal interventions into governmental policy-making processes by a small number of relatively legitimate individual academic policy influencers and entrepreneurs facilitated the undermining of this ideology over time. It weakened the NP's refusal to accept the principle of political power sharing with other racial communities by confronting and pressurising NP decision makers from within the governmental system with the inevitability of limited political power sharing, even if only between two or three racial minorities in the country, in order to try to ensure the future political power base ofwhites. This selective and limited power sharing among racial minorities, however, ultimately failed, because it excluded the overwhelming majority of black South African citizens. Despite this failure, the contributions of these individuals did indirectly contribute in a significant manner to the eventual implosion of apartheid and its replacement with a more acceptable liberal democratic system of government. It further illustrates and substantiates the important cumulative impact that both internal and external political pressure can have on policy change. The political transformation in South Africa during the 1980s and 1990s was not only the result of external pressure on the NP as many critics of apartheid allege, but also a consequence of increasing, direct internal pressure from legitimate intellectual Afrikaner leadership and support groups for change to the prevailing political policy paradigm regarding "Coloured" political rights during the period under assessment. In summary, the findings confirm that direct, internal pressure for change by credible policy influencers and entrepreneurs is an indispensable requirement for the evolutionary constitutional transformation of any democratic society. The findings further illustrate the importance of policy influencing initiatives being exercised by just a few strategically positioned, legitimate individuals, groups and/or networks from inside policy change processes, supported and strengthened by additional external pressures for policy change. This has important implications for current and future democratic policy changes in South Africa and other societies. <![CDATA[<b>The development and complex intersections of the current four volumes of Foucault's Histoire de la sexualité</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel bied 'n toeganklike oorsig van die ontwikkeling en komplekse samehange van die huidige vier bande van Michel Foucault (1926-1984) se seksualiteitsgeskiedenis in die reeks Histoire de la sexualité, gepubliseer by Gallimard in Parys. Die eerste band is in 1976 en die tweede en derde in 1984 met Foucault as alleenskrywer gepubliseer, en die vierde band (Les aveux de la chair) het in Februarie 2018 onder redakteurskap van Frédéric Gros gevolg. Les aveux de la chair se huidige status (met inbegrip van die skrywer van hierdie artikel se voorbehoude daaroor) in die reeks en Foucault se groter oeuvre word inleidend aangedui, waarna 'n gedetailleerde oorsig volg van die tematies-chronologiese ontwikkeling van die drie vroeër gepubliseerde bande (La volonté de savoir [gelees met die manuskrip van La chair et le corps, wat waarskynlik geredigeer sal word om as vyfde band in die reeks te dien], L 'usage des plaisirs en Le souci de soi) en die koppeling van hierdie tekste met Les aveux de la chair. 'n Tabel waarin die tematiese en chronologiese samehange tussen die huidige vier en minstens nog twee beoogde bande in die reeks uiteengesit word, word as deel van die gevolgtrekking aangebied.<hr/>This article provides an accessible overview of the delicate development and complex intersections of the current four volumes of Michel Foucault's (1926-1984) history of sexuality in the series Histoire de la sexualité. The fourth volume in the series (Les aveux de la chair) was published in February 2018 by Gallimard in Paris under the editorship of Frédéric Gros. The current status in the series of Les aveux de la chair is explored, while this author's reservations about referring to Les aveux de la chair as the fourth volume in the series are discussed. Although these reservations are reviewed here in the light of the most recent developments in the Foucault scholarship, the reasons for those reservations remain unchanged: without a proper account of its idiosyncratic development, the text cannot be regarded as the fourth volume of the series, since it is an edited version of a manuscript that was based primarily on several public lectures presented at the College de France from 1977 to 1981, and not on a manuscript Foucault himself finished and signed off at the publisher. Furthermore, only days before his death Foucault explicitly prohibited any posthumous publications of his unfinished manuscripts, unpublished lectures and related personal material. Foucault's insistence on "no posthumous publications" was respected for close to 30 years until, in 2013, those manuscripts and related material (comprising around 100 boxes and 40 000pages of manuscript) were transferredfrom a bank vault to the existing Foucault archives at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. Without denying the problem relating to the eventual publication of the unfinished manuscript of Les aveux de la chair, the prevailing consensus in the international Foucault scholarship, after three years of intensive debate, seems to be that the edited text can, for all practical purposes, now be used as the fourth volume in the series. The editing and publication of a fifth and a sixth volume are already considered feasible, probably because of the substantially drafted manuscripts of La chair et le corps and La croisade des enfants, which currently are also held in the expanded Foucault archives [NAF 28730]. Finally, an overview is presented of the thematic and chronological development of the three volumes of Histoire de la sexualité published earlier, namely La volonté de savoir (read with currently available excerpts ofthe manuscript of La chair et le corps), L'usage des plaisirs and Le souci de soi, and the intersections of these three volumes with Les aveux de la chair. The textual development and publication history of the current four volumes are shown to be intricate: each of their origins, objectives and place in Foucault's larger oeuvre should be acknowledged to appreciate the current series as a coherent body of knowledge. However, thematically and in terms of the time of its conclusion around 1980/1 the edited and now published fourth volume in the series should rather be regarded as the second volume, and the current second (L'usage des plaisirs) and third (Le souci de soi) volumes, which were only completed and published in 1984, as the third and fourth volumes. When this is done, Foucault's development of the series (beginning with early modernity and working his way back to antiquity) becomes clearer. Also, if a fifth (probably La chair et le corps) and a sixth (probably La croisade des enfants) volume from the expanded Foucault archives were to be added to the current series of four volumes, they would, in turn, have to be placed before Les aveux de la chair. The numbering of the second and third volumes in the series would, in this sense, always lead to confusion. The most straightforward solution would be always to keep in mind the "backward development" in the series and not the numbers of the separate published volumes: what will not change is that La volonté de savoir will always be the first, L'usage des plaisirs always the last and Le souci de soi always the penultimate volume. A table setting out this view of the "actual" structure of the series Histoire de la sexualité is given as part of the conclusion of the article in order to summarise in an accessible way a series of complicated considerations proposed in the body of the article (by "actual" volume number is meant the "backward", period-oriented place of the particular volume in the current series): If, however, La chair et le corps is indeed eventually published as the fifth and La croisade des enfants as the sixth edited volumes in the series, the table would be as follows: <![CDATA[<b>Reconnecting moral education and philosophy</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Studenten van de Universiteit van Tilburg onderscheiden zich van die van andere universiteiten doordat er in hun opleiding veel aandacht wordt besteed aan karaktervorming. Op welke manier kunnen docenten Studenten helpen om hun karakter te vormen? Kern van mijn betoog is dat morele vorming hierbij een belangrijke rol speelt en dat filosofiedocenten bij uitstek ertoe doen om de morele vorming plaats te laten vinden. Morele vorming en filosofie worden door mij opnieuw met elkaar verbonden, in de zin dat een verbinding via de empirie wordt gemaakt. Ik zal voortbouwend op Martha Nussbaum morele vorming plaatsen in een context van verschillende manieren van ethiek leren; de pedagogische taak van de docent schetsen; voortbouwend op John Dewey en Hannah Arendt empirisch onderzochte kenmerken geven van effectieve filosofielessen; en voortbouwend op Pierre Hadot het goede als oefening die het karakter vormt voorstellen. Zo kunnen we, ondersteund door onderzoek uit faculteiten waar karaktervorming tot de kern behoort, filosofie en theologie, werken aan de morele vorming van studenten. Niet alleen studenten en hun docenten zullen hiervan profiteren, maar ook de gemeenschap rond de studenten (bijvoorbeeld leeftijdgenoten en familie) en hun beroepspraktijken (pastoraat, justitie, defensie, geestelijke verzorging en onderwijs).<hr/>Tilburg University in The Netherlands is distinct from other Dutch universities because it is intent on character formation as an educational goal and offers general philosophy classes to support such character formation. However, these courses focus more on theoretical knowledge than on actual practical competencies and actions. Both these components can be seen as "moral education". My core argument is that moral education should be taught in philosophy classes and my aim is to offer tools as to how to teach both components. In section 2, building on Martha Nussbaum, I will place moral education in a context of different ways of learning ethics. There is more than one way of learning ethics, in which an ordering can be seen from theory to practice. Learning ethics ranges from cognitive learning, through reflection and through judgments, to moral action and moral education: - learning ethics as knowledge-oriented - learning ethics as reflection-oriented - learning ethics as moral judgement-oriented - learning ethics as competence/action-oriented. The latter ways of learning ethics receive less attention in education and these are precisely the ways Nussbaum focuses on. I will argue that moral education has two components: a cognitive and skills component, and an attitude component. For the cognitive and skills component, we discuss the task of the philosophy teacher as well as characteristics of effective philosophy lessons derived from empirical research. Thus, I reconnect moral education and philosophy. Reconnect, in the sense that here I make a (new) connection via empiricism. In section 3, I will outline the teacher'spedagogical task. Teaching scaffolds are important in guiding students through the learning process. Feedback involves the direct evaluation of students' behaviour, whereas hints entail providing clues regarding a given topic (and the deliberate withholding of a complete solution); instructing encompasses requesting a specific action or supplying information so that students understand what to do and how. Likewise, explaining involves providing information concerning how and why. Modelling encompasses demonstrating a behaviour for the purpose of imitation; questioning entails prompting students to think, or to request a specific reaction. In research on the above guiding skills, it has been found within religious and worldview lessons (where moral education also takes place) that in addition to the aforementioned scaffolds, the specific contribution of an effective teacher is to show understanding, give space, and listen. In doing so, it is ensured that learners can form their own opinions. To do this, students will need to be encouraged to think. Of course, moral education does not aim to realise, let alone impose, a unitary view in students, because moral action is always partly dependent on the individual situation and the social context. In section 4, building on John Dewey and Hannah Arendt, I will provide characteristics of effective philosophy lessons derived from empirical research. In How we think, Dewey explains what he means by the thinking that he believes should be trained in education. He defines reflective thought as "active, persistent and careful consideration of any belief or supposed form of knowledge in the light of the grounds that support it, and the further conclusions to which it tends". This kind of thinking corresponds to the notion of producing criticism and reflecting in my own research on doing philosophy effectively. There I argue that doing philosophy occurs in phases during a lesson. To qualify such a moment, we propose the Pearl Model. Pearls have different layers and these layers of pearls represent five philosophical activities: rationalising, analysing, testing, producing criticism, and reflecting. These activities are ordered hierarchically and conditionally. This indicates, for example, that while rationalising exists at a lower level than reflecting, reaching the level of reflection assumes that rationalising also has taken place. Therefore, the higher the level that a pearl reaches and the more layers have been achieved, the more thorough the philosophical understanding, and the more effectiveness of doing philosophy are acknowledged. Metaphorically, a pearl "shines" if the level of reflection has been reached while doing philosophy. A quantitative correspondence analysis yielded a scale that contrasts more from less effective lessons. In particular, we have found students to produce a higher level of doing philosophy with teachers who chose to organize a philosophical discussion with shared guidance, i.e. guidance by the teacher and the students. Here we find the answer to Arendt's initial question whether the activity of thinking could be the condition that makes men abstain from evil-doing: from this thinking, and dialogue, conscience and the ability to judge are effected. Earlier in this paper I indicated that learning ethics ranges from learning ethics as knowledge-oriented, through learning ethics as reflection-oriented and through learning ethics as moral judgment-oriented, to learning ethics as competence/action-oriented. I arrive at the following position here: doing philosophy effectively can be classified as learning ethics as moral judgement-oriented. This is the first component of moral education, focusing on cognition and skills. In section 5, building on Pierre Hadot, I will propose the good as exercise that shapes character: doing good can be classified as learning ethics as competence/action-oriented. This is the second component of moral education, focusing on attitudes. This brings us to another dimension of philosophy, which has to do with the question whether philosophy is something theoretical or rather an attitude. Hadot shows that while Aristotle makes a distinction between theoretical and practical wisdom, this certainly does not imply a separation between the two. That is to say, theoretical wisdom is not completely separated from human life; similarly, practical wisdom is not merely and solely an application of theoretical insights to practice. Moral action and philosophy thus require action in addition to thought: an amalgamation of knowledge, insight, skills, and attitudes. In conclusion, I offer some tools that enable learning ethics in different ways. Supported by research from faculties where character formation is core business, philosophy and theology, we can work on the moral education of students. Not only will students and their teachers benefit, but also the community around the students (e.g., peers and family) and their professional practices (pastoral care, justice, defense, spiritual care, and education) will share in such achievement. <![CDATA[<b>An unlikely venture: Interrogating the criticism of fundamental pedagogics</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel begin met 'n kort skets van my professionele oorgang as natuurwetenskaplike na dié van 'n fenomenologiese navorser in Opvoedkunde, aanvanklik in Opvoedkundige Sielkunde, soos geïnspireer deur die fenomenologiese navorsing deur die Fakulteit Opvoedkunde by die Universiteit van Pretoria. Ek was geïnteresseerd toe ek 'n verwoestende kritiek oor hierdie studies gelees het, wat geensins ooreengestem het met my eie begrip van die vakgebied nie. Dit het my gelei om die redes vir hierdie teenstrydighede te ondersoek, wat dan die hoofargument van hierdie artikel is. Die fenomenologiese metode wat in Pretoria gebruik word, word aanvanklik kortliks uiteengesit, veral die belangrikheid van die fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) om hierdie vraag te probeer beantwoord. Hierna bied ek my begrip van die fundamentele pedagogiek aan en die aspekte daarvan wat ek verdedig. Dan beskou ek in detail enkele bewerings van Suransky-Dekker (1998) oor die verband tussen Langeveld se pedagogiek en fundamentele pedagogiek in die konteks van apartheidsonderwys. Ten slotte oorweeg ek 'n paar van haar spesifieke aansprake oor fundamentele pedagogiek noukeurig om die moontlikheid aan te toon dat die verskil in die begrip of interpretasie van die betekenis van fundamentele pedagogiek moontlik kan verband hou met die feit dat fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) van krag is, al dan nie.<hr/>This paper begins with a brief historical sketch of how, in 1974, my thinking moved from a natural science approach, to the study of educational psychology, to the phenomenological approach pursued at the University of Pretoria. I found what I was looking for - a competent and comprehensive phenomenology of educating in all of its part-perspectives, including fundamental pedagogics. While studying and teaching these contents, in 1980, I was shocked to read scathing criticisms and characterisations of fundamental pedagogics claiming that Pretoria pedagogics was designed to provide an academic justification of apartheid education in that it was said to be little more than an expression of the racist, authoritarian policies of Christian Nationalism. If these claims were accurate, this would mean I was involved in an unlikely venture in as much as I have anti-apartheid and non-racist sentiments such that this asserted purpose of fundamental pedagogics, in particular, and pedagogics, in general, would be in conflict with my own values and philosophy of life. Fortunately, myfirst-hand experiences with the phenomenological endeavours at Pretoria do not support these claims. This gives rise to the question: How is it possible that the critics of fundamental pedagogics and I both are equally convinced of the accuracy of our understandings of fundamental pedagogics and what has given rise to this discrepancy? The main thrust of this paper addresses this question. Since an investigator's method will influence strongly what legitimately can or cannot be expressed about a particular phenomenon, the most appropriate method of investigation is deemed to be the phenomenological method, as the aim is to interrogate the phenomenon of education, as (was) the intent offundamental pedagogics in the 1980s at the University of Pretoria. Phenomenology is a method designed to disclose the essences or universal structures of a phenomenon. Its first step is called the phenomenological reduction, epoche, bracketing. This step gets us closer to the phenomenon itself by temporarily holding in abeyance the essence-blinding influences of whatever kind (e.g., assumptions, theories, ideologies [explicitly the Christian Nationalism of apartheid South Africa], philosophies of life, etc.). A consequence of this bracketing is that an investigator's access to and dialogue with a phenomenon will not be disrupted or distorted by what is being bracketed. Within this bracketing, the eidetic reduction or method of free variation is performed as a way of disclosing and highlighting what seem to be essences. These essences are universal and thus do not imply or require a particular ideology, etc. Otherwise they wouldn't be universal. Next, a hermeneutic method is used to illuminate and clarify the meaning of each essence (what function does it serve). Finally, the dialectial (triadic) method is used to determine the coherences among the essences (how do they serve as mutual conditions for each other to occur). Practising fundamental pedagogics (and pedagogics in general) occur only while bracketing is engaged. This means that fundamental pedagogics only can scientifically describe the essences and structures of the reality of educating but not its contents (e.g., a particular religious commitment or political view that has been held in abeyance by bracketing). Pretoria calls the activity within brackets a science of or a theory of the reality of educating. And this gives rise to distinguishing the pre-scientific, the scientific and the post-scientific, where bracketing is absent from the pre- and post-scientific attitudes, and ideologies, etc. rightly play a critical role in the reality of educating. Even though fundamental pedagogics is not in a position and doesn't aim to select particular ideologies that are necessary for the act of educating, in revealing and describing these universals of this activity, these essences, as preconditions for establishing an adult-child educative relationship, provide guidelines for a practitioner (parent, teacher) to establish and sustain such a relationship and these essences also can be used as criteria for evaluating the pedagogical quality of an educational activity as well as whether applying an ideology in a particular way distorts the essences of that relationship. That is, these essences make possible a purely pedagogical perspective on the reality of educating in contrast to a psychological perspective, for example. In the literature critical of fundamental pedagogics almost always there is a conflation of the scientific and the post-scientific with the consequence that pedagogics is criticised for justifying apartheid education when in fact it is in no position to do so and doesn t aim to. Pedagogics also is criticised for not including political discourse in its description of essences. Examples of these criticisms are presented and evaluated pedagogically. Thus, it seems that almost all criticism of the pedagogical studies at Pretoria can be attributed to a conflation of a scientific activity with a post-scientific one - one of content. Hence, not keeping track of the scientific and the post-scientific activities, facilitates these conflations. A possible answer to my beginning question of why there is this "discrepancy" is that I limit my evaluation of pedagogical findings to what was obtained while bracketing was engaged (the scientific/phenomenological), while most critics focus on the post-scientific issue of prescribing to practice where much of what was bracketed now must be used to nuance the meanings of the essences within a particular practice. That is, I limit myself to the essences disclosed and described when bracketing is engaged, while most critics are focused on how these essences are applied post-scientifically. Possibly the "discrepancy" between our appraisals of fundamental pedagogics arises because we are approaching the reality of educating from different points of view, i.e., with different questions and interests. The consequence of critics and defenders talking past each other has been costly. The phenomenological efforts at Pretoria have been vilified and ostracised for political, more than academic reasons to an extent that generations of possible contributors to its line of thinking have been thwarted completely. I suggest that the Pretoria findings be studied with an open and scientific mind and then decide if these findings are or are not a treasure trove of insights into the reality of educating a child. <![CDATA[<b>Die tydsgees, diversiteit van perspektief en die wetenskap: Repliek op die Yonge-artikel / Reply to the Yonge article : The spirit of the times, diversity of perspective and science</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel begin met 'n kort skets van my professionele oorgang as natuurwetenskaplike na dié van 'n fenomenologiese navorser in Opvoedkunde, aanvanklik in Opvoedkundige Sielkunde, soos geïnspireer deur die fenomenologiese navorsing deur die Fakulteit Opvoedkunde by die Universiteit van Pretoria. Ek was geïnteresseerd toe ek 'n verwoestende kritiek oor hierdie studies gelees het, wat geensins ooreengestem het met my eie begrip van die vakgebied nie. Dit het my gelei om die redes vir hierdie teenstrydighede te ondersoek, wat dan die hoofargument van hierdie artikel is. Die fenomenologiese metode wat in Pretoria gebruik word, word aanvanklik kortliks uiteengesit, veral die belangrikheid van die fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) om hierdie vraag te probeer beantwoord. Hierna bied ek my begrip van die fundamentele pedagogiek aan en die aspekte daarvan wat ek verdedig. Dan beskou ek in detail enkele bewerings van Suransky-Dekker (1998) oor die verband tussen Langeveld se pedagogiek en fundamentele pedagogiek in die konteks van apartheidsonderwys. Ten slotte oorweeg ek 'n paar van haar spesifieke aansprake oor fundamentele pedagogiek noukeurig om die moontlikheid aan te toon dat die verskil in die begrip of interpretasie van die betekenis van fundamentele pedagogiek moontlik kan verband hou met die feit dat fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) van krag is, al dan nie.<hr/>This paper begins with a brief historical sketch of how, in 1974, my thinking moved from a natural science approach, to the study of educational psychology, to the phenomenological approach pursued at the University of Pretoria. I found what I was looking for - a competent and comprehensive phenomenology of educating in all of its part-perspectives, including fundamental pedagogics. While studying and teaching these contents, in 1980, I was shocked to read scathing criticisms and characterisations of fundamental pedagogics claiming that Pretoria pedagogics was designed to provide an academic justification of apartheid education in that it was said to be little more than an expression of the racist, authoritarian policies of Christian Nationalism. If these claims were accurate, this would mean I was involved in an unlikely venture in as much as I have anti-apartheid and non-racist sentiments such that this asserted purpose of fundamental pedagogics, in particular, and pedagogics, in general, would be in conflict with my own values and philosophy of life. Fortunately, myfirst-hand experiences with the phenomenological endeavours at Pretoria do not support these claims. This gives rise to the question: How is it possible that the critics of fundamental pedagogics and I both are equally convinced of the accuracy of our understandings of fundamental pedagogics and what has given rise to this discrepancy? The main thrust of this paper addresses this question. Since an investigator's method will influence strongly what legitimately can or cannot be expressed about a particular phenomenon, the most appropriate method of investigation is deemed to be the phenomenological method, as the aim is to interrogate the phenomenon of education, as (was) the intent offundamental pedagogics in the 1980s at the University of Pretoria. Phenomenology is a method designed to disclose the essences or universal structures of a phenomenon. Its first step is called the phenomenological reduction, epoche, bracketing. This step gets us closer to the phenomenon itself by temporarily holding in abeyance the essence-blinding influences of whatever kind (e.g., assumptions, theories, ideologies [explicitly the Christian Nationalism of apartheid South Africa], philosophies of life, etc.). A consequence of this bracketing is that an investigator's access to and dialogue with a phenomenon will not be disrupted or distorted by what is being bracketed. Within this bracketing, the eidetic reduction or method of free variation is performed as a way of disclosing and highlighting what seem to be essences. These essences are universal and thus do not imply or require a particular ideology, etc. Otherwise they wouldn't be universal. Next, a hermeneutic method is used to illuminate and clarify the meaning of each essence (what function does it serve). Finally, the dialectial (triadic) method is used to determine the coherences among the essences (how do they serve as mutual conditions for each other to occur). Practising fundamental pedagogics (and pedagogics in general) occur only while bracketing is engaged. This means that fundamental pedagogics only can scientifically describe the essences and structures of the reality of educating but not its contents (e.g., a particular religious commitment or political view that has been held in abeyance by bracketing). Pretoria calls the activity within brackets a science of or a theory of the reality of educating. And this gives rise to distinguishing the pre-scientific, the scientific and the post-scientific, where bracketing is absent from the pre- and post-scientific attitudes, and ideologies, etc. rightly play a critical role in the reality of educating. Even though fundamental pedagogics is not in a position and doesn't aim to select particular ideologies that are necessary for the act of educating, in revealing and describing these universals of this activity, these essences, as preconditions for establishing an adult-child educative relationship, provide guidelines for a practitioner (parent, teacher) to establish and sustain such a relationship and these essences also can be used as criteria for evaluating the pedagogical quality of an educational activity as well as whether applying an ideology in a particular way distorts the essences of that relationship. That is, these essences make possible a purely pedagogical perspective on the reality of educating in contrast to a psychological perspective, for example. In the literature critical of fundamental pedagogics almost always there is a conflation of the scientific and the post-scientific with the consequence that pedagogics is criticised for justifying apartheid education when in fact it is in no position to do so and doesn t aim to. Pedagogics also is criticised for not including political discourse in its description of essences. Examples of these criticisms are presented and evaluated pedagogically. Thus, it seems that almost all criticism of the pedagogical studies at Pretoria can be attributed to a conflation of a scientific activity with a post-scientific one - one of content. Hence, not keeping track of the scientific and the post-scientific activities, facilitates these conflations. A possible answer to my beginning question of why there is this "discrepancy" is that I limit my evaluation of pedagogical findings to what was obtained while bracketing was engaged (the scientific/phenomenological), while most critics focus on the post-scientific issue of prescribing to practice where much of what was bracketed now must be used to nuance the meanings of the essences within a particular practice. That is, I limit myself to the essences disclosed and described when bracketing is engaged, while most critics are focused on how these essences are applied post-scientifically. Possibly the "discrepancy" between our appraisals of fundamental pedagogics arises because we are approaching the reality of educating from different points of view, i.e., with different questions and interests. The consequence of critics and defenders talking past each other has been costly. The phenomenological efforts at Pretoria have been vilified and ostracised for political, more than academic reasons to an extent that generations of possible contributors to its line of thinking have been thwarted completely. I suggest that the Pretoria findings be studied with an open and scientific mind and then decide if these findings are or are not a treasure trove of insights into the reality of educating a child. <![CDATA[<b>Determining our most beloved Afrikaans church hymn - a methodical research strategy</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In hierdie artikel word 'n uiteensetting gegee van die proses en die resultate van die gebruik van 'n self-geadministreerde aanlyn opname en vraelys om die mees "geliefde" kerklied in Afrikaanssprekende gemeentes in Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Daar word aandag gegee aan aspekte soos die keuse van metode, steekproefneming van respondente, vraelysontwerp en die statistiese ontleding van response. Sommige van die risikoverminderingstrategieë wat die navorser gebruik, word ook uitgelig. Uit die ontleding van die data is dit duidelik dat gemeentes 'n voorkeur toon vir kerkliedere uit die Liedboek en Psalmboek, maar dat daar duidelik ook 'n liefde is vir liedere uit beide die VONKK- en FLAM-genre. Dit is verder ook duidelik dat die Psalms (al is dit net 'n paar) in die amptelike Afrikaanse Liedboek steeds 'n belangrike rol speel in die spiritualiteit van baie van die Afrikaanssprekende gemeentes in Suider-Afrika. Hierdie artikel dra by tot die metodologiese debat in die navorsingsveld van kerkmusiek.<hr/>For more than 60 years, the BBC has been broadcasting Songs of Praise weekly - a religious television programme featuring Christian hymns and songs sung in churches and places of worship from various denominations across the United Kingdom (UK). In 2013, Songs of Praise conducted a national survey to determine the country's favourite hymn. From thousands of entries the hymn How great Thou art emerged as the winner. In 2019, the research was repeated, and viewers indicated that their favourite hymn this time is CH Hubert Parry's Jerusalem. So, what is the most beloved hymn or song in the various Afrikaans-speaking congregations in Southern Africa? With the kind support of the Southern African Church and Concert Organists Society (SAKOV), the researcher decided to embark on this project to find the most beloved church hymn in Afrikaans-speaking churches in Southern Africa. This article provides an explanation of the process and results of using a self-administered online survey and questionnaire in determining this most beloved hymn/song. Attention is paid to aspects such as the choice of method, sampling of respondents, questionnaire design and the statistical analysis of responses. Some of the risk-reduction strategies used by the researcher are also highlighted. The most obvious problem with such a research project is where one will start with the selection of these "favourite" hymns? To determine a workable population of hymns, it was decided to focus only on the population of hymns and songs currently in use in the various Afrikaans-speaking churches in Southern Africa taken from four different sources. From May 2020, the researcher, using the Delphi technique, and a panel of experts compiled a consensus sample of these hymns (Phases 1 and 2 of the research project), which was then used as a population from which the most beloved church hymn/song could be determined (Phase 3 of the research project). In the third phase of the research project, respondents were expected to complete a survey in the form of an online questionnaire that consisted of open-ended and close-ended questions. There was also a section where they could exercise their ranking choices regarding their favourite hymn/song where an ordinal measurement scale was used. As participation in the research project was voluntary and the probability of a member of the target population responding unknown, non-probability sampling was used in the research. Females, with a mean age of 57,75 years, were the majority of the sample respondents. About 133 respondents came from the Gautengprovince ofwhom most (83 each) are members of and organists in their respective congregations. Other important roles that respondents played in their respective congregations were that of music leader/director as well as the organist/pianist of the congregation (25) and also the pastor of the congregation (24). The majority of respondents (147) came from the Dutch Reformed Church. In determining the most beloved hymn, respondents had to place their favourite hymns/ songs in a ranking of choice. The final choice of hymns/songs was therefore based on the product of weighted rankings. From the analysis congregants showed a clear preference for hymns from the Liedboek (Afrikaans Hymnal) and Psalmboek (Afrikaans Psalms) but that they were also partial to the singing of church songs from both VONKK and FLAM (these two "hymnals" contain more modern and contemporary Afrikaans songs and hymns for church use). It is furthermore noticeable that the Psalms in the official Afrikaans hymnal still play an important role in the spirituality of many of the Afrikaans-speaking churches in Southern Africa. This article contributes to the methodological debate in the research field of Church Music. <![CDATA[<b>Consumer ethics behaviour of South African managers</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Dié studie ondersoek die gedrag in verbruikersetiek wat onder Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-bestuurders heers. Die studie ondersoek die etiese houdings, en vergelyk dit daarna met die spektrum van etiese gedrag wat die groep bestuurders openbaar. Die populasie van die studie bestaan uit bestuurders wat oor ten minste drie jaar bestuurservaring beskik en gegradueerd is. 'n Sneeubal-steekproef het 102 bruikbare vraelyste gerealiseer wat ontleed is nadat dit statistics voldoende bevind is deur Kaiser, Meyer en Olkin se toets om te bepaal of die steekproef voldoende is al dan nie. Nege van die 14 twyfelagtige gedragscenario's verskil statisties betekenisvol van die etiese houdings wat die bestuurders handhaaf, en dui daarop dat die bestuurders nie altyd so eties optree soos wat hul houdings voorhou nie. Die algemene tellings is egter bevredigend en beide die etiese houdings (2.47) en etiese gedrag (2.94) is onder die middelpunt waarde van 3.5. Voorts word die onderliggende faktore ook bepaal van die etiese gedrag deur 'n ondersoekende faktorontleding in te span. Drie faktore is geïdentifiseer, naamlik misleidende gedrag (37.04%), oneerlike optrede (13.71%), en prysvoordeel (9.77%). Die studie bevind verder dat daar nie betekenisvolle verwantskappe tussen die bestuurders se etiese gedrag en hul demografiese veranderlikes is nie. Die resultate is bemoedigend, selfs al tree die bestuurders meer oneties op as wat hul houdings voorstel, omdat die gedrag oor die algemeen as eties beskou word, en slegs drie uit die 14 scenario's 'n telling bo die 3.5 middel-punt het. Dit toon dat hulle oor die algemeen in hul persoonlike besluitneming etiese besluite maak. Daar is egter steeds ruimte vir verbetering.<hr/>This study aimed to analyse the consumer ethics behaviour of South African managers when they make business decisions in their personal capacity. This means the decisions have a direct and personal impact on the manager; the manager suffers the consequences or gains benefits from their decisions and not the company they work for. The literature base explores rationalisation of unethical behaviour to sensitise the reader to defence mechanisms for unethical behaviour. The mechanism neutralisation and normalisation are used to explain unethical behaviour and why the boundaries are always pushed. The literature also seeks to identify demographic variables and their relationships to respondents as a guide to determine where potential relationships in this study could be identified. The population consists of graduate managers with at least three years of management experience. A snowball sample was used online to invite South African managers with three years managerial experience and a university degree to partake in the study; 102 completed the questionnaire. The data was subjected to testing sample adequacy using the Kaiser, Meyer and Olkin test (KMO=0.790), sphericity as per Bartlett's test was significant (x²(91) = 396.550, p < 0.05) and the reliability according to Cronbach alpha (a=0.853). The results show that both the ethical attitudes and ethical behaviour are well below the midpoint of 3.5; this signifies acceptable ethical attitudes and behaviours. However, closer scrutiny shows that in nine of the 14 scenarios, the managers' behaviour is statistically significantly less ethical than their attitude profile. In one scenario (keeping the extra change), the unethical behaviour is also moderately practically significant (d=0.58) as measured by Cohen's d-value. No significant correlations were identified between the demographic variables and the scenarios. Exploratory factor analysis (explaining a cumulative variance of 60.52%) extracted three factors. These are misleading behaviour (37.04% variance), untruthful behaviour (13.71% variance), and price benefit (9.77% variance). All three factors have excellent reliability coefficients. The results show that although the managers have ethical attitudes and behaviours well within the ethical boundaries, their behaviour is less ethical than their attitudes. Here, three scenarios are specifically worrisome because all three are regarded (attitude) as acceptable behaviour (when they are not), and the managers indicated that they also act unethically upon these scenarios. These scenarios are to keep quiet if a product is incorrectly priced, test products in shop but order from elsewhere, and misuse limited offer specials. The study also shows that although the managers know better, overall, they are pushing the boundaries and behave less ethically; albeit still within the general ethical sphere, it is less ethical than their attitudes indicate. The ethical basis is good. It is promising that managers know what the right thing to do is, and behave accordingly, especially for a country like South Africa where corruption, state capture and personal gain in business decisions are rife. The measurement of attitudes provides a barometer of the business ethical atmosphere of South African managers. Attitudes are strong behavioural drivers. This means that behaviour in consumer ethics can be positively influenced if attitudes are showing a positive inclination towards ethical consumer decisions. <![CDATA[<b>An overview of the development and value of Interpreting Research in South Africa (IRSA)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is 'n omvattende databasis wat bestaan uit 279 bronne oor tolknavorsing in Suid-Afrika of wat deur Suid-Afrikaanse tolknavorsers geproduseer is. IRSA sluit publikasies vanuit die tydperk 1968 tot 2020 in en poog om so inklusief en omvattend moontlik te wees. IRSA het ten doel om die vertrek- en sentraleverwysingspunt vir navorsing oor tolking in Suid-Afrika te wees deur die relevante wetenskaplike publikasies gratis en op een plek beskikbaar te stel. Hierdie artikel bied 'n oorsig oor a) die totstandkoming en ontwikkeling van só 'n databasis met klem op die werkwyse wat toegepas is om die akkuraatheid van die databasis te verseker, b) die publikasies wat by IRSA ingesluit is en die oorhoofse navorsingstendense wat sedert 1968 waargeneem word, en c) die toekoms, instandhouding en voordele wat IRSA vir tolknavorsers in Suid-Afrika kan inhou.<hr/>IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is a database consisting of 279 scientific sources regarding interpreting research in South Africa or by South African interpreting researchers. The database includes publications from 1968 to 2020 and aims to be as inclusive and encompassing as possible. The database is housed by the North-West University's Ferdinand Postma library and can be reached via the following link: https://collections.nwu.ac.za/dbtw-wpd/textbases/Tolking-Navorsing/irsa.html. IRSA aims to be the central point of reference for interpreting research in South Africa. The database has the advantage of providing researchers with easy access to trustworthy publications. The publications included in IRSA are vetted. Only scientific sources, including articles from accredited and nonaccredited journals, books, honours research reports, master's dissertations and doctoral theses are included in IRSA. This article outlines the challenges faced in the establishment of such a database. These challenges include the unavailability of electronic copies of older publications, which prohibits these publications from being vetted for inclusion in IRSA, and accounting for thoroughness. The article also provides an overview of the observable publication trends. These trends include a) the overarching themes of the publications, such as educational interpreting, legal interpreting and the professionalisation of interpreting in South Africa, b) the research approaches that are prevalent (for instance investigative or descriptive approaches), and c) the types of publications that are favoured (i.e. journal articles, book chapters or graduate research publications). Lastly, an overview of the future purpose of IRSA and the research possibilities that it presents is provided. <![CDATA[<b>Geslagsinklusiewe taalgebruik</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500011&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is 'n omvattende databasis wat bestaan uit 279 bronne oor tolknavorsing in Suid-Afrika of wat deur Suid-Afrikaanse tolknavorsers geproduseer is. IRSA sluit publikasies vanuit die tydperk 1968 tot 2020 in en poog om so inklusief en omvattend moontlik te wees. IRSA het ten doel om die vertrek- en sentraleverwysingspunt vir navorsing oor tolking in Suid-Afrika te wees deur die relevante wetenskaplike publikasies gratis en op een plek beskikbaar te stel. Hierdie artikel bied 'n oorsig oor a) die totstandkoming en ontwikkeling van só 'n databasis met klem op die werkwyse wat toegepas is om die akkuraatheid van die databasis te verseker, b) die publikasies wat by IRSA ingesluit is en die oorhoofse navorsingstendense wat sedert 1968 waargeneem word, en c) die toekoms, instandhouding en voordele wat IRSA vir tolknavorsers in Suid-Afrika kan inhou.<hr/>IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is a database consisting of 279 scientific sources regarding interpreting research in South Africa or by South African interpreting researchers. The database includes publications from 1968 to 2020 and aims to be as inclusive and encompassing as possible. The database is housed by the North-West University's Ferdinand Postma library and can be reached via the following link: https://collections.nwu.ac.za/dbtw-wpd/textbases/Tolking-Navorsing/irsa.html. IRSA aims to be the central point of reference for interpreting research in South Africa. The database has the advantage of providing researchers with easy access to trustworthy publications. The publications included in IRSA are vetted. Only scientific sources, including articles from accredited and nonaccredited journals, books, honours research reports, master's dissertations and doctoral theses are included in IRSA. This article outlines the challenges faced in the establishment of such a database. These challenges include the unavailability of electronic copies of older publications, which prohibits these publications from being vetted for inclusion in IRSA, and accounting for thoroughness. The article also provides an overview of the observable publication trends. These trends include a) the overarching themes of the publications, such as educational interpreting, legal interpreting and the professionalisation of interpreting in South Africa, b) the research approaches that are prevalent (for instance investigative or descriptive approaches), and c) the types of publications that are favoured (i.e. journal articles, book chapters or graduate research publications). Lastly, an overview of the future purpose of IRSA and the research possibilities that it presents is provided. <![CDATA[<b>Errata</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000500012&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is 'n omvattende databasis wat bestaan uit 279 bronne oor tolknavorsing in Suid-Afrika of wat deur Suid-Afrikaanse tolknavorsers geproduseer is. IRSA sluit publikasies vanuit die tydperk 1968 tot 2020 in en poog om so inklusief en omvattend moontlik te wees. IRSA het ten doel om die vertrek- en sentraleverwysingspunt vir navorsing oor tolking in Suid-Afrika te wees deur die relevante wetenskaplike publikasies gratis en op een plek beskikbaar te stel. Hierdie artikel bied 'n oorsig oor a) die totstandkoming en ontwikkeling van só 'n databasis met klem op die werkwyse wat toegepas is om die akkuraatheid van die databasis te verseker, b) die publikasies wat by IRSA ingesluit is en die oorhoofse navorsingstendense wat sedert 1968 waargeneem word, en c) die toekoms, instandhouding en voordele wat IRSA vir tolknavorsers in Suid-Afrika kan inhou.<hr/>IRSA (Interpreting Research in South Africa) is a database consisting of 279 scientific sources regarding interpreting research in South Africa or by South African interpreting researchers. The database includes publications from 1968 to 2020 and aims to be as inclusive and encompassing as possible. The database is housed by the North-West University's Ferdinand Postma library and can be reached via the following link: https://collections.nwu.ac.za/dbtw-wpd/textbases/Tolking-Navorsing/irsa.html. IRSA aims to be the central point of reference for interpreting research in South Africa. The database has the advantage of providing researchers with easy access to trustworthy publications. The publications included in IRSA are vetted. Only scientific sources, including articles from accredited and nonaccredited journals, books, honours research reports, master's dissertations and doctoral theses are included in IRSA. This article outlines the challenges faced in the establishment of such a database. These challenges include the unavailability of electronic copies of older publications, which prohibits these publications from being vetted for inclusion in IRSA, and accounting for thoroughness. The article also provides an overview of the observable publication trends. These trends include a) the overarching themes of the publications, such as educational interpreting, legal interpreting and the professionalisation of interpreting in South Africa, b) the research approaches that are prevalent (for instance investigative or descriptive approaches), and c) the types of publications that are favoured (i.e. journal articles, book chapters or graduate research publications). Lastly, an overview of the future purpose of IRSA and the research possibilities that it presents is provided.