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The role of hand gestures in audiovisual presentations by theology students: Alignment of theory and practice

Kommunikasie in die 21ste eeu het grootliks multimodaal geword. 'n Verskeidenheid primêre modusse, byvoorbeeld geskrewe teks, mondelinge vertelling, beweging, kleur, klank en musiek, word ook elektronies "vertaal" en sekondêr deur rekenaars, selfone en tablette afgelewer. Een van die genres wat gekenmerk word deur multimodaliteit is oudiovisuele aanbieding. In studente se aanbiedings is spraak gewoonlik die primêre modus, en word aangevul deur teks, animasie (beweging), foto's en kleur. Die mondelinge aanbieding tree as deel van 'n multimodale ensemble op, waar die unieke eienskappe van elke modus benut word om betekenis oor te dra. Eers gee ek 'n definisie van die konsep "handgebaar", gevolg deur 'n uiteensetting van algemeen erkende gebareteorieë en tipologieë wat gebare indeel volgens semiotiese gebaretipes, handigheid (links, regs of beide), gekonvensionaliseerde handvorme en palm-oriëntasies, en beweging en posisie in die gebareveld. Daarna volg 'n beskrywing van 'n navorsingsprojek wat berus op die analise van ko-taalgebare in 'n korpus van 17 gevideo-graveerde mondelinge aanbiedings deur teologiestudente. Die artikel word afgesluit deur puntsgewyse advies vir die gebruik van gebare in studente se oudiovisuele aanbiedings. Die advies is sowel gegrond op teorieë en tipologieë van gebare as op die analise van die korpus. Waar dit relevant is, word verwys na handleidings oor kommunikasie en openbare redevoering.

Communication in the 21st century has become multimodal. A variety of primary modes, including text, narration, movement, colour and sound are also "translated" and delivered in secondary modes through electronic devices. One of the genres that is characterised by multimodality is audio-visual presentation. In students 'presentations, speech is normally the primary mode, supported by text, movement, still pictures and colour. In oral presentation, physical gestures, gaze and other body language function as part of multimodal ensembles. This article focuses, in particular, on the hand gestures that form part of modal ensembles. In scholarly literature, the word "gesture" is used to imply that the actor has some voluntary control over a movement, and its meaning. Gestures are "actions" demonstrating "features of manifest deliberate expressiveness" (Kendon, 2004:14, 15), which involve the hand and arm movements humans make when they speak (Seyfeddinpur, 2011:148; Roth, 2001:368). Much of the theoretical literature on gestures deals with how they are cognitively processed. De Ruiter (2007) distinguishes three main "architectures" that account for different viewpoints on the processing of manual gestures: Window Architecture (Beattie, 2003) assumes that gestures come straight from the mind, without mediation by language. Language Architecture assumes that the language a person speaks affects their gesture. Postcard Architecture implies that words, speech and gesture arise together from an underlying propositional representation that has both visual and linguistic aspects (Tenjes, 2001:317). Kendon (1980; 2004) and McNeill (1992:2) have consistently emphasised the unity of speech and gesture. Postcard Architecture resonates with thinking in recent and current studies in multimoda-lity, that there are no distinct semiotic systems in the human brain, but rather one integrated repertoire of linguistic and semiotic practices from which communicators constantly draw (Garcia, 2009; Garcia & Li, 2014; Canagarajah, 2011; Mazak, 2017). Sign makers make meaning by drawing on a variety of modes that combine with others in "ensembles" (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 1996; 2001; Kress, 2010). However, there is still no general consensus on whether gestures primarily explicate the thought processes of the speaker, or intentionally communicate information to the audience or interlocutor, or both. For the purpose of this article it is deemed sufficient to recognise that gestures constitute part of multimodal ensembles, in which oral discourse is the primary mode of communication; that gestures do have communicative value; and that people use gestures in accordance with their communicative goals (Müller, Bressem & Ladewig, 2013:713). The majority of scholars today view language and gestures as semiotic systems of which the signs have form and meaning. It is also generally accepted that gesture studies need their own vocabularies in order to talk about their mode-specific formal characteristics. Below, an overview is given of the most cited gesture typologies and the nomenclatures for describing some of the formal characteristics of gestures. From the various gesture typologies, in particular McNeill (1992), (Tenjes (2001) and Müller (1998; 2004) the following typology has been distilled to serve as a basis for the semantic categorisation of gestures: Representational Concrete: Iconic Abstract: Metaphorical Referential Concrete (referent present in the discursive space) Concrete (referent absent from the discursive space) Abstract (metaphorical) Emblems Beats Discourse gestures The article also discusses aspects of gestures that resemble syntax in language, viz. handedness (left, right or both), semi-conventionalised hand shapes and orientation ofthe palm and fingers, as well as position of gestures in the gesture space. Subsequently a description is given of a research project that analyses co-speech gestures in a corpus of 17 video-recorded group presentations by first-year students of theology registered for the module "Academic Literacy for Theology" on the topic "The evaluation of ten church websites according to criteria from a published theology article " (Waters & Tindall, 2010). Data were captured during three different cycles: • Extracting the speech from each video using the software program Subtitle Edit, saved in a Microsoft Excel file, and edited. • Dividing the text according to presentations and (speech) turns by group members, and saved in separate Word documents. • Watching each video again, while conducting the following actions: Dividing all the relevant gestures according to the five main types and their subtypes and inserting them as still pictures into the relevant files, for example "metaphor", "abstract deixis". During the analysis, all captured images of the gestures demonstrating "manifest deliberate expressiveness" (Kendon, 2004:15) were further categorised according to their formal characteristics (handedness, position in gesture space and hand shape). A number of representative examples from each of the main typological categories (deictic, iconic and metaphoric) were described in detail. This was done by replaying the relevant video clip a number of times, listening to the speech, and interpreting the information with reference to the literature review. The following table gives a brief overview of the findings regarding handedness, position in the gesture space, and the hand shape of the 232 analysed gestures. The table shows that both hands are used for approximately two thirds of the iconic and metaphorical gestures, while deictic gestures are predominantly produced with only one hand. This is not surprising, given the referential (demonstrative) purpose of deictic gestures (for which only one hand is necessary), as opposed to iconic and metaphorical gestures, which have a representative function, best achieved by using both hands. Findings regarding the gesture space is well aligned with findings in the literature. Regarding hand shape, the C- and flat C-shape occur in 17% of the iconic gestures, while the shallow cup occurs in similar frequencies (between 10,4 and 13,1%) across all three main typological categories. An unexpected, but positive, finding was that the open hand is the preferred shape for deictic gestures (63%), and not the pistol shape, which is strongly discouraged in the advice literature on the use of gestures in presentations. The article is concluded by advice for the use of gestures in students' audiovisual presentations. The advice is based on the gesture theories and typologies discussed earlier, as well as on the analysis of the corpus.

Idiomatic language as an instrument to create an image of the intended target audience: Insights from relevance theory

Die ondersoek na idiome, uitdrukkings en spreekwoorde as drie tipes meerwoordige leksikale items (MLI) bou voort op die beskrywende ondersoek van Bosman (2000a, 2000b, 2000c) oor MLI's. Die veelvuldige gebruik, verdraaiing en aanpassing van MLI's in gesproke taal blyk ook neerslag te vind in gedrukte advertensiekommunikasie. Die analise van die MLI's in advertensies wat in 2019 en 2020 op die Pendoring-reklamekompetisie se webblad verskyn het, is vir bepaalde patroonmatighede ondersoek. Aan die hand van die relevansieteorie (Wilson & Sperber, 2004) se onderskeid tussen kognitiewe poging (effort) aan die een kant en kognitiewe effek (effect) aan die ander kant is 'n analiseraamwerk opgestel vir die ontleding van alle advertensies in die datastel wat 'n MLI ingesluit het. In terme van letterlikheid (literality) het vier tematiese kategorieë duidelik geblyk. Die analiseraamwerk het ook getoon dat die MLI's konsekwent meer oor die bedoelde teikenmark gekommunikeer het as wat daar iets oor die handelsmerk gekommunikeer is. Die gebruik van MLI's blyk dus mee te werk tot marksegmentering. Daar word 'n opgaaf gebied van die beskrywing (tekening) van die teikenmark, aldus die MLI's wat in 2019 en 2020 in die Pendoring-advertensies ingesluit is.

The spontaneity with which idiomatic expressions are included and adapted in spoken language is clearly seen in the use of multi-lexical items (MLIs) such as, "Die kalf is op die spit", instead of, "Die kalf is in die put" (meaning a complex situation difficult to solve) and the expression, "Van 'n kers 'n kandelaar maak", instead of the conventional idiomatic expression, "Sy maak van 'n molshoop 'n berg" (meaning to exaggerate). The use, adaption and interplay with the literality of MLIs in printed advertising is the focus of this investigation to determine: • the thematic patterns in MLIs in printed advertising in Afrikaans and • the link between MLIs and market segmentation. A pilot investigation revealed that 91 examples of the total data set of 200 advertisements in magazines gathered between 2009-2019 for a copy-writing project including MLIs such as idioms, proverbs and biblical proverbs that were all linked to one of four themes in terms of literality. For this investigation, all Afrikaans printed advertisements in the 2019 and 2020Pendoring advertising competition that included any of the above-mentioned MLIs were analysed, as is evident in Table 1. A thematic pattern in terms of literality was evident from the start. All examples could be placed in one of four categories (Table 1, Column A), namely spirituality (biblical reference), food, nature and human character. The three articles by Bosman on MLIs in 2000 were a central part of the theoretical point of departure in the investigation. Insights from the Relevance Theory of Wilson and Sperber (2004) formed the basis of the analysis, as can be seen in Table 1 and in the headings, "Cognitive effort" and "Cognitive effect". The analysis in Table 1, Column E also highlights another interesting pattern in the use of MLIs in the dataset. In all instances the implied marketing message communicated something positive about the target audience and almost nothing about the brand name/ (product/service) per se. The use of MLIs such as idioms, proverbs and biblical proverbs can directly be linked to market segmentation, since the comprehension of complex structures such as MLIs is aimed at a very specific audience that can associate or at least comprehend the implied message as target audience. The analysis in Table 1 indicates the cognitive leap required from the non-conventional meaning (Column A to Column F). This cognitive distance is justified in the description by Bosman (2000a:36) focusing on the fixedness of meaning, idiomaticity and the meaning of the unit (and not individual words). Based on the information in Columns A and F of Table 1, the intended Afrikaans target audience of the Pendoring advertisements in 2019 and 2020 is characterised by one or more of the following characteristics: • Pride in language, which includes an active idiomatic language knowledge; • A person with a love for nature and animals; • Spiritual awareness and/or active knowledge of the Bible; • Human character known for intense emotion, a belief in hard work and an appreciation for feeling at home. Language choice in advertisements and the use of higher-order language forms such as MLIs (idioms, proverbs) can be regarded as a form of market segmentation. Only the intended target audience will be able to identify the MLI and the relevant meaning put into the effort to reach the implied marketing message (Column F) in Table 1.

Investigating multimodal metaphors in the poetry film "Stad in die mis" (Opperman)

Visuele kunstenaars, uitvoerende kunstenaars en literêre kunstenaars het mekaar oor die eeue heen geïnspireer. Jonckheere (1989) noem dit 'n oeroue verbintenis en Vanbrussel (1972) is van mening dat die produk wat geskep word vanweë die inspirasie as 'n tipe vertaling, transponering en ondersoek na dieper betekenis beskou moet word. Die poësiefilm as 'n vorm van 'n vertaling van die woordteks na 'n beeldteks, kan benader word as 'n hibriede, trans-dissiplinêre en multimodale kunsvorm wat die poësie en film met mekaar verbind. In die besonder geanimeerde poësiefilms bied 'n vrugbare ontdekkingsveld vir die verkenning van multimodale metafore. Die draai van die millennium het 'n toename in die belangstelling in die ondersoek van multimodale kommunikasie met betrekking tot die onderskeie semiotiese modusse teweeggebring. Forceville (2015) is van mening dat animasiefilms ideaal is vir die ondersoek van beeldskemas wat op multimodale metafore betrekking het. Die keuse van die poësiefilm as toepassingsdomein stel in die vooruitsig dat kennis ontwikkel word met betrekking tot multimodale metafore in Jac en Wessel Hamman se poësiefilm van DJ Opperman se "Stad in die mis".

Visual artists, performing artists and literary artists have been inspiring one another since time immemorial. Simonides of Keos (c. 556-468 BC) confirmed this in his "poema pictura loquens" - "a poem is a talking picture" or in a more modern expression, "a picture is worth a thousand words". Jonckheere (1989) calls this an ancient relationship, and Vanbrussel (1972) holds the opinion that imitating one art form to create another art form is a form of translation, transposition, contemplation, and discovery of artistic impressions, showing parallel interpretations rather than physical comparison. Kress and Van Leeuwen (2001) define multimodality as "[t]he use of several semiotic modes in the design of a semiotic product or event". It is this kind of research (see Kress & Van Leeuwen (2001), Jewitt (2009) and O'Halloran & Smith (2010) in the field of multimodal studies in the social semantic tradition that forms the nucleus of multimodality). O'Halloran and Smith (2010) note that cross-pollination between disciplines increased during the 21st century, and that interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary cooperation are at the core of research and social challenges. Jewitt (2013) adds to this by defining multimodality as "an interdisciplinary approach that understands communication and representation to be more than about language". The poetry film as a transposed verbal text to a multimodal text can be viewed as a hybrid, transdisciplinary and multimodal artform, combining poetry and film. Cook (2017) emphasised the fact that poetry film is an intertwined entity of word, sound, and visual image. It is an attempt to transpose and transform a poem to become a new artwork that makes the poem more accessible to people who are not necessarily open to the written word and will in effect attract a larger audience to a genre that usually has a limited market. Animated poetry film is a goldmine for discovering, amongst others, multimodal metaphors, particularly because it uses a vast variety of creative modes of meaning-making modes. It is well-known that conventional researchers of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) limit their studies mainly to the conceptual metaphor as a verbal-linguistic expression. Little to no attention is paid to the nonverbal manifestations of metaphors as such (Jacobs et al., 2013: 490). Forceville (1996, 2002, 2006, 2008, 2009) and other researchers (Carrol, 1994; Cienki & Müller, 2006; Zbikowski, 2008; Koller, 2009; El Refaie, 2009; Urios-Aparisi, 2009 among others) use the CMT as a conceptual framework for the research of multimodal metaphors. Forceville (2002) defines multimodal metaphor as follows: "A phenomenon that is experienced as a unified object or gestalt is represented in its entirety in such a manner that it resembles another object or gestalt even without contextual cues." Various source- and target domains in verbal language are used, as well as domains in nonverbal communication, sounds and music to irrefutably form a complex network through which meaning is created. This article explores poetryfilm as a multimodal translation/transposition of a poem text into an animated poetry film with specific reference to Jac and Wessel Hamman's poetry film by DJ Opperman, "Stad in die Mis", and the extent to which multimodal metaphors are present in the transposed version.

Is decolonialisation a myth?

Suid-Afrika is 'n voormalige Britse kolonie. Die Britse koloniale invloed het oor die hele spektrum van die samelewing beslag gekry, veral gedra deur die koloniale taal Engels. Lord Alfred Milner, Britse Hoë kommissaris in Suid-Afrika was ná die Tweede Anglo-Boereoorlog terdeë bewus van die krag van taal ter uitbreiding en bevordering van kolonialisme toe hy aan die Natalse goewerneur skryf hulle doelwit was "to make English indispensable in the future, and to prepare the rising generation for that state of affairs by practically compelling them to learn it, but to admit Dutch until the Anglicizing process is consummated" (vergelyk Steyn, 2014:52). In 1961 is die Unie van Suid-Afrika gedekoloniseer en het die status van die land verander na die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Sekere aspekte van dekolonialisasie daarna het as 'n natuurlike proses gevolg om by die omstandighede en aard van die nuwe Republiek te pas. In 1994 het die ANC die regering oorgeneem. Veranderinge het noodwendig gevolg, maar later (so onlangs as 2016) het dramatiese eise (gepaard met geweldpleging) gevolg. Die onderbou van die slagspreuke wat daarmee gepaard gegaan het, was gerig op versnelde en dramatiese dekolonialisasie van die land. Die werkwoorde dekoloniseer en dekolonialiseer is afwisselend gebruik sonder dat daar enige onderskeid tussen die betekenisse van die twee woorde getref is. In hierdie artikel word die verskil in betekenisse van die tersaaklike werkwoorde eers ontleed. Dit word gedoen vanuit taalkundige oorwegings. Daar word uitgegaan van die beskouing dat die ontleding van woordbetekenis vanuit drie verskillende benaderings gedoen kan word, naamlik 'n woord-wêreld-benadering, 'n taal-interne benadering en 'n konseptuele benadering. Omdat die genoemde werkwoorde na abstrakte prosesse en handelinge verwys, is die woord-wêreld-benadering nie geskik vir die ontleding nie. 'n Taal-interne benadering veronderstel dat daar ook kennis geneem moet word van woordeboekdefinisies. 'n Vergelyking tussen verskillende woordeboeke (Afrikaans, Nederlands, Duits en Engels) se leksikale defi-nisies met betrekking tot die betekenisse van koloniseer en kolonialiseer (en hulle afgeleide vorme) bring geen duidelikheid nie. Twee taalkundige verskynsels, naamlik "aspek" en "konseptuele versmelting" (dus aan-sluitend by die konseptuele benadering) bring meer helderheid op grond waarvan die gevolgtrekking gemaak kan word dat daar 'n besliste betekenisverskil bestaan ten opsigte van die twee werkwoorde. Die werkwoord koloniseer het perfektiewe aspek, wat beteken dat die handelinge en prosesse waarna dit verwys, 'n eindpunt het - dat dit termineer. Aansluitend by koloniseer - en afhanklik van die prosesse en handelinge waarna koloniseer verwys - versmelt (of integreer) die betekenis van kolonialiseer met die betekenis van koloniseer, maar met die inherente aspektiese waarde imperfektief of duratief. Vervolgens word die verhouding tussen taal en denke ondersoek. Tale se denkstrukture verskil van mekaar. Dit word duidelik wanneer verskillende tale se taalmanifestasies van bepaalde konsepte vergelyk word. Die uitwerking wat kolonialisasie op Afrikaans gehad het, word kortliks onder die loep geneem. Teen die agtergrond van die hele betoog word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat indien aanvaar word dat dekolonialisasie "gedra" word deur die koloniale taal Engels, ware dekolonialisasie nie moontlik is nie - dat ware dekolonialisasie 'n mite is.

South Africa is a former British colony. The British colonial influence expanded over a multitude of facets of a diverse South African community. Initially the English language as a vehicle of education was one of the major contributors to the idealised assimilation of the colonised people. After the Second Anglo-Boer war Lord Alfred Milner, British High Commissioner in South Africa, proclaimed in a letter to the Natal governor that it had been his policy "to make English indispensable in the future, and to prepare the rising generation for that state of affairs by practically compelling them to learn it, but to admit Dutch until the Anglicising process is consummated" (cf. Steyn, 2014:52). In 1961 the Union of South Africa was decolonised and became the Republic of South Africa. Decolonialisation of certain aspects of the South African society took place as a natural outcome. In 1994 an ANC government took over the rule of the country. For the first few years after 1994 changes concerning the South African society, according to the new constitution, took a natural cause. Round about 2016 emotions within specific sections of the community erupted because expectations for a new South Africa (that they imagined) had not been achieved. These beliefs related to the fact that the new South Africa was not as Afrocentric as they wished it to be. Skirmishes took place and slogans like #ScienceMustFall, #FeesMustFall, and#AfrikaansMustFall were often heard. All these slogans accumulated in the slogan #WhitenessMustFall. And the #WhitenessMustFall slogan linked intimately with the demand that South Africa had to be decolonialised because whiteness was associated with former colonists and colonialisation. In almost all the instances of the demands for decolonialisation the verb used was decolonise - as if there were no difference between the meanings of the verbs decolonise and decolonialise. The point of view taken in this article is that there exists a definite difference between the meanings of the two verbs. The difference in the meanings of the two verbs is investigated against the background of theoretical linguistic findings. Firstly, lexical definitions from different dictionaries (Afrikaans, Dutch, German and English) of the relevant verbs and their derivates are scrutinised. It reveals that most of the dictionaries do not make a clear distinction between the different meanings. In some instances, a difference in meanings is only implicitly defined. It results in some confusion. To look for further clarification, a linguistic theoretical approach comes to the fore. Taylor (2002) distinguishes three general approaches to the study of meaning, namely the language-world approach, in which meaning is studied as the relationship between linguistic expressions and states of affairs in the world. Secondly, the language-internal approach, in which meaning is studied in terms of relations between expressions within a language, and thirdly, a conceptualist approach, in which the meaning of an expression is equated with a conceptualisation in the mind of a language user. The language-world approach is not applicable for the examination of the meaning of the relevant verbs; consequently, the scrutinisation is done from the perspective of the language-internal approach and the conceptualist approach. Two linguistic phenomena, namely the grammatical category "aspect" and "conceptual blending" (or integration) are taken into consideration. According to Handke (2014) the "term aspect refers to a grammatical category which reflects the way in which the action denoted by the verb is regarded or experienced with respect to time." Lyons (1968:313) postulates that aspect refers to the distinction of "perfective" and "imperfective", within the meaning ofthe relevant verb, not with regard to the time ofutterance. The analysis of the relevant verbs reveals that colonise and decolonise should be regarded to have perfect aspect, while colonialise and decolonialise exhibit imperfect (durative) aspect. Intricately linked to aspect, the conceptualist approach reveals that the meanings of the verbs colonise and colonialise blend with each other, the former referring to a process that comes to an end and the latter to the continuation of the instigated process referred to by using the verb colonise. In the remainder of the article conceptual differences in different languages are outlined. If one takes the claims of Lakoff and Johnson (1980) seriously, namely that "our concepts structure what we perceive, how we get around in the world, and how we relate to other people" and "our conceptual system ...plays a central role in defining our everyday realities", then the question arises whether it is possible to decolonialise a country with eleven official languages (implicating different conceptual structures) if one of the languages (the colonial language English) is forced upon the peoples of the country - in an effort to decolonialise. Therefore, the question arises whether genuine decolonialisation is only a myth?

Propaganda language: Quantifiers and pronouns

Verskeie studies is al oor die taalgebruik van propaganda gedoen, maar dikwels met behulp van kritiese diskoersanalise, wat die klem op magsverhoudinge plaas en wat dikwels gebruik word om teksspesifieke afleidings te maak. Met die doel om gesistematiseerde afleidings oor die taaleienskappe van propaganda in die breë te maak, word Sistemies Funksionele Linguistiek in hierdie artikel gebruik. Ná die sortering van tekste as propaganda- of niepropagandatekste (as kontrolegroep) met behulp van 'n inhoudelik-gebaseerde sorteringsmodel, is die gebruik van kwantifiseerders en voornaamwoorde in beide teksgroepe geanaliseer. Die studie is 'n kwalitatiewe studie: elke teksgroep bestaan uit agt tekste waarvan ses tekste Engels en twee Afrikaans is. Die tema van die tekste is oudpresident Jacob Zuma se betrokkenheid by die Nkandla- en staatskapingskan-dale in Suid-Afrika. Die gevolgtrekkings sluit die volgende in: niespesifieke kwantifiseerders kan in propa-gandatekste gebruik word om ware inligting te verdoesel en spesifieke kwantifiseerders kan weer gebruik word om wetenskapsdiskoers (wat mediadiskoers moet insluit) na te boots om geloofwaardigheid te verhoog. Voornaamwoorde kan gebruik word om spesifieke eienaar-skapskakels te maak, maar soos dit die propagandis se saak pas. Kataforiese voornaamwoorde (as deel van aanwysende voornaamwoorde) kan weer gebruik word om afstand te skep, wat die propagandis help om defleksie te bewerkstellig. Buiten vir die gewone kohesiefunksie. word die herhaling van sekere voornaamwoorde vir strategiese doeleindes gebruik. Alhoewel daar 'n ooreenkoms in beide teksgroepe bestaan wat die ideasionele metafunksie betref, maak 'n propagandis in 'n groter mate op die interpersoonlike funksie staat om 'n ekstra betekenislaag in die teks te integreer.

A variety of studies have been conducted on the language used in propaganda, but often from a critical discourse perspective, which emphasises power relations and frequently draws text-specific conclusions. To draw conclusions about the systematic aspects of the language used in propaganda texts, Systemic Functional Linguistics was used in this study. After using a content-based identification model to sort the texts used in this study as either non-propaganda (as a control group) or propaganda texts, the quantifiers and pronouns were analysed in both text groups. This is a qualitative study: each text group consists of eight texts of which six texts are in English and two in Afrikaans. The texts thematically pertain to former South African president Jacob Zuma and his involvement in the Nkandla and state capture scandals. The conclusions of this study include the following: by analysing quantifiers according to specificity, certain differences between the text groups can be identified. Non-specific quantifiers can be used in propaganda texts to hide true information as they can be used to create the idea that there is either more or less than what would constitute an accurate representation of reality. Where specific quantifiers are used in non-propaganda texts to report events accurately, specific quantifiers can be used in propaganda texts to imitate scientific discourse (which should include media discourse and therefore points to the expansion of the technique) in order to increase the validity of a text. With reference to the use of pronouns in general, more pronouns are used in the propaganda text group than in the non-propaganda text group and certain types of pronouns are only present in the propaganda text group. Personal pronouns feature more frequently in propaganda texts, namely 61,1% (of the total number of pronouns in both text groups), as opposed to possessive pronouns, namely 23,4% (of the total number of pronouns in both text groups). When comparing the number of personal pronouns in non-propaganda texts with those used in propaganda texts, there is a smaller difference between the two text groups than the difference in respect of the number of possessive pronouns in the text groups under discussion. Possessive and personal pronouns are used for similar propaganda techniques, such as dysphemism, polarisation and deflection being used for purposes of creating a smokescreen. Some of these pronouns -for example the personal pronoun "we" - can be used to create a feeling of inclusivity between the propagandist and the reader and can also be used to enhance exclusivity. Pronouns can be used in non-propaganda texts to describe and, if necessary, create links of ownership according to facts. In comparison to this function, pronouns can be used to make strategic ownership links if or when they suit the propagandist's cause. Sometimes a similar function can be seen in non-propaganda texts, but it is usually due to referencing and can therefore not be ascribed to the text author directly, but to the referenced source. When demonstrative pronouns in propaganda texts are compared to non-propaganda texts, it is necessary to further analyse this pronoun group in order to better understand its functions. Anaphoric pronouns feature in a similar way in both text groups, except when a propagandist, for example, places a pronoun strategically, with a specific aim in mind. Apart from its normal cohesion function, certain pronouns are repeated strategically, adding an extra semantic layer to a text. Cataphoric pronouns are only present in propaganda texts and can be used to create distance between a propagandist and a certain action in order to deflect attention. Similar to anaphoric pronouns, the placing of cataphoric pronouns can be done strategically. There are no emphatic pronouns in the non-propaganda texts of this study. These pronouns are used in propaganda to, from a distant position, show disapproval and to integrate dysphemism in this way. Although there are similarities between the text groups regarding the ideational meta-function, a propagandist depends on the interpersonal metafunction in order to integrate subjective meaning in the text.

Impersonalisation strategies in Afrikaans

Hierdie artikel ondersoek die verskillende strategieë wat Afrikaanse sprekers gebruik om aan te dui dat 'n konstruksie onpersoonlik is. Onpersoonlike konstruksies is konstruksies waar die (soms implisiete) subjek geparafraseer kan word as "mense in die algemeen", " 'n onbekende persoon" of "sommige mense". Hierdie onderwerp het al baie aandag in die taalkundeliteratuur gekry, maar die fokus was meestal op 'n beperkte aantal onverpersoonlikingstrategieë, soos die gebruik van persoonlike voornaamwoorde (bv. Jy leef net een keer), onbepaalde voornaamwoorde (byvoorbeeld Iemand het my beursie gesteel!) en passiewe konstruksies (byvoorbeeld My kar is gesteel). Volgens ons kan dié nou fokus in die literatuur toegeskryf word aan die feit dat die navorsingsmetodes (byvoorbeeld korpusstudies en vraelyste) wat tot op hede gebruik is om onverpersoonlikingstrategieë te ondersoek, navorsers slegs in staat stel om op deduktiewe wyse na die strategieë te kyk. Tot op hede is daar nog nie 'n studie uitgevoer om te bepaal i) watter verskillende moontlike onverpersoonlikingstrategieë deur Afrikaanse sprekers aangewend kan word nie, en ii) of daar bepaalde voorkeure vir sprekers bestaan oor watter strategieë om te gebruik in die verskillende en onderskeibare onpersoonlike kontekste. Hierdie ondersoek beantwoord hierdie twee vrae deur die resultate van 'n visuele vraelys - wat aan ongeveer 450 Afrikaanssprekende respondente gegee is om te beantwoord - te bestudeer.

In this article, we examine impersonal constructions in Afrikaans, i.e. constructions without a referential subject or, put differently, constructions where the (implicit) subject can be paraphrased as "people in general", "someone" or "somepeople". This topic has already received considerable attention in the literature but the focus has generally been on a limited number of strategies, such as human impersonal pronouns (e.g. mens leef net een keer "one only lives once") and the passive construction (e.g. my kar is gesteel "my car has been stolen"). In our view, this narrow focus in the literature is at least partly due to the limitations of the language-based methods (e.g. corpus studies and questionnaires) currently used in the research. These methods essentially facilitate a deductive approach by investigating a predetermined set of more or less established impersonal constructions. The present study, by contrast, adopts a more open-ended approach in order to get a better sense of the range of possible strategies that speakers of Afrikaans can use in different impersonal contexts and of the constructions that they prefer to employ in those various impersonal uses. We therefore draw on a visual questionnaire with few linguistic cues. Each scene in this questionnaire depicts a particular impersonal context - based on the distinguishing criteria found in the existing semantic maps of the domain of impersonalisation (such as quantification, perspective and veridicality) and respondents are encouraged to provide a sentence that captures the situation. The questionnaire was published online, promoted via social media and completed by more than 400 respondents. The findings show first of all that there exist numerous alternatives to the well-known strategies of impersonalisation. In addition to pronouns (e.g. jy "you" in wat gebeur as jy die knoppie druk? "what happens when you press that button?") and passives (e.g. is gepluk "were picked" in terwyl jy geslaap het, is al die appels gepluk "while you were asleep, all the apples were picked"), the types of constructions identified in our study include but are not restricted to: nouns with the meaning "people" and an extra evaluative connotation (e.g. morsjorse "litterbugs" in morsjorse het gister hier gesit en drink "litterbugs were drinking here yesterday"), the generic use of the imperative (e.g. onthou "remember" in onthou om altyd jou sitplekgordel vas te maak! "remember always to fasten your seat belt!"), nominalisations (e.g. koud kry "getting cold" in die winter is vir koud kry gemaak "winter is made for getting cold") and free-choice constructions (e.g. wie ook al "whoever" in wie ook al gister hier sokker gespeel het, het hul bal vergeet "whoever played soccer here yesterday forgot their ball"). Our results are furthermore suggestive of the impersonal constructions that are clearly favoured by speakers of Afrikaans. They indicate, for instance, that the established but still comparatively under-researched strategy of passivisation is used across all impersonal contexts and is even regularly preferred to the better-studied pronouns in certain uses (e.g. daar is al weer terreuraanvalle uitgevoer "terror attacks have again been carried out" instead of hulle het al weer terreuraanvalle uitgevoer "they have again carried out terror attacks"). Indefinite pronouns too are found to be among the most common constructions - especially, though not only, in contexts assuming the existence of a particular unidentified person responsible for some event (e.g. iemand "someone" in iemand het al die appels gepluk "someone has picked all the apples"). Nouns with the meaning "people", finally, also appear to be quite favoured by speakers of Afrikaans and they occur in a variety of impersonal uses, such as statements about people in general that do not, however, include the speaker or the addressee (e.g. mense "people" in in China eet mense rys "in China, people eat rice").

"dit en dat" ("this and that") and "al daai goed" ("all that stuff'): A corpus-linguistic study of pragmatic markers in spoken Afrikaans

Pragmatiese merkers is 'n frekwente verskynsel van gesproke taal. Daar is egter nog baie min studies onderneem na pragmatiese merkers in Omgangsafrikaans. Pragmatiese merkers tree op as belangrike kontekstualiseringswenke deurdat dit gespreksgenote rig in terme van die relevansie van die uiting, en die spreker in staat stel om, op bondige wyse, 'n houding teenoor die proposisie van die uiting te openbaar. In hierdie studie word gefokus op 'n bepaalde tipe pragmatiese merker, naamlik vaekategoriemerkers (VKM's). Vaekategoriemerkers in Afrikaans is 'n meerwoordige leksikale eenheid, of woordkluster, wat as pragmatiese merker optree, byvoorbeeld "en goed" en "of iets". Hierdie ondersoek het ten doel om aan die hand van korpuslinguistiese metodes te bepaal watter vaekategoriemerkers in Omgangsafrikaans gebruik word en watter pragmatiese funksies dit verrig.

Pragmatic markers are a frequent phenomenon in spoken language. However, there have been very few studies on pragmatic markers in spoken Afrikaans. Pragmatic markers act as important contextualization cues in the sense that it directs interlocutors in terms of the relevance of an utterance and enables the speaker to succinctly reveal an attitude towards the proposition of the utterance. In this study the focus is on a specific type of pragmatic marker, namely vague category markers. Vague category markers (henceforth VCMs) are a subcategory of pragmatic markers which include a multiword lexical unit or word cluster such as "and things/stuff" ("en goed") and "or something" ("of iets"). VCMs are a specific realisation of vague language. Vague language refers to language use that is intentionally vague. Although VCMs are prevalent in many languages, it has not been studied by way of corpus-linguistic methods in Afrikaans. The present study uses corpus-linguistic methods to identify, categorise and analyse vague category markers in a self-compiled spoken corpus namely the Pretoriakorpus van Omgangsafrikaans (Pretoria corpus of Colloquial Afrikaans) (henceforth PO corpus). The PO corpus consists of transcribed conversations of native Afrikaans speakers recorded in Pretoria between 2015 and 2018. The data shows that VCMs do occur frequently in spoken Afrikaans. Table 1, attached as an addendum, gives a detailed account of the various VCMs as well as their normalised frequencies in the PO corpus. The two most frequent VCMs are "en goed" ("and things/stuff) and "of iets" ("or something") and variations thereof. In the literature, a distinction is made between adjunct and disjunct VCMs. The adjunct VCMs typically start with "and" and enable the speaker to comply with Grice's maxim of quantity indicating that more could be said. Disjunct VCMs typically start with "or" and enable the speaker to comply with Grice's maxim of quality, indicating that the given information might not be completely accurate. In Afrikaans, both adjunct and disjunct VCMs are found - the adjunct form starting with "en" ("and") and the disjunct form with "of ("or"). VCMs function on textual, epistemic and sociopragmatic levels. On textual level, it acts as an anaphoric device indicating that the previous element(s) could be understood as an example of a more general set of elements thereby creating textual cohesion. On epistemic level, it can function as a hedge to soften expectations regarding the truth or accuracy of an utterance. On sociopragmatic level, it creates common ground between speaker and listener and confirms ingroup membership. In this article, the relevance theory is used as theoretical framework to describe and analyse VCMs. According to the relevance theory, communication is intentional. An utterance is relevant when it has a cognitive effect on the listener without requiring high processing. Pragmatic markers, including VCMs, are seen as ostensive stimuli that enable the listener to understand the speaker's communicative intent. Three basic forms of adjunct VCMs were identified in the corpus data: "en goed" ("and things/stuff), "en so (aan)" ("and so on") and "en alles" ("and everthything"). "En goed" has many variations (see table 1) and is the most frequentform. It has a clear textual function and refers back to vague referents - mostly physical objects, but also actions / events and abstract referents. "En so (aan)" is used specially to comply with Grice's maxim of quality by indicating that more could be said. It is often used in conjunction with more abstract categories. "En alles" is often used in situations where sensitive and emotional sentiments are shared. The most frequent disjunct VCMs in the corpus data were "of iets" ("or something"), "of wat ook al" ("or whatever") and "of so" ("or so"). "Of iets" and its variations are the most common form. It is a versatile VCM used for textual, epistemic and sociopragmatic functions. It seems to be the preferred form to use when indicating that a number should be taken as an indication rather than an accurate fact. "Of wat ook al" displays predominantly textual functions by acting as anaphoric reference to a vague referent but also indicating that the speaker has given enough information to enable the listener to fill in the missing information. "Of so" collocates rather often with vague categories of place and time but is also used for epistemic and sociopragmatic functions. The following general trends can be identified by studying the VCMs in the PO corpus. • VCMs are used to refer to vague categories. The nature of these categories differs. Some VCMs like "en goed" are predominantly used with vague categories containing concrete examples while others are more often used with abstract categories. • The reach of different VCMs differ. Some only refer to what immediately precedes them in an utterance while others refer to more general ideas or feelings emanating from the utterance. • VCMs show differing degrees of flexibility concerning their form. Some like "en goed" and "of iets" leave room for the inclusion of other words. Others, like "en alles" are fixed and do not allow any insertion of additional words. • Most of the VCMs appear at the end of an utterance or intonation segment, but some VCMs such as "of so" can also appear in the middle section. • VCMs serve textual, epistemic and/or sociopragmatic functions, but the dominant function is context specific. • Some VCMs (such as "of wat ook al") have become fillers for some speakers which might indicate an advanced state of semantic bleaching. In this case, it loses its anaphoric function and becomes a mechanism which aids with processing.

On shrews and harridans

Navorsing oor vloekwoorde (hier gebruik as 'n hiperoniem om ander verskynsels en/of sinonieme in te sluit, waaronder swets, skel, (gods)laster en vuil taal) word al internasionaal vir baie jare in 'n verskeidenheid wetenskaplike dissiplines gedoen. Daarteenoor is daar baie min tot geen navorsing oor vloek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks gedoen nie. In hierdie artikel word twee navorsingsvrae oor twee spesifieke vloekwoorde, feeks en helleveeg, beantwoord, te wete: 1. Hoe lyk die konstruksionaliseringsnetwerk van feeks en helleveeg? 2. Wat is gebruikers se opinie oor feeks en helleveeg, met spesifieke verwysing na selfgerapporteerde frekwensies (sowel produksie (sê/skryf), as persepsie (hoor/lees)); die taboewaarde (d.i. aanstootlikheid vir self en vir ander); persepsie oor die prominensie (d.i. emosiebelaaidheid, opvallendheid en bekendheid); en die geslagskonnotasie van die referent van dié twee woorde? Resente insigte in die etimologie van feeks en helleveeg word in detail bespreek, terwyl voorstelle vir visuele voorstellings van etimologiese inligting en konstruksionaliseringsnet-werke aan die hand gedoen word. Daar word ook uitvoerig gerapporteer oor 'n persepsie-ondersoek wat met behulp van aanlyn vraelyste oor dié twee woorde gedoen is. Met behulp van 'n tekentoets vir verbandhoudende steekproewe, word die verskillende dimensies van die twee woorde met mekaar vergelyk. Die artikel sluit af met 'n vooruitskouing op toekomswerk.

Research on swearwords (used here as a hyperonym to include other phenomena and/or synonyms, including cursing, cussing, profanity and foul language) has been done internationally for many years in a variety of scientific disciplines. In contrast, very little to no research has been done on swearing in the South African context. In this article, two research questions on two specific Afrikaans swearwords, feeks and helleveeg are answered, viz.: 1. What does the constructionalisation network ofthe words feeks (shrew) and helleveeg (harridan) look like?; and 2. What are users' opinions about feeks and helleveeg, with specific reference to self-reported frequencies, taboo values, prominence, and gender connotation of the referents? Since the Etimologiewoordeboek van Afrikaans (EWA) ("Etymology Dictionary of Afrikaans") was published in 2008, a number of newer etymological sources (such as the Etymologie-woordenboek van het Nederlands) have been added to Afrikaans linguists'arsenal of sources. With the help of this new information, as well as information from other sources, we are able to lay out clear constructionalisation paths for feeks and helleveeg. One of the interesting new insights is that these words have the same Proto-Indo-European stem, but that they came via different routes firstly to Dutch, and then to Afrikaans. We also make a number of suggestions for visual representations of constructionalisation networks. We argue that end-users still need to be consulted about the intelligibility of our proposed visual representations, for example whether information should be presented from present to past, or vice versa. We also argue that solutions (such as those from Etymo-logyExplorer) should be found that would allow such visual representations to be automatically scaled to larger data sets. Regarding the second question, we use data collected via short, online polls, as well as related sample sign tests, to compare the similarities and differences of people's perceptions about feeks and helleveeg. We show that these two words differ statistically significantly with respect to the following aspects: • Self-reported frequency (production and perception): Feeks is said/written/heard/ read more often than helleveeg; • Emotional valency: Feeks is more negatively charged than helleveeg; • Salience: Feeks is less salient than helleveeg; • Familiarity: Feeks is better known than helleveeg; and • Gender connotation: Feeks can only be used to refer to women, while helleveeg might also be used to refer to men. If we compare each of the two words in terms of self-reported production and perception on the one hand, and their taboo values for the self and for others on the other hand, then we conclude that respondents think that: • they themselves rarely use feeks, but they still encounter it more frequently (statistically significantly); • they use helleveeg very seldom, and also encounter it very seldom; and • both feeks and helleveeg are more offensive to other people than to themselves. The article concludes with a number ofpertinent questions for ongoing and future research.

Towards a comprehensive online dictionary - with specific reference to the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse taal

Soos verskeie ander tale se omvattende woordeboeke is die Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal as gedrukte woordeboek beplan en saamgestel. Die hele woordeboek is intussen in elektroniese formaat beskikbaar en die laaste dele sal glad nie in gedrukte formaat verskyn nie. Na voltooiing van die werk in 2028 het die Redaksie die geleentheid om die hele woordeboek te herbewerk en ook om dit as 'n volwaardige aanlyn woordeboek beskikbaar te stel. So 'n herbewerking vereis die formulering van 'n nuwe woordeboekkonseptualiseringsplan wat erkenning gee aan werk wat in die leksikografiepraktyk asook in die metaleksikografie gedoen is. Hierdie bydrae wys op 'n aantal aspekte waaraan die Redaksie kan aandag gee in hulle benutting van die moontlikhede van die aanlyn omgewing. Die fokus is op die aard van 'n omvattende woordeboek, die nuwe dataverspreidingstruktuur, 'n nuwe artikeluitleg, 'n veranderde mikrostruktuur wat ook aanpassings in die aard en omvang van die aanduiders insluit, asook 'n besinning oor die tersaaklike leksikografiese funksies.

Similar to other comprehensive dictionaries, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language) has been planned and compiled in a print format. Although some completed comprehensive dictionaries have been adapted to some kind of electronic dictionary they can often only be regarded as print dictionaries in digital format because there is not an optimal utilisation of the possibilities offered by the online environment. Changing such a dictionary to a fully fledged online dictionary demands critical thinking, the formulation of a new dictionary conceptualisation plan and a meticulous awareness of insights from both the lexicographic practice and metalexicography. Work on the comprehensive Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse taal (WAT) was commenced in 1926 and the last volume of this dictionary should be completed in 2028. During the last decades the editors adapted the dictionary to the digital format to complement the printed version. The final volumes of this dictionary will only be produced in electronic format. After 2028 the editors will have the opportunity to embark on a complete revision of the dictionary - also to ensure that work done in the previous century is on par with the latest version of the lexicographic process of this dictionary and that presentation and treatment are executed in a consistent way. It will also be an opportunity for the editors to make a transition to a true online dictionary in which the possibilities of this medium are optimally used. This paper focuses on this transition to a complete online version. In this regard attention is given to the typological nature of a comprehensive dictionary and some of the possible adjustments the editors might consider when revising this dictionary are discussed. It is shown how important it is to introduce a data distribution structure that can ensure that lexicographic data are accommodated in the best possible venues. The use of outer features to complement the central list is briefly discussed. The online environment allows a transition from a static to a dynamic and multi-layered article structure. Suggestions are made to use such a multi-layered article structure in which non-typographical indicators are replaced by data-identifiers to assist the user in a rapid access to the required data. Using a new type of article structure can also be supported by new ventures with regard to the microstructure. Instead of the integrated microstructure currently prevailing in the WAT a new version of a semi-integrated microstructure is suggested. This structure will accommodate a limited number of co-text items in integrated text blocks in the various sub-comments on semantics to ensure that the text production function can be achieved. In addition, non-integrated text blocks will be introduced to accommodate the majority of co-text items. Seeing the dictionary as a component of a search universe, lexicographers could give their users access not only to the curated co-text items in the dictionary but also to non-curated data in the corpus of the dictionary. This approach will strengthen the WAT as reference source and will be an added value for researchers in linguistics. Although the default articles in the WAT do not contain items giving the etymology of words, the editors of this dictionary have already compiled an etymological dictionary. The WAT and the etymological dictionary can both feature in a dictionary portal and from the articles of the WAT users can be referred to an item in the etymological dictionary. Such a search domain will also be able to accommodate other lexicographic products to which dictionary users can be referred. Lexicographic functions need to be negotiated in the planning of the online WAT. Currently this multifunctional dictionary responds to the diverse needs of users by achieving both communicative and cognitive functions. Due to the original planning of this dictionary, users often are not aware of its functions. In this contribution it is shown how various procedures could be followed to enhance the multifunctional value of an online version of this comprehensive dictionary. Besides the use of outer texts, it is shown how a semi-integrated microstructure could be used in an innovative way to separate semantic and encyclopaedic data in dictionary articles. A text block that focuses on encyclopaedic data can enhance the response of the WAT to the cognitive needs of its users.

"Harba lori fa": A textual and intertextual journey

Hierdie artikel handel oor drie gedigtekste: "Eens Meienmorgens vroe" van die 13de-eeuse Nederlandse minstreel, hertog Jan I van Brabant, en tekste van twee twintigste-eeuse digters - TT Cloete (Afrikaans) en Cees Nooteboom (Nederlands) - wat albei die refrein uit Jan I se teks ("Harba lori fa") as titel het. Daar word ingegaan op verskillende interpretasies van die refrein en op enkele sieninge oor intertekstualiteit, onder meer absolute en beperkte intertekstualiteit. Daarna kom die drie tekste elkeen afsonderlik aan bod - vir sover so iets moontlik is - en word hulle aard en struktuur bespreek. By die Cloete- en die Nooteboom-tekste fokus die skrywer vervolgens op hierdie tekste (eindtekste) se verhouding tot "Eens Meienmorgens vroe" (beginteks) en ook die intertekstuele verband tussen die Cloete- en die Nooteboom-tekste onderling met betrekking tot transformasies soos verskuiwing, herlesing en vervanging. Insigte uit kognitiewe benaderings tot intertekstualiteit word ook, waar ter sake, gebruik, spesifiek die begrip korrelrigheid ("granularity"). Dit het geblyk dat hierdie (beperkte) intertekstuele benadering die besonderhede en eie aard van elke teks duideliker laat word en dat hulle ook aan mekaar volle relief gee.

This article is about three poetry texts: "Eens Meienmorgens vroe" (Early one May morning) by the 13th century Dutch minstrel Duke Jan I of Brabant, and texts by two twentieth-century poets - TT Cloete (Afrikaans) and Cees Nooteboom (Dutch) - who both use the refrain from Jan I's text ("Harba lori fa") as title. Various interpretations of the refrain and some views on intertextuality are addressed, among others absolute and limited intertextuality and the ideas of Panagiotidou who approaches this phenomenon from a cognitive perspective. She points out, inter alia, that triggers such as words and phrases in a current text may lead readers to activate related texts and that the amount of detail (granularity) recollected is an important factor. Subsequently the three texts are considered independently - as far as this is possible -regarding their nature and structure. Attention is paid, inter alia, to sound, syntactic and semantic patterns and their functions, symbolic values, especially of elements from nature that occur in all the texts, and the role, tone and attitude of the speaking voice in each text. In the case of Jan I's text, attention is paid, for example, to spring and traditions associated with it in Western Europe and to the presence (or not?) of courtly behaviour. Some crucial aspects of Cloete's "family poem" are the close-knit relations between parents and children as reflected by the use of "our" and the association of the members with a bed of flowers. A game is also played with the reader by concealing the names of the poet's wife and children in neologisms like "Astert," at the same time undergirding the garden motif further. Nooteboom's text has no full rhyme, but makes use of parallelism, the repetition of certain vowels and alliteration ("lijden en lachen"). The latter emphasizes the semantic opposition of suffering and laughter, a contrast that reverberates throughout the poem, especially when considering the symbolic values of the natural elements that readers may activate, for instance fig and laurel versus thorn and thistle. This creates a degree of ambivalence in the speaker's attitude towards life, despite the seemingly joyful shout "harba lori fa" in the course of the poem. Hereafter. the author focuses on the relationship of the Cloete and Nooteboom texts (final texts) to "EensMeienmorgens vroe" (initial text) as well as their mutual relationship with regard to, inter alia, shifts, repetition, rereading, and replacements. Important to note, however, is that Cloete's text does not only echo Jan I's poem, but also Psalm 128 from the Bible that is referenced in a second paratextual element: a subtitle. Both poets' texts show a clear geographical shift: in Cloete's case from the Dutch world of Jan I's song and the ancient Near Eastern setting of Psalm 128 to a South African environment as indicated clearly by the plant name "kanna" (from Khoi). In Nooteboom's poem there is a shift from the Netherlands to a Mediterranean sphere. Cloete replaces the three pretty "joncfrouwen" (unmarried girls) with a wife and children and the young man hoping to find love with a happily married husband and father. The rather contentious (ideological) issue is raised of whether all readers willfind this schema - also reflected in the Psalm - acceptable, confirming the ideology of a nuclear family. Nooteboom's poem mentions no women, but only a friend "who knows the story of his downfall". Whereas the situation in the Cloete text reflects happiness and fulfilment, the speaker towards the end of Nooteboom's poem - portraying himself as a weaving spider -foresees his potential destruction. In view of the friend's situation, this may perhaps be seen as a destabilising and doubling of the self that some critics identify in Nooteboom's work. Granularity, as it becomes evident in the intertextual relationships between Jan I's poem and the others, is also briefly discussed.To Conclude: It was found that this (limited) intertextual approach not only revealed the details of each text more clearly, but that they also bring each other in full relief

'n Ou skoolsaal of teater - die opvoerruimtes van die Cape Flats Players en die Eoan-groep

Die teaternavorser Temple Hauptfleisch spreek in 1983 kommer uit oor die agteruitgang van plaaslike amateurteater. Hy identifiseer verskeie faktore om dit te stimuleer, onder meer die beskikbaarheid van 'n saal of 'n teater, verkieslik laasgenoemde, "omdat vir vandag se geso-fistikeerde gehore die ou skoolsaal nie meer goed genoeg is nie". Hierdie artikel ondersoek na aanleiding van hierdie stelling die lotgevalle van die Cape Flats Players en die Eoan-groep, beide Kaapse amateurgeselskappe tydens die hoogbloei van apartheid. Die beskikbaarheid van teatergeriewe en veral die toepassing van apartheidswetgewing met verwysing na die Wet op die Aanwysing van Aparte Geriewe en die Groepsgebiedewet, word van nader beskou. Die ondersoek vind plaas aan die hand van Michel Foucault, David Harvey en Henri Lefebvre se insigte oor die aard van plek en ruimte. Hier is bevind dat die Cape Flats Players nie toegang tot teaters gehad het nie; dat die toegang van gehore beperk was; dat hulle nie-tradisionele ruimtes moes gebruik; dat hulle geen beheer oor die aard en demografie van hulle gehore gehad het nie en dat hulle nuwe netwerke van verbandhoudende individue en groepe gevestig het. Ten opsigte van die Eoan-groep is bevind dat die apartheidswetgewing tot gevolg gehad het dat hul kulturele netwerk vernietig is. Ná die oprigting van hul eie teater, het hul onmiddellike gemeenskap die fasiliteit geboikot, hoofsaaklik vanweë die apartheidsregering se geldelike steun aan die groep. Die kontrasterende ervaring van die Cape Flats Players wat in 1991 in die voorheen "slegs blankes" Nico Malan-teater opgetree het, word bespreek. Alhoewel daar kritiek teen hul optrede was, het dit ook die einde van die boikot van die teaterkompleks ingelui. In die algemeen is bevind dat opvoerruimtes verbande oproep met ander ruimtes, geskiedenisse en simbole. Die keuse tussen "'n ou skoolsaal" en "'n teater" mag eenvoudig klink, maar verdoesel verwikkelde vrae oor ruimtes, toegang en uitsluiting.

In 1983 the theatre researcher Temple Hauptfleisch raised concerns about the decline in South African amateur theatre (also called amdram). He identified several factors that could support its continued development, among them "the availability of a theatre or hall". He states that "to produce a play one needs a theatre, and for the sophisticated public of today the old school hall is no longer good enough" (Hauptfleisch, 1983). This quotation can hardly be regarded as representative of all amateur theatre companies or communities in the South Africa of the 1980s. The sophisticated audiences and amateur companies that he referred to were limited to high middle class white audiences in cities and major towns. In most communities and rural towns such preferences would have been unimaginable. This article investigates the position of the Cape Flats Players (the Players), an amateur theatre company that was established in 1973 and continued its activities until about the turn of the century. Where relevant, the fate of the Eoan Group, an amateur Cape Town opera company, is discussed. It is common cause that during the high point of apartheid very few theatres were accessible to non-white actors or patrons. For instance, the Players had no permanent rehearsal space or performance venue. They initially rehearsed in their founder, Adam Small's garage, and later after hours in university lecture halls, a community library, or the dance hall of a local hotel. Helen Southern-Holt founded the Eoan Group in 1933 as a cultural and welfare society. Under the guidance of Joseph Manca, the group became primarily known as a choir and opera company. They had their own rehearsal venue until they had to move and used the Cape Town City Hall for their performances to ethnically mixed audiences. Changes to the stage of the City Hall and the implementation of the Group Areas Act in the early 1960s forced them to relocate their activities. With the aid of private donors and government subventions they built the Joseph Stone auditorium. The close relationship of members of the Group to and their financial reliance on the Department of Coloured Affairs gave rise to criticism and eventually boycott action by anti-apartheid activists. With reference to the Players the article investigates the availability of theatre spaces between 1970 and the early 1990s and the impact of apartheid legislation on their and the Eoan Group's activities and performances. Specific attention is paid to the effects of two key apartheid statutes, viz. the Reservation of Separate Amenities Amendment Act, No. 10 of 1960 and the Group Areas Act, Act 41 of 1950 as amended by Act 77 of 1957. Theoretically, the paper is informed by various perspectives on space formulated by Michel Foucault, David Harvey, and Henri Lefebvre. Foucault's essay "Of other spaces" is relied on with reference to his notions of "heterotopia" and "heterochrony". A key insight of Harvey, namely that "space and time are socially constructed" is used in the paper to explore the processes of social reproduction of political policy guidelines. With reference to Lefebvre's notion of the "production of space" three key concepts are referred to in the article, namely that of spatial practice (i.e., space as perceived between daily routine and urban reality); representations of space (i.e., space as conceptualized by scientists and social engineers, among others) and representational spaces (i.e., "space as directly lived through its associated images and symbols"). With respect to the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act, Act 49 of 1953 as amended it is found that the Players did not have access to any of the available theatres on university campuses in the Cape Town vicinity or surrounding towns; that the access of audiences to their performances was restricted; that they had to use non-traditional spaces for their performances; that they had no control over the nature and demography of their audiences and that through their itinerant performances they created new networks of connected individuals and groups. As far as the Group Areas Act, Act 41 of 950 as amended is concerned, the obliteration of the early cultural networks of the Eoan Group and their relocation to their own theatre in a township are discussed. It is found that the anti-apartheid activists promoted the boycott of the facility, consequently seriously hampering its effective functioning for much of the 1980s. In the final instance, the Players' approach to perform in the once boycotted "whites only" Nico Malan theatre, is discussed in juxtaposition to the fate of the aforementioned boycott of the Eoan Group. It is found that by the beginning of the 1990s the political climate had change significantly from that of the early 1970s and 1980s. Although their performance at the former "whites only" facility in 1991 met with some criticism, the political and cultural climate had changed significantly. In this respect the Players could be regarded as the group whose performance signalled the end of the community boycott of the Nico Malan theatre. In general, it was found that the place of performance is relational to other spaces, histories, and symbolic conceptions. The choice between "an old school and a theatre", although apparently simple, conceals complex questions on space, access, and exclusion.