Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120210002&lang=en vol. 61 num. 2 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Keep in touch! Embodied perception, touch and remote digital communication</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en As gevolg van die vinnige verspreiding van die nuwe koronavirus en die COVID-19-pandemie is die fisiese grense van aanraking in 2020 verskuif en aggressief in openbare ruimtes (her)polisieer. Gevolglik word "om kontak te behou" met geliefdes en kollegas toenemend deur middel van digitale tegnologieë bedryf. Deur strategiese reklameveldtogte belowe verskeie mobielenetwerkmaatskappye dat hulle netwerke geleenthede bied vir naatlose aanlyn voortsetting van sowel ontspanning as werkbedrywighede. Hulle slagspreuke beklemtoon dat "samesyn/saamwees" en "kontak behou" voortgesit kan word terwyl jy op die internet is, en samesyn en verbinding is vinnig voorgehou as die grondslag van 'n nuwe wyse van kontak behou met ander mense. In hierdie artikel ondersoek ek, aan die hand van kritiese teorieë oor digitaliteit in verhouding met advertensies, prototipes, beeldmateriaal op sosialemediaplatforms en kunswerke, spesifieke kwessies wat uit hierdie situasie voortspruit. Daardeur verken hierdie artikel die manier waarop beliggaamde persepsie en aanraking in afstand- digitale omgewings voorgehou, uitgevoer en ervaar word, en illustreer hoe die belofte van digitale aanraking nie heeltemal buite ons bereik is nie.<hr/>When COVID-19 rapidly spread across the globe in 2020, and people were either encouraged or forced to self-isolate and stay at home, for many, the only way to "keep in touch" with family, friends, peers and colleagues was via virtual environments. The use of digital platforms such as Skype, WhatsApp, Google Meets, Zoom, House Party, and Microsoft Teams, among others, quickly became the only way in which to "reach out" to others. As the physical boundaries of touch were being redrawn and aggressively (re)policed in public spaces, and, as "keeping in contact" with loved ones and colleagues was increasingly operationalised through digital technologies, traffic on the digital superhighway increased significantly. Although many people had already travelled on that road in the past, activities usually conducted in face-to-face environments quickly migrated to the digital realm. At the same time, through strategic advertising campaigns, many mobile network companies in South Africa promised that their networks provided opportunities for seamlessly sustaining both leisure and work activities online by using catchphrases that highlighted "being together" and "staying connected" while on the Internet. Thus, through strategic marketing strategies, togetherness and connection were quickly presented as the basis of a new form of "keeping in touch" with others. With reference to theorists on touch and digital communication, as well as visual examples of advertisements, prototypes and artworks, in this article I investigate the following questions that arise from this situation. What forms of touch are afforded by digital communication technologies? How is our embodied experience of sociality being transformed by digital networked communication? To what extent might the digital screen be considered an interface for embodied interaction? In short, this article explores how embodied perception and touch are presented, performed and experienced in remote digital environments, and draws some conclusions about the future of touch in the digital landscape. While it is certainly not a novel observation that digital technologies assist in establishing and maintaining intimate social relationships at a physical distance, it does appear that this situation has been accelerated by the social impact of the pandemic. Carlos Velasco and Marianna Obrist (2020) argue that "the pandemic appears to be changing the game entirely". While many people had never imagined going online to attend a funeral, a birthday party, an exhibition opening, or to take a game drive, these, and many other social activities, have become part of what is widely being referred to in the media as "the new normal". Despite the inequalities inherent in the digital communication economy, especially in developing countries such as South Africa, the increased digitisation of human experience and the seamless integration of offline and digital worlds into "a sort of mixed reality" (Velasco & Obrist 2020) appears to have taken place. In her analysis of haptic modes of visuality, Martine Beugnet (2013) calls for an interrogation of what embodied perception means in light of the rise of new technologies. This interrogation is needed at a time when we are experiencing a material and technological crisis of the flesh and different - often polarised - opinions regarding the possibility of embodied experience within the realm of the digital. This is because the digital is often regarded as entirely immaterial (see Coleman 2007). Revisiting embodied perception is thus an important extension of these debates as is the question of whether or not digital communication technologies satisfy our human desire for connection. In this article, therefore, critical theories on digitality are discussed in relation to a selection of advertisements, prototypes, images on social media platforms and artworks to show that, while touch has been actively sought out in digital environments, for many it remains an elusive experience. I begin by exploring the significance and boundaries of touch in social life. I immediately try to put my finger on the significance of touch for being human, and briefly demonstrate the cultural construction of acceptable (and unacceptable) forms (and sites) of touch. I show that while the boundaries of touch have been strictly redrawn owing to the global COVID-19 pandemic, our tactile senses have never been free from some or other form of ideological policing. That touch is multiple or "manifold," as Mark Paterson (2007:3) puts it, assists in giving shape to the discussions that follow. Thereafter, I reflect on Edward Casey's (2013) and Sherry Turkle's (2015) ruminations on how technologically mediated conversations impede deep dialogical engagements with others, ultimately leading to an inability, or reduced capacity, for empathy. The work of two South African artists, Jenna Burchell and Magdel Fourie (now Van Rooyen), who have reflected on this very dilemma powerfully and insightfully illustrate these arguments. Their works hint at the promise, but ultimate failure, of remote digital communication technologies to facilitate a deep or intimate feeling of presence between families or loved ones in online communication. In the next section, I track the history of developments in haptic technologies which have attempted to facilitate the sense of "presence" or "copresence" in digital environments. Thereafter, I extend this discussion into the present-day to trace more recent attempts at addressing the lack of touch in digital communication. I discuss the Heartbits app, the Kissenger device and the various prototypes that have emerged from the IN-TOUCH project at University College London (UCL). Finally, I try to grasp what the future of touch might hold in digital environments, based on insights drawn from a recent artwork entitled Towards Telepathy (2017) produced by the South African artist, Katherine Bull and the French artist, Emmanuel de Montbron. These artists explore connection between individuals through the mode of "haptic visuality" as formulated by Laura Marks (2000). <![CDATA[<b>A hymn for dark times (Wer nur den lieben Gott lässt walten - If thou but suffer God to guide thee)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die Covid-19-pandemie het groot lyding veroorsaak en die einde is nog nie in sig nie. Wat help mense in swaar tye, tydens die "lockdowns" van die lewe? Wer nur den lieben Gott lässt walten van Georg Neumark (1621-1681) dien as voorbeeld van 'n lied wat mense in die konteks van geleefde geloof kan bemoedig. Die lied het neerslag gevind in baie Duitse gesangboeke en vertalings daarvan is in gesangboeke oor die wéreld opgeneem. In orrel-voorspele, kantates en ander musiekwerke word dit tot klank gebring. Tydens die Eerste Wéreldoorlog het dit mense in Duitsland getroos, maar is ook vir militaristiese en patriotiese doeleindes gebruik. Die lied speel 'n prominente rol in twee films: Babette 's Feast (1987) en Vaya con Dios (2002). In beide films word getoon hoe die lied mense in die uitlewing van hul geloof 'n stem gee en hoe hulle God se stem daarin hoor. In die artikel kry die agtergrond van die lied en die oorspronklike Duitse teks aandag. Daarna word die vertaling in Afrikaans en die wysigings aan die teks krities bespreek. Ses van die sewe strofes van GBA Gerdener se vertaling in Afrikaans (1931) is opgeneem in die Psalm- en Gesangboek (1944). Vir die Psalm-en Gesangboek (1978) is die teks drasties verkort tot drie strofes. Veranderinge in die weergawe vir die Liedboek van die Kerk (2001) het die band met die oorspronklike teks verder verbreek. In samehang met die treffende melodie (en met aspekte van die ouer weergawe wat nog in mense se himniese geheues lewend is), kan die lied mense steeds bemoedig en hulle aan God se teenwoordigheid herinner. Die resepsiegeskiedenis dui op die voortgaande werking van die lied in verskillende kontekste van geleefde religie.<hr/>Covid-19 has caused suffering on many levels and there is no doubt that the consequences will be feltfor years to come. During the pandemic, people were also reminded that, throughout history, people have been subjected to immense suffering. The First World War (1914-1918) ended just over a hundred years ago. In this devastating war that "had to prevent all further wars", 22 million people died. In the year it ended, the Spanish Flu broke out and another 50 million people died. Perspectives on past events that adversely affected the lives of people might help people to interpret their own situation and see the present in a different perspective. One could ask: what sustains people in difficult times? What gives them courage? What gives them resilience and helps them through lockdowns? In this article, it is argued that faith, lived religion and rituals can give people new perspectives and that hymns, that is, songs of faith, play a significant role. A hymn of German origin, Wer nur den lieben Gott lässt walten, is presented as an example. The background to the origin of the text is given, whereafter the original German text and the Afrikaans translation, as well as the revised versions of the translation, are discussed critically. A futher discussion of the reception history of the hymn follows, showing its use during war and in two films, and how it couldfunction as an illustration of lived religion. The writer of the hymn text, Georg Neumark (1621-1681), was born during a devastating war in Germany that lasted thirty years. In his early twenties, he travelled to Königsberg to study law, but was robbed of all his earthly possessions by highway robbers mugging the mail coach. He interpreted his difficult existential circumstances from the perspective of lived religion and wrote a hymn of comfort, a "Trostlied", Wer nur den lieben Gott lässt walten, encouraging himself and others by saying that one should let God be in control of one 's life and that one could trust God. The text contains striking alliteration and assonance that lend a poetic quality to it. It is accompanied by a touching melody that Neumark composed for the text - the only melody written by Neumark that is known. The text with seven stanzas was first published in Neumark's song collection Fortgepflanzter Musikalisch-Poetischer Lustwald (Jena, 1657) and has been translated into several languages. The English translation entitled If thou but suffer God to guide thee was done by Catherine Winkworth (1855, 1863). In 1931, GBA Gerdener translated it into Afrikaans. Six of the seven stanzas were retained in the first official hymnal in Afrikaans, Psalm- en Gesangboek (1944). The text was amended and drastically shortened to three stanzas for the second official hymnal, the Psalm- en Gesangboek (1978). More radical changes were made for the version published in the third and current official hymnal, Liedboek van die Kerk (2001). The original Afrikaans translation relied heavily on a Dutch translation by Abraham Rutgers (Liedboek voor de Kerken 1994:429). It reflected certain problems in the Dutch translation, but stayed true to the original German text. When the Afrikaans text was revised at various stages, however, the original German text and the texts on which the original was based, were not considered sufficiently. Significant features of the original text thus got lost, especially in the latest version in Afrikaans. It is argued, however, that certain aspects of the current text, coupled with aspects of the old text in Afrikaans that are still alive in the hymnic memory of people, and carried by the very fitting melody, could still sustain people in difficult times. The reception history of the hymn in contexts where the original text plays a strong role and also where translations close to the original are used, shows its use on various levels as part of the lived faith or lived religion of people. Besides being a source of comfort to civilian Germans during World War 1, the German version was also used for militaristic and patriotic purposes during the war. It plays a prominent role in two films - Babette's Feast (1987), a Danish film, and Vaya con Dios (2002), a German film. The films illustrate that God's voice can be heard in songs of faith and that this hymn can open up broader perspectives, and give people a voice in difficult circumstances. In the films, the hymn expresses gratitude, love, community and trust. The hymn can remind people that God is present in dark days and in suffering and can give hope. It can remind people of God 's love and indicate the path they need to follow. The performative power unleashed when singing the hymn, can transform people. It is argued that when the hymn is sung, space can open up and people be freed from their confinement, their lockdown and their shelters. They can sing, pray and follow God 's way - and in doing so, also comfort and support others. <![CDATA[<b>The Anthropocene and historical consciousness</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Sedert die vroeë 2000's het die "Antroposeen" 'n gonswoord geword waarvan natuur- en menswetenskaplikes asook die breë samelewing kennis geneem het. 'n Voorgestelde klassifisering van 'n "Antroposeen-epog" in die geologiese stratigrafie van die planeet, beteken dat die huidige geologiese stratigrafiese tydsindeling uitgebrei word. In werklikheid word verklaar dat meer dissiplines selfs buite die natuurwetenskappe, nodig is om kennis te neem van die toenemende mensgedrewe vernietiging van die aardse ondersteuningstelsel wat lewe onderhou. Hulpbronskaarsheid, omgewingsvernietiging en klimaatsverandering is die gevolg van die mensdom se ekologiese voetspoor. Daar word aanvaar dat vooruitgang en ongebreidelde ekonomiese groei nie volhoubaar is nie. Die toenemende uitwissing van endemiese plant- en dierspesies dui regstreeks op die antropogeniese oorbenutting van menslike hulpbronne. Die mensdom word tans selfs as die agent van omvangryke geologiese verandering uitgesonder - vandaar die gebruik van die term "Antroposeen". Geowetenskaplikes het nog nie konsensus oor die Antroposeen bereik nie. Een groep reken klimaatsverandering is bloot 'n natuurlike proses. Heelwat is krities teenoor die potensiële waarde van samewerking met wetenskaplikes in ander vertakkings van die natuur- en menswetenskappe. Hulle is huiwerig om, sonder die nodige bewysgronde, veranderinge van "sogenaamde nuwe insigte" in die breër raamwerk buite hul spesialiteitsterreine te aanvaar. Op hul beurt meen Antroposeen-voorstanders die tyd is ryp vir die aaneenskakeling van geowetenskappe by ander natuur- en menswetenskappe. Ten spyte van omvattende internasionale media-publisiteit en akademiese navorsingswerk, het die Internasionale Kommissie vir Stratigrafie (IKS) in 2018 die voorstel vir 'n nuwe "Antroposeen-epog" deur 'n spesialis Antroposeen Werkgroep (AWG) van die hand gewys. Die werkgroep het juis in opdrag van die kommissie gewerk. Die debat duur egter voort in die Internasionale Unie van Geologiese Wetenskappe (IUGW). Dit mag etlike jare duur voordat die Antroposeen as epog erken word. In Geskiedenis as dissipline, beteken dit dat 'n nuwe historiese bewussyn ontwikkel, waarin vereis word dat die gesprek oor die Antroposeen natuur- en menswetenskappe betrek. Daaruit moet 'n etiese selfbewussyn ontspring om verantwoordelik oor die aarde se verlede, hede en toekoms te besin.<hr/>"Anthropocene" has been trending in environmental circles since the onset of the new millennium. It first caught public attention when scientists used it to describe the human impact on Earth's biosphere. Soon, also a lively discussion started amongst environmentalists perturbed by the destruction of earth's biosphere, because of human induced climate change. In the field of environmental and earth sciences there followed a strong initiative for a new geological epoch called the "Anthropocene". It implied that the current scientific stratigraphic dating system of the Earth requires revision. Humankind is said to have disrupted the global support system of life on planet Earth to the extent that we are heading for an imminent disaster. Resource scarcity, environmental destruction and climate change are considered as the symptoms of these human activities. In the early phase of the emergent public discourse the pronounced human ecological footprint was said to have started with the onset of the eighteenth century's British Industrial Revolution. By the early 2000s scientists, activists and politicians warned we were heading towards an imminent crisis. The large-scale extermination of many living organisms was said to have pointed directly to human resource over-consumption. Humankind has now left a profound imprint on geological processes that previously were shaped only by nature. Geologists have not yet reached consensus on an "Anthropocene epoch". One group views climate change as a natural process. Working in strictly demarcated parameters of so-called "golden spikes" registering in sophisticated geoscientific classification hierarchies, many are critical of collaboration with non-geological scientists. They insist that traces of the "human footprint" in most parts of the planet, do qualify as indicators of a new geological epoch. Several geoscientists have come out in support of the idea of an Anthropocene epoch. An outstanding feature of their approach to geoscience has been to integrate the field into comprehensive interdisciplinary study groups focusing on the effects of human activities on earth. Geological sciences, they insist, should now focus more on the present. The focus of working on the past - primarily on Earth's history "before humankind" - should shift to the present and the imminent future. In 2018, the International Commission on Stratigraphy (ICS) rejected a proposal for the formalisation of the Anthropocene by a specialised Anthropocene Working Group (AWG). Yet, the debate continues in the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS). It may take several years before the Anthropocene epoch is formally accepted. In the discipline of History, the discussion on the Anthropocene implies that the natural and social/human sciences should move forward towards a new historical consciousness of a distant past and explore contemporary history with a view to the future. There have been several calls for a more integrated endeavour and ethical self-consciousness for contemplating Earth's past, present and future. SUMMARY OF CONTENT This brief overview concerns the origins of the concept "Anthropocene" at the start of the new millennium in the 2000s. The reader is familiarised with definitions of the term and its use by the Nobel Laureate, Paul Crutzen. The word Anthropocene, first coined in 1922 by Russia's Aleksei Pavlov (1854-1929), forms part of Crutzen's assessment of Teilhardt de Chardin and Vernadsky's conception of a noösphere that emerged in the 20th century as an impressive assemblage of integrated knowledge. Crutzen's discontent with the term "global change" in the field of atmospheric science, sparked off a discussion on the new "Anthropocene epoch" in international science institutions. Simultaneously, global society, especially environmental activists, started using the term to describe the profound changes in Earth's natural systems as a result of rapid human-induced disruptions of natural systems. The United Nations Organisation created an awareness among its member states on a critical phase of human-induced change on planet Earth. Of growing concern was global climate change, pollution, and the destruction of Earth's life-sustaining natural ecosystems. The positive mainstream response to the Anthropocene as a new terminological twist in the discourse, had its origins in the 1960s when environmental awareness flourished primarily in Western democracies in all parts of the world. Mounting fears, inter alia, about fossil fuel that induced acid rain, causing respiratory problems for plants and humans living in urban industrial complexes all over the planet contributed to a sense of environmental awareness. Therefore, the subsequent call for an Anthropocene epoch, came at a time when globalisation and modern communications systems had extended at exponential rates in all parts of the world. Aware of waste accumulation, air pollution and anthropogenic destruction of ecosystems, mainstream global human society readily embraced the idea of the Anthropocene as a moral commitment to the environment. However, in academia, the concept was slow to gain traction. Despite several preliminary forays on the topic, the first comprehensive geosciences research on the Anthropocene only emerged in the 2010s. That was after the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS) and the International Commission on Stratigraphy (ICS) established an Anthropocene Working Group (AWG) to explore the idea of a new epoch - one which had the potential to factually verify the end of the Holocene in the comprehensive field of geosciences. The institutional politics of engagement between a mature "establishment" and a group of courageous and well-informed mavericks and their growing support base in other disciplines, sheds light on a creative research phase in many academic circles. There is evidence of interaction, multi-faceted and transdisciplinary research, as well as a pronounced shift in making use of history - in the context of the past, the present and even the future - to develop complex and advanced database modelling systems to make new assessments and predictions. But obstacles remain. In 2018 the ICS declined a request for the approval of the Anthropocene as a new geological epoch. Yet, supporters of the new "epoch" remained determined to persevere in the realisation of their objective. By engaging with experts in a variety of natural and social/human sciences, a new and mainly younger generation of geoscientists gained valuable ethical insights. In many cases they have not been over-eager to summarily accept new trends and potentially "spurious" thinking on long held views of earth's intrinsic history. The lively ongoing debate has attracted more participation of researchers working beyond the natural sciences to explore the Anthropocene as a comprehensive expression of an undesirable human domination and wanton destruction of Earth's biodiversity. There are indications of cross-fertilisation in advanced thinking on the Anthropocene in a variety of disciplines. In terms of history and its philosophy, a sense of cohesion in the natural sciences and social/human sciences has emerged from collaborative thinking about the Anthropocene. In the discipline of History there is a keen awareness of the need to explore new methodologies, but a collective historical consciousness remains problematic. For example, historians working in the field of hermeneutics acknowledge their limitations of insight into emergent views on the history of nature. Their historical consciousness is often too confined to customary knowledge of specific human cultures and places. However, there are indications of far more comprehensive forays into incorporating new ideas in the natural sciences. Several well-informed historians have promoted the need for the reconsideration and relevance of current source materials and existing methodologies. JR McNeill, for one, recently called on a new generation of historians to focus on an array of new technologies and ideas previously inaccessible to historians, to shed light on the past and the present in exploring the Anthropocene. <![CDATA[<b>Philosophical notes on some aspects of life and death</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Teen die einde van die 18de eeu is virusse ontdek en getipeer as skynbare oorgangsentiteite tussen nielewende en lewende dinge. Dit het aanleiding tot verskeie (wysgerige) grensprobleme gegee. Aan die een kant word aandag geskenk aan die vermeende gelyktydige ontstaan van proteïene en kernsuur en aan die ander kant word besin oor die vraag wat 'n plant is. Simpson en Von Bertalanffy word betrek om te beklemtoon dat molekules nie lééf nie. Dit open die weg na enkele gedagtes oor die aard van stoflike entiteite. Vervolgens word aandag geskenk aan die grensvraag na die oomblik van die dood en afgesluit met enkele juridiese oorwegings.<hr/>The sudden appearance of the enormously threatening COVID-19 virus with its subsequent more infectious mutations challenged the very foundations of practically all countries around the world. It also prompted me to broaden the scope of reflecting on the age-old problem of "life and death". Amidst our growing knowledge of living entities it soon became clear that the cell is the smallest living entity - exceeding the largest macromolecule by about 1 000 times. By the end of the 18th century viruses were discovered and they appeared to be entities intermediate between non-living and living entities. From a philosophical perspective it opened the way to many intriguing questions directed at the boundaries of our knowledge. One question is how do we describe the diversity of things, properties and processes which we experience in our daily lives. Already in Greek culture we encounter theoretical approaches that opted for the exploration of just one mode of explanation. It gave rise to two opposing monistic orientations: pan-mechanism and pan-vitalism. Underlying this opposition there lurks a straightforward basic question, namely What is a plant? We argue that without prior knowledge of the difference between material things, plants and animals it would not even be possible to commence studying plants. The hypothetical transition from material configurations to truly living entities over a vast period of time is problematic because the long time-span, in fact, conceals an unsolved problem, namely the abrupt moment of transition - the change from one moment to the next from non-living to being alive. Assuming the simultaneous appearance of protein and DNA caused new unsolved problems. Attention is also given to elements of the question concerning what is matter, indicative of the unavoidable foundation of living entities. After some brief reflections on the various realms found in nature, elements of our earlier remarks about mechanistic and organistic approaches are connected to some problematic modern views. Simpson is correct in his criticism of the expression "molecular biology" because molecules, as such, are not alive. Von Bertalanffy expands on this issue with his remark that these processes are different in a living, sick or dead dog; but the laws of physics do not differentiate, being indifferent to whether or not dogs are alive or dead. That the physical substrate of living things contains its own distinct problems, steered our analysis into a slightly different direction. Finally, contemplating the multifaceted nature of the process of dying is followed up by looking at some constitutional issues and some implications for human rights. <![CDATA[<b>What comes after South Africa's fiscal cliff?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die navorsing gee 'n perspektief op Suid-Afrika se vooruitsigte indien die land by wyse van spreke oor die rand van die fiskale afgrond sou stort. Die definisie van die fiskale afgrond wat in hierdie artikel gebruik word, het betrekking op die punt waar maatskaplike toelaes, rente op staatskuld en staatsdienssalarisse die totale inkomste van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering oorskry. Hierdie kantelpunt is reeds in die 2020/21- fiskale jaar bereik, maar die verwagting is dat dit slegs tydelik van aard is. Daar is dus beperkte ruimte om 'n permanente fiskale krisis af te weer, maar dan moet die salarisrekening van die staatsdiens ingekort word. Terselfdertyd sal die regering meer realisties vir laer ekonomiese groei en dus laer groei in belastinginkomste moet begroot. Die punt waar die fiskale afgrond bereik word, word met behulp van die fiskale afgrondbarometer bereken. Hiervolgens het Suid-Afrika se posisie dramaties verswak oor die afgelope dekade, onder meer omdat staatsdienssalarisse en rentebetalings op staatskuld té vinnig gegroei het. Terselfdertyd het inkomste baie stadiger gegroei weens die inkrimping in Suid-Afrika se potensiële en werklike ekonomiese groeikoerse. Die navorsing oor die fiskale afgrond het 'n impak op regeringsbeleid gehad, maar dit is waarskynlik 'n geval van "té min, té laat". Opsommenderwys kan die belangrikste bydrae van die navorsing beskou word as (i) die insluiting van die frase "fiskale afgrond" in die Suid-Afrikaanse leksikon, (ii) 'n duidelike fokus op die probleem in die burgerlike samelewing, (iii) deursigtige rapportering oor die staatsdienssalarisrekening deur die regering, en (iv) 'n fokus op bestedingsvergelyking met die inkomstekant van staatsfinansies, eerder as die uitgawekant. As Suid-Afrika in gebreke sou bly om 'n fiskale afgrond af te weer, bestaan die risiko dat die land se toekoms sekere elemente van 'n mislukte staat ("failed state") mag insluit. Fondse vir dienslewering sal meer beperk wees terwyl rentebetalings op staatskuld onder druk sal kom, wat tot likiditeitsprobleme by pensioenfondse kan bydra. Die enigste opsie is dus vir die Suid-Afrikaanse regering om 'n fiskale afgrond te vermy.<hr/>This research provides insight into South Africa's prospects should the country reach the proverbial fiscal cliff. The definition of the fiscal cliff used in this article refers to the point where social grants, interest on government debt and public service salaries exceed the total income of the South African government. This point has already been reached in the 2020/21 fiscal year, but is expected to be of a temporary nature. There is, therefore, still room to fend off a permanent fiscal crisis, provided that the public service salary bill be contained. At the same time, the government will have to budget more realistically for lower economic growth and therefore lower growth in tax revenue. Academic literature on South Africa's fiscal cliff is limited, but the mainstream media (print and electronic) focuses on this issue frequently and extensively. The term "fiscal cliff" has, therefore, become part of the South African economic lexicon. The point where the fiscal cliff is reached is calculated by using the fiscal cliff barometer. The barometer shows that South Africa's fiscal position has weakened significantly over the past decade, partly because public service salaries and interest payments on government debt have grown too fast in relation to South Africa's potential and actual economic growth rates. The barometer readings are calculated as a ratio using variables for the estimated years to the cliff as well as the total years within the forecast period. The formula is calculated mathematically as: years to cliff (equation 1) total years forecasted In theory, values can range from one (1) to minus infinity (-∞). However, in practice, only values between one and zero are considered. A high value (e.g. 0,9) indicates a high probability that the fiscal cliff will be reached in the near future, while a 0 (zero) value indicates that the fiscal cliff will not be reached at all. The analysis of South Africa's fiscal sustainability, based on the barometer readings, commences with 2007 data. The results show a significant spike in the barometer reading (closer to 1) from 0 (zero) in 2007 to 0,717 in 2014. Hereafter, the barometer reading stabilises, and even shows a slight improvement to 0,119, based on the 2018 Budget data. By 2018, therefore, the impression was that the government had taken sufficient cognisance of the warnings with regards to the fiscal cliff to start implementing steps to avoid it. This all changed in 2020, however, when the Supplementary Budget presented by the Minister of Finance (Mboweni 2020b) showed that the fiscal cliff had indeed been reached. Stated differently, for the 2020-fiscal year, civil service remuneration expenditure, interest on government debt and social grant payments will exceed total government revenue. All other expenditure will now have to be funded from further borrowing by the South African government. While it appears that research on the fiscal cliff has had an impact on government policy, it is probably a case of "too little, too late". The most important contributions to the research to date may be summarised as (i) the creation of an awareness of the danger of economic disaster, as expressed in the phrase "fiscal cliff" in South Africa's economic lexicon, (ii) a clear focus on the problem in civil society and the media, and (iii) transparent reporting on the public service salary bill by the government. Should a more permanent fiscal cliff materialise, South Africa's future could include elements of a failed state, the result of which will be serious financial hardship for all South Africans. The government will find it increasingly more difficult and expensive to borrow from the money and capital markets, and there will be minimal funds available for service delivery. Interest payments on government debt will also be suspended or severely curtailed, thus contributing to liquidity problems for pension funds and the banking and insurance industries. The only option is avoidance of the fiscal cliff. This challenge awaits the South African government. <![CDATA[<b>A Chinese road map to offender re-entry: A case study</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie bydrae is 'n kruis-kulturele oefening, binne 'n filosofiese, interdissiplinêre perspektief, waar gesteun word op die werk van beide Derrida en Lacan oor die verplasing van die betekenaar van sy oorspronklike samehang na 'n vars, vreemde konteks. In die lig van die bewese versuim van hervorming en die onaanvaarbare mislukking van hervestigingspogings in Westerse jurisdiksies (wat Suid-Afrika insluit), word data op uitgesoekte straf- en hervestigingspraktyke in die Volksrepubliek van China ingewin en gekodeer met die oog op die aanbieding van 'n padkaart vir die hervestiging van vrygelate gevangenes op eie bodem. Die uitgesoekte temas wissel van hervestiging tot gevangehouding (in daardie omgekeerde orde). Die data is ingewin by wyse van sekondêre data-analise en gekodeer deur die gebruik van 'n tematiese patroon. Hierdie oefening is geïnspireer deur Braithwaite se belangrike onderskeid tussen hardestigmatiserend-beskamende kulture (Suid-Afrika, die VSA) en integrerend-beskamende kulture (China, Japan). Deur 'n abduktiewe ("abductive") navorsingsbenadering met 'n kultuurvermengingsmetode te verbind, is dit moontlik om data van die Volksrepubliek saam te snoer met waarnemings oor hoe dit bestaande hervestigingstendense in Suid-Afrikaanse pogings tot hervorming van gevangenes kan aanvul. Gegewe die ingewikkelde aard van misdaad, word van 'n interdissiplinêre benadering gebruik gemaak in 'n poging om met behulp van 'n nuwe aanwending van 'n ou teorie en in 'n nuwe konteks 'n beter begrip van misdaad te bekom.<hr/>This contribution is a cross-cultural exercise, within a philosophical, inter-disciplinary perspective, where the work of Derrida and Lacan on transplanting the signifier from its original context and re-inscribing it onto foreign soil, is used to bolster the case for inducting selected, penological and resettlement practices from a foreign culture (the Peoples' Republic of China [the PRC]) into a South African context. As no transplantation's success is guaranteed, Chris Allsobrook's "African Recognition Theory" as well as Tom Zwart's "receptor" approach is employed to tilt the odds in favour of a successful African inscription. Allsobrook's African Recognition Theory is considered as a way of understanding how the concept of "cultural mixing" can be employed to allow for a home-grown remedy to take shape while Zwart's "receptor" approach is explored against the background of its successful use to ameliorate the social problems in Africa. It is argued that mass imprisonment, following the American model, is more likely than not the result of schemes-for-profit (both in South Africa and the US) than a genuine concern over crime and re-offending rates. The so-called prison-industrial complex thrives on the back of imprisonment as our dominant sentencing regime and the latter has clearly not delivered what it had promised, namely safer communities and sustainable re-offending rates. It is contended that with South Africa having one of the highest incarceration rates in Africa and certainly one of the highest rates of recidivism in the world, a larger portion of the Department of Correctional Services' (DCS) budget than a mere 12% should go towards rehabilitation and, especially, resettlement efforts. In view of the demonstrable neglect of rehabilitation and the dismal failure of resettlement efforts in Western jurisdictions (including South Africa), data on selected rehabilitation and resettlement practices in the PRC is collected and coded to present a road map for offender re-entry. The themes selected range from resettlement to incarceration (in that inverted order). The data is collected by way of secondary data analysis and coding using a thematic imprint. This exercise is performed against the background of Braithwaite's seminal distinction between stigmatising shaming (of which South Africa and the United States are examples) and integrative shaming (of which China and Japan are examples) cultures. The argument is that features of the latter will greatly aid resettlement efforts and the struggle against unsustainable recidivism rates in South Africa. The concept of ubuntu, a well-established integrative shaming feature in Southern African indigenous cultures, is highlighted as a feature that could greatly assist the transplantation process. Indeed, an investigation of the now-defunct flower of an integrative shaming culture (1949-1996), has much to offer SA's harsh stigmatising shaming climate. By adopting an abductive research approach wedded to a "cultural mixing" method, it is possible to intersperse the data from the PRC with observations on how these could complement existing rehabilitative trends in South African corrections. The discussion of the data gleaned from the Chinese theater is interspersed with material from both Western and local sources on how the transplantation from China to South Africa could best be accomplished. It is contended that, taking an analogy from Stiglitz, the prison has no "moral compass" and should be managed to produce the desired outcomes in terms of both rehabilitation and sustainable resettlement, as the Chinese experience has demonstrated. In view of crime's complex nature, an inter-disciplinary approach is adopted and the hope is expressed that this novel use of an old theory in a new way and context would add insight to our understanding of crime. It is to be hoped that in light of South Africa's (newish) Minister of Justice and Correctional Services, Ronald Lamola's, acknowledgement of corrections' tendency to warehouse managing of offenders and his undertaking to add renewed impetus to the department's rehabilitation and resettlement efforts, that this contribution could add value to his pledge. <![CDATA[<b>The buyers at the Cape of Reis naar Syrië en Palestina in 1851 en 1852 (1854) by CWM van de Velde</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en De voormalige Nederlandse marineofficier, cartograaf en tekenaar Charles William Meredith van de Velde (1818-1898) publiceerde in 1854 een Reis door Syrië en Palestina in 1851 en 1852. Van de Velde was een aanhanger van de Nederlandse opwekkingsbeweging, het Réveil. Hij had internationale contacten, was in de jaren 1860 bevriend met Henry Dunant en was medeoprichter van het Rode Kruis. In 1851-1852 (en in 1861-1862 opnieuw) reisde hij in het Nabije Oosten, met de bedoeling een betere kaart en beschrijving van het Heilig Land te maken. In 1854, na veertig jaren van anglicering, kochten maar kleine aantallen Kapenaren in voor Nederlandse boeken. Maar voor Van de Velde's dure en tweedelige Reis naar het Heilig Land tekenden meer dan honderd mensen aan de Kaap in! Wilden zij het boek hebben omdat zij de auteur hadden gekend, toen hij 1848-1850 aan de Kaap verbleef? In die tijd had hij allerlei mensen ontmoet, had aandacht getoond voor evangelisatie en had zelfs Messenger of Mercy van de Britse prediker James Smith vertaald, als De vredeboode voor geloovige lijders en uitgegeven door de Kaapse drukker NH Marais (1850)? Of verwachtten gelovigen erin gegevens om de Bijbel beter te verstaan, de omzwervingen van Abraham, de wandelingen van Jezus, de aanwijzingen door de woestijn naar het Beloofde Land?<hr/>Charles William Meredith van de Velde (1818-1898), a former Dutch naval officer, cartographer and draughtsman, an adherent of the Dutch pietist Réveil with wide international connections, a friend of Henry Dunant and a co-founder of the Red Cross in the 1860s, travelled to the Near East in 1851-1852 (and again in 1861-1862), to make a better map and description of the Holy Land. In 1854 he published an updated Reis naar Syrië en Palestina in 1851 en 1852 ("Travels to Syria and Palestine in 1851 and 1852"). By then, after forty years of anglicising, Dutch-language books generally attracted small numbers of Cape buyers only. Still, more than a hundred people at the Cape ordered copies of Van de Velde's comprehensive and therefore, expensive, description of the Holy Land comprising two volumes. Were they familiar with the author, as a result of his two years of residence at the Cape in 1848-1850, where he had shown interest in evangelisation and had translated Messenger of Mercy by the British preacher James Smith, published by the Cape Town printer HN Marais as De vredeboode voor geloovige lijders (1850)? Were the pious at the Cape eagerly awaiting new information to understand their Bible reading, to follow the paths of Abraham, the walk of Jesus, or the trails through the wilderness and desert to the promised land? <![CDATA[<b>The first 40 years of Orania</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Orania verteenwoordig 'n unieke verskynsel in Suid-Afrika, en een waaroor daar reeds baie gepubliseer is. Daar is egter nog nie 'n doelgerigte poging aangewend om die geskiedenis van dié dorp op te teken nie. In hierdie artikel word ondersoek ingestel na die dorp se ontstaan en ontwikkeling vanaf die sestigerjare tot op hede. Die studie ondersoek die ontstaan van die idee, sowel as die ontstaan van die dorp tydens die Waterwese-tydperk, en dek ook die pioniersjare (1991-2000). Daar word verder aangetoon hoe hierdie dorp van 'n idee en 'n klein dorp gegroei het tot bykans 2 000 inwoners. Inisiatiewe soos die plaaslike geldeenheid, die Ora, die ontwikkeling van die gemeenskapsbank, die Orania Spaar- en Krediet Koöperatief (OSK), die (her)vestiging van standbeelde en monumente, die oprigting van tersiêre onderrigsentrums, besighede en toerismebedrywighede word bespreek. Uitdagings en suksesse word ook aangeraak, sowel as die volgehoue media-aandag wat dié dorp ontvang.<hr/>The town Orania is uniquely determined by the fact that it is almost exclusively inhabited by white Afrikaans speaking South African citizens - for the purposes of this article to be simply referred to as "Afrikaners". The establishment of such an exclusive enclave represents a unique and controversial phenomenon in South Africa about which much has already been published. However, no purposeful attempt has yet been made to record the history of this town. This article examines the town's origins and development from the nineteen sixties to the present. During the 1970s, it became apparent that the policy of apartheid would not guarentee the continued survival of the Afrikaner nation. Moreover, the policy itself was widely targeted as being inherently immoral, and generally viewed as "a crime against humanity". This severe criticism, while largely internationally based, was also expressed, in South Africa, by opposition parties, including critical views originating from some Afrikaner organisations. It was evident that an alternative to so-called separate development would have to be pursued in attempting to ensure peaceful co-existence of Afrikaners with other racial or cultural groups residing in South Africa. In this regard the South African Bureau of Race Relations (SABRA) suggested that Afrikaners could be (re)located in a dedicated area, such as a volkstaat. Subsequently, up until the 1990s, SABRA and others debated where such a volkstaat would have to be located and what it would entail. The idea of an Afrikaner town was first proposed in 1979 by dr. WM van Heerden and reiterated by the reverend HF Verwoerd, a son of dr. HF Verwoerd, the following year. Both had in mind a particular town, namely Orania, an already established town in the Northern Cape at the time, but neither of the gentlemen in question referred to the actual town itself, but instead preferred to make use of an overarching vague concept of "Orania", not restricted to any particular town. Only in the late 1980s did prof. Carel Boshoff of SABRA (dr. HF Verwoerd's son in law) suggest that the volkstaat should be located in the Northern Cape. Focus on the town itself, was kickstarted when Orania was put up for sale by the South African government. Orania was one of eight towns erected in the mid-1960s with the express purpose of providing housing for workers employed in the Orange River Water Scheme, a project driven by dr. HF Verwoerd to expand South Africa's infrastructure, thereby creating economic opportunities of growth. The first three phases of the project, namely two dams (at the time named the PK le Roux Dam and HF Verwoerd dam, now the Vanderkloof- and Gariep Dams respectively) and the Orange-Fish River Tunnel were completed, but budget cuts resulted in the project being terminated before the completion of all of the envisaged phases thereof - one of the resulting effects being the gradual relocation of employees from the early 1980s onwards. By the time the town could eventually be bought in 1990, with prof. Carel Boshoff as one of the driving forces directing the negotiations with various interested parties, it was virtually a ghost town. However, some squatters had moved into the abandoned houses in Grootgewaagd, the old Coloured part of the town. The eventual removal of these squatters became the first of many a controversial moment recorded in the history of the town. Throughout the 1990s, Afrikaners were engaged in a large scale renovation - almost a (re)creation, of the town - as may be seen in the establishment of schools, the maintenance and expansion of the town's infrastructure, and the creation of viable economic opportunities. In addition, from a historical-cultural perspective, it became necessary to relocate to Orania those statues of former political leaders that were no longer politically acceptable after the transition of political power in 1994 - particularly those that had been erected in honour of dr. HF Verwoerd throughout the country. Continuing the legacy of the late prime minister, Mrs. Betsie Verwoerd, widow of dr. HF Verwoerd, settled in the town, where she was visited by president Nelson Mandela - the first visit by a serving South African State President to the town. In short, by the late 1990s, Orania had become a functioning town again, although with a small population. Between 2001 and 2006 Orania's population grew by 0.4% annually; a figure which, by 2014, increased to 9.3% annually. This steady increase continued throughout the following years, so that by 2016, Orania was able to register a population growth of 10.8% with a population of more than 1 600, which subsequently, in 2020, resulted in a population of approximately 2 000 inhabitants. During this period of steady growth with regard to the population, the imperative of growing the economy remained a key focus in the town's planning. Firstly, beginning in 1999, Orania started a process of establishing its own bank, which was finally registered as the largest South African Cooperative Bank in 2012, titled the Orania Spaar- en Krediet Koöperatief (OSK) (Orania Savings and Credit Cooperative). Secondly, beginning in 2002, preparations were put into place for obtaining its own local currency, which was launched as the Ora in 2004, and by 2017, plans were under way to launch a digital version of the Ora, the e-Ora. Thirdly, Orania invested heavily in local businesses, and by 2013 the town possessed its own cinema, while the Stokkiesdraai Centre was opened in 2015, complete with shops and a restaurant. Tourism became an important economic initiative and after the first campsites had been established in the 1990s, chalets were being erected from 2003 onwards, while the hotel was officially opened in 2010. Besides economic initiatives, Orania also invested in education, which included the establishment of a tertiary education institution, intent on providing technical courses, by 2016. During this time, Orania also gained wider acceptance within the Afrikaner community, and partnerships with other Afrikaans institutions such as Solidariteit are therefore highlighted in the article. Orania also expanded its projects concerning heritage conservation, erecting various monuments (such as the Koeksister monument in 2003 and the Klein Reus [Little Giant] in 2007), or relocating historical statues from elsewhere in South Africa when these were no longer politically acceptable or had become otherwise unwanted (for example, the Irish War Memorial or statues of former Afrikaner leaders). Apart from these positive developments, the article also discusses financial failures, conflicts between inhabitants, the first crimes reported in the town and the outcome of the land claim filed by those who had been removed from the town in 1991. Visits by Julius Malema and president Jacob Zuma are discussed, also highlighting the continuing conflicts with the media concerning allegations of racism. In conclusion, the article suggests possible areas for further research. <![CDATA[<b>Teacher knowledge of assessment - implications for teacher education</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Assesseringsgeletterdheid is 'n belangrike komponent van die professionele voorbereiding van onderwysers. Onderwysers moet hierdie kennis toepas, deel maak van hulle pedagogiese inhoudskennis en deur praktykervaring daarop voortbou. Die navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie word gelei deur die vraag: Wat behels onderwysers se ervaring en kennis van assessering nadat hulle 'n program vir die Nagraadse Onderwyssertifikaat (NOS) aan 'n afstandsonderriginstansie voltooi het? 'n Totaal van 20 diensdoende onderwysers is doelgerig gekies en 14 deelnemers het ingestem om aan die studie deel te neem. Die ouderdom van die vyf manlike en nege vroulike deelnemers het tussen 26 en 54 jaar gewissel. Die onderwysers, wat almal minstens vyf jaar se praktykervaring gehad het, moes oop vrae beantwoord oor die doeleindes van assessering, hulle eie sienings rakende goeie assesseringspraktyke, die rol van terugvoer en handelinge in assessering wat daarop gemik is om leer te optimaliseer. Die bevindings van die studie word bespreek aan die hand van Bereiter se raamwerk van kennisbou in die onderwys en die maniere waarop kennisoortuigings in professionele leer tot die uitbouing van pedagogiese inhoudskennis bydra. Die hoofbevindings was dat die onderwysers deeglik oor assesseringsdoeleindes en goeie assesseringspraktyke ingelig is en weet hoe om terugvoer te hanteer en wat om met assesseringsinligting te doen om leer te verbeter. Die onderwysers is ook vol vertroue dat hulle kennis en praktyke voldoende en doelmatig is. Hulle voorkeurpraktyke is daarop gerig om leerderprestasie te verbeter. Die onderwysers het 'n behoefte aan opleiding in die gebruik van taksonomieë en tegnologie, en het 'n verlenging van onderwyspraktykervaring voorgestel. Die implikasies hiervan vir die opleiding van onderwysers en voortgesette professionele leer is ten slotte bespreek.<hr/>Teachers' assessment literacy is one of the most significant competencies and capabilities in education. South Africa has experienced several curriculum changes in past years, which the latest Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) attests to. Curriculum changes make it difficult for teachers to adjust their assessment practices. Assessment is accepted as an integral part of learning and should be planned and conducted in a constructive way and not as an add-on to teaching and learning. Professional development for teaching includes a strong component of the theory and practice of assessment, and teachers are expected to make this component part of their pedagogical knowledge and to apply it. Assessment practices are shaped by teachers' faith in their teaching capabilities. In this article we focused on the experiences and the knowledge of teachers who have completed a programme for the Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) at a distance teaching institution and who have been teaching for at least five years. The aim of this study was to scrutinise assessment practices using Bereiter's conception of knowledge building as a theoretical framework. This perspective works on the assumption that teacher knowledge grows and adapts constantly through teaching practice. Such knowledge contributes to shared knowledge in the profession and the teaching community. In this way, knowledge is built in a community of practice where participants draw on their personal epistemologies to share and enhance pedagogical knowledge. Bereiter's framework of knowledge building is used in this study to gain a greater understanding of professional preparation in general, covering the full range of curriculum practices, including assessment. Professional preparation of assessment practices is seen as a form of situated learning and a constructive process that blends theory and practice. Knowledge of different methods of assessment is required and ought to be covered in professional preparation programmes such as the PGCE. Teacher knowledge about assessment should include knowledge about the importance of feedback. Without timely and constructive feedback, learners cannot meet course outcomes. A total of 20 teachers were purposefully selected and 14 volunteered to participate in the research. The ages of the five male and nine female participants ranged between 26 and 54 years. Each of the participants had at least five years of teaching experience. The qualitative data were supported by additional information collected by means of open-ended questions to determine the participants' views on good assessment practices, the role of feedback and actions that can be taken to optimise learning. All ethical requirements were adhered to. Thematic coding and analysis were carried out to guard against bias and to ensure trustworthiness. The findings indicate, among other things, that teachers do not lack confidence but need more assistance with professional growth in respect of classroom-based assessment. The need for training in assessment tools such as rubrics and the use of technology and taxonomies was highlighted. The need for assistance from school management teams to enable teachers to implement an assessment plan was also emphasised. Furthermore, it was suggested that teachers undergo extended teaching practice to prepare them for reality. It is important for policymakers and teacher training institutions to have a better understanding of the what and how of professional knowledge building regarding assessment in the classroom. In the light of the research results, it is recommended that preparation by means of a PGCE programme should have explicitly stated purposes to guide assessment and should include lecture videos on the use of taxonomies, rubrics and technology. Teacher training should be holistic if it is to produce all-round, reflective practitioners who can advance learning in schools. <![CDATA[<b>The link between parental practices and the aggressive behaviour of learners with moderate intellectual dysfunction</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Leerlinge met matige intellektuele disfunksie (MID) is 'n kohort leerlinge wie se hoë aggressievlakke onderrig in skole ernstig bemoeilik. Dergelike leerlinge het 'n gemiddelde intelligensiekwosiënt (IK) van 55 tot 70 en, vergeleke met leerlinge sonder MID, het hul 'n agterstand in verstandelike ontwikkeling van twee tot agt jaar. Hierdie leerlinge het 'n vier keer hoër risiko om aggressiewe gedragsuitvalle te openbaar, wat vir onderwysers en belanghebbendes groot uitdagings bied. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal of, en indien wel, in watter mate, die ouerskapspraktyke van die ouers van dergelike leerlinge bydra tot hulle aggressiewe gedragsuitvalle. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie studie is dat die aggressiewe gedragsuitvalle in die skool 'n simptoom is van dieperliggende probleme, wat die gevolg is van 'n sameloop van negatiewe ouerskapspraktyke, emosionele verwaarlosing en ingeperkte vermoëns van leerlinge met MID om uitdagings toepaslik te hanteer. Negatiewe ouerskapspraktyke het die volgende ingesluit: aggressiewe gedrag, onbetrokkenheid, permissiewe praktyke, gebrekkige kommunikasie en inkonsekwente dissipline met min ondersteuning, warmte en empatie. Die leerlinge het gevoel dat hulle ouers emosioneel en fisies afwesig was, wat gelei het tot 'n gevoel van emosionele verwaarlosing, verwerping, verlies en 'n gebrek aan ondersteuning. Opeengestapelde ("accumulative") negatiewe faktore soos gesinsverbrokkeling en problematiese binding het ook bygedra tot hulle aggressiewe gedragsuitvalle. Hierdie leerlinge het nie die ondersteuning gehad om uitdagende gebeure te verwerk nie - hulle moes dit self verwerk en is met onverwerkte emosies aan hul lot oorgelaat.<hr/>Learners with moderate intellectual disabilities (MID) are a cohort of learners whose high levels of aggressive behaviour make teaching in schools a challenging task. These learners have an average intelligence quotient (IQ) of between 55 and 70 and their intellectual development is almost two to eight years behind their peers without MID. Learners with MID have difficulty in applying their knowledge and have poor verbal, language, reading and mathematical skills. Learners such as these also present with short memory and attention span, are hyperactive and impulsive, misinterpret non-verbal messages, and get easily frustrated and irritated. These learners are four times more likely to develop aggressive behaviour, which leads to certain challenges for teachers and other persons concerned. The primary goal of this article was to determine whether the parental practices of the parents of these learners were causative to their aggressive behaviour. Underlying the primary goal, the following secondary research objectives were set: (1) To determine which accumulative systemic factors contribute to the aggressive behaviour of learners with MID; (2) To determine the specific triggers that lead to the aggressive behaviour of such learners; and (3) To determine the specific parental practices that can be identified that lead to the aggressive behaviour of these learners. For the purpose of the empirical part of this article, a phenomenology approach and a qualitative research design were used. Fifteen learners with MID and aggressive behaviour were studied in-depth through semi-structured interviews, document analysis and observation. The main findings of the study show that all the participants in this study came from problematic families and that their aggressive behaviour was only a symptom of underlying problems. These underlying problems were an unfortunate combination of negative parental practices, emotional neglect and a lack of skills to deal with challenges. Negative parental practices included: aggressive, uninvolved, authoritarian and/or permissive parents who did not communicate with their children and who showed little or no support, sympathy, understanding and empathy towards their offspring. All the participants experienced their parents as uninvolved, emotionally, and sometimes physically absent, from their lives. Due to the parents' lack of involvement, there was little or no communication between the participants and their parents. The parents did not respond to their needs and there was no support or assistance for these participants to overcome difficult or traumatic experiences in their lives. The learners were left with the perception that their parents were emotionally and physically absent, which led to a feeling of emotional neglect, rejection, loss and inadequate support. The example set for these participants in their parents' homes was that aggressive behaviour was the norm in dealing with disputes and problems in interpersonal relationships. Their parents showed little or no self-control and poor conflict handling. Accumulative negative factors such as disintegrated families, problematic attachment and rejection were causative contributors to their aggressive behaviour. The majority of the participants' families had disintegrated due to divorce, death of a parent or they were removed and placed in a place of safety. The participants lacked a stable home where they could feel safe and loved. The majority of the participants also had poor attachment with their mothers. There was no trust, empathy, support and they felt that they could not rely on their mothers for help, advice, accompaniment and protection. These learners were not supported adequately to deal with these challenges. They had to overcome challenges by themselves and they were left with unresolved emotions. The accumulation of these various negative factors in the participants' lives was the primary trigger for their aggressive behaviour at school. Put differently, the primary trigger may therefore be described as problematic conditions within the family, which the participants were unable to process due to their limitations - a state of affairs that ultimately manifested as aggressive behaviour at school. <![CDATA[<b>A diachronic approach to the development of the progressive periphrastic constructions in Afrikaans and Dutch: A corpus study</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies in Afrikaans en Nederlands is 'n tema wat heelwat aandag in resente taalkundeliteratuur geniet het. 'n Verskeidenheid sinchroniese studies het die drie ewekniekonstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands, naamlik die PREP-, besig-, en CPV-konstruksies al afsonderlik en vergelykend bestudeer, waaronder die vernaamste vergelykende studie dié van Breed, Brisard en Verhoeven (2017). Vanuit die literatuur is dit duidelik dat, alhoewel hierdie drie progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies vormlike ewekniekonstruksies is, daar bepaalde verskille in die gebruike van hierdie konstruksies tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands voorkom. Hierdie artikel poog om die leemte in die huidige literatuur te vul, deur middel van 'n diachroniese studie wat gebruik maak van die Tracing History Trust-korpus (2011) en die Historiese korpus van Standaardafrikaans (2016). Die doel is om vas te stel óf en tot watter máte die verskille wat tans tussen die progressiewe konstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands bestaan, sigbaar was tydens die 17de, 18de en 20ste eeu.<hr/>The progressive periphrastic constructions are a well published topic in Afrikaans and Dutch. Various publications outlining the individual forms and functions of the three dominant periphrastic progressives in Afrikaans and Dutch, namely the PREP-, besig- (or busy-construction), and CPV-constructions, as well as many publications comparing these constructions, among which the most prevalent is that of Breed, Brisard and Verhoeven (2017), and Breed and Brisard (2015), have taken a synchronic approach. The results of these publications indicated that whilst Afrikaans and Dutch share these three periphrastic constructions as markers of progressive aspect, there are numerous differences in the forms, functions and usage parameters of these constructions. Many of these differences are ascribed to divergent developmental circumstances due to the geographical placement of these language groups in the Netherlands and South-Africa. Since Afrikaans has its roots in 17th century Dutch it is assumed that these progressive periphrastic constructions in both languages originated from the same 17th century Dutch constructions. Therefore, the Afrikaans progressive periphrastic constructions are expected to be more similar to their Dutch counterparts in historical corpus data and that the differences that are currently visible have since developed due to grammaticalisation and language contact in South Africa. This article addresses the gap within the literature on this topic by following a diachronic approach to establish if these constructions were in fact more similar in late 17th century linguistic data from the Cape colonies than they currently are. A diachronic corpus study is undertaken in order to identify when these differences between the Afrikaans and Dutch progressive constructions became visible in the corpora over a period of nearly 300 years. The Tracing History Trust corpus (2011) consisting of handwritten dairy entries by the early Dutch settlers at the Cape, dating from the late 17th century to the late 18th century, is used as the primary corpus. The secondary corpus is the Historical corpus of Standard Afrikaans (2017) which is a stratified corpus containing Afrikaans texts from the 20th and early 21st centuries. Results show that, contrary to the expectation set forth by the synchronic publications, the progressive periphrastic constructions in Afrikaans and Dutch were not more similar in the 17th and 18th century than they currently are. Although many of the differences noted in synchronic studies were clearly visible in the corpora, it was found that some of these constructions had alternative forms in the past and some even had other functions and usage parameters than they currently have in either Afrikaans or Dutch. The dominant findings of each progressive periphrastic construction are: a) The aan het PREP-constructions were still primarily locative constructions and had yet to grammaticalise to aspectual markers denoting progressiveness, whilst the aan't-progressive was already becoming more specialised in the 17th and 18th century Cape-Dutch (or early Afrikaans); b) The besig met-construction was the most common progressive periphrastic construction in the 17th and 18th century and is most commonly spelled without the "z" characteristic of Dutch, whilst the popularity that the besig om te-progressive construction currently enjoys in Afrikaans is found to be a much more recent development than expressed in synchronic studies; c) Contrary to expectation, the CPV-progressive constructions do not commonly occur in the 17th and 18th century corpus data and take on a much more Afrikaans form than expected, especially considering that these are the most popular progressive periphrastic constructions in 21st century Dutch. This raises the possibility that the CPV-progressive constructions were incorporated into Dutch post 1652 via language contact in the Cape colony. This hypothesis provides interesting possibilities for future research. <![CDATA[<b>Idiomatiese Afrikaans en skryfwyses</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies in Afrikaans en Nederlands is 'n tema wat heelwat aandag in resente taalkundeliteratuur geniet het. 'n Verskeidenheid sinchroniese studies het die drie ewekniekonstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands, naamlik die PREP-, besig-, en CPV-konstruksies al afsonderlik en vergelykend bestudeer, waaronder die vernaamste vergelykende studie dié van Breed, Brisard en Verhoeven (2017). Vanuit die literatuur is dit duidelik dat, alhoewel hierdie drie progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies vormlike ewekniekonstruksies is, daar bepaalde verskille in die gebruike van hierdie konstruksies tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands voorkom. Hierdie artikel poog om die leemte in die huidige literatuur te vul, deur middel van 'n diachroniese studie wat gebruik maak van die Tracing History Trust-korpus (2011) en die Historiese korpus van Standaardafrikaans (2016). Die doel is om vas te stel óf en tot watter máte die verskille wat tans tussen die progressiewe konstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands bestaan, sigbaar was tydens die 17de, 18de en 20ste eeu.<hr/>The progressive periphrastic constructions are a well published topic in Afrikaans and Dutch. Various publications outlining the individual forms and functions of the three dominant periphrastic progressives in Afrikaans and Dutch, namely the PREP-, besig- (or busy-construction), and CPV-constructions, as well as many publications comparing these constructions, among which the most prevalent is that of Breed, Brisard and Verhoeven (2017), and Breed and Brisard (2015), have taken a synchronic approach. The results of these publications indicated that whilst Afrikaans and Dutch share these three periphrastic constructions as markers of progressive aspect, there are numerous differences in the forms, functions and usage parameters of these constructions. Many of these differences are ascribed to divergent developmental circumstances due to the geographical placement of these language groups in the Netherlands and South-Africa. Since Afrikaans has its roots in 17th century Dutch it is assumed that these progressive periphrastic constructions in both languages originated from the same 17th century Dutch constructions. Therefore, the Afrikaans progressive periphrastic constructions are expected to be more similar to their Dutch counterparts in historical corpus data and that the differences that are currently visible have since developed due to grammaticalisation and language contact in South Africa. This article addresses the gap within the literature on this topic by following a diachronic approach to establish if these constructions were in fact more similar in late 17th century linguistic data from the Cape colonies than they currently are. A diachronic corpus study is undertaken in order to identify when these differences between the Afrikaans and Dutch progressive constructions became visible in the corpora over a period of nearly 300 years. The Tracing History Trust corpus (2011) consisting of handwritten dairy entries by the early Dutch settlers at the Cape, dating from the late 17th century to the late 18th century, is used as the primary corpus. The secondary corpus is the Historical corpus of Standard Afrikaans (2017) which is a stratified corpus containing Afrikaans texts from the 20th and early 21st centuries. Results show that, contrary to the expectation set forth by the synchronic publications, the progressive periphrastic constructions in Afrikaans and Dutch were not more similar in the 17th and 18th century than they currently are. Although many of the differences noted in synchronic studies were clearly visible in the corpora, it was found that some of these constructions had alternative forms in the past and some even had other functions and usage parameters than they currently have in either Afrikaans or Dutch. The dominant findings of each progressive periphrastic construction are: a) The aan het PREP-constructions were still primarily locative constructions and had yet to grammaticalise to aspectual markers denoting progressiveness, whilst the aan't-progressive was already becoming more specialised in the 17th and 18th century Cape-Dutch (or early Afrikaans); b) The besig met-construction was the most common progressive periphrastic construction in the 17th and 18th century and is most commonly spelled without the "z" characteristic of Dutch, whilst the popularity that the besig om te-progressive construction currently enjoys in Afrikaans is found to be a much more recent development than expressed in synchronic studies; c) Contrary to expectation, the CPV-progressive constructions do not commonly occur in the 17th and 18th century corpus data and take on a much more Afrikaans form than expected, especially considering that these are the most popular progressive periphrastic constructions in 21st century Dutch. This raises the possibility that the CPV-progressive constructions were incorporated into Dutch post 1652 via language contact in the Cape colony. This hypothesis provides interesting possibilities for future research. <link>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en</link> <description/> </item> <item> <title><![CDATA[<b>The Opportunist. The political life of Oswald Pirow, 1915-1959</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies in Afrikaans en Nederlands is 'n tema wat heelwat aandag in resente taalkundeliteratuur geniet het. 'n Verskeidenheid sinchroniese studies het die drie ewekniekonstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands, naamlik die PREP-, besig-, en CPV-konstruksies al afsonderlik en vergelykend bestudeer, waaronder die vernaamste vergelykende studie dié van Breed, Brisard en Verhoeven (2017). Vanuit die literatuur is dit duidelik dat, alhoewel hierdie drie progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies vormlike ewekniekonstruksies is, daar bepaalde verskille in die gebruike van hierdie konstruksies tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands voorkom. Hierdie artikel poog om die leemte in die huidige literatuur te vul, deur middel van 'n diachroniese studie wat gebruik maak van die Tracing History Trust-korpus (2011) en die Historiese korpus van Standaardafrikaans (2016). Die doel is om vas te stel óf en tot watter máte die verskille wat tans tussen die progressiewe konstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands bestaan, sigbaar was tydens die 17de, 18de en 20ste eeu.<hr/>The progressive periphrastic constructions are a well published topic in Afrikaans and Dutch. Various publications outlining the individual forms and functions of the three dominant periphrastic progressives in Afrikaans and Dutch, namely the PREP-, besig- (or busy-construction), and CPV-constructions, as well as many publications comparing these constructions, among which the most prevalent is that of Breed, Brisard and Verhoeven (2017), and Breed and Brisard (2015), have taken a synchronic approach. The results of these publications indicated that whilst Afrikaans and Dutch share these three periphrastic constructions as markers of progressive aspect, there are numerous differences in the forms, functions and usage parameters of these constructions. Many of these differences are ascribed to divergent developmental circumstances due to the geographical placement of these language groups in the Netherlands and South-Africa. Since Afrikaans has its roots in 17th century Dutch it is assumed that these progressive periphrastic constructions in both languages originated from the same 17th century Dutch constructions. Therefore, the Afrikaans progressive periphrastic constructions are expected to be more similar to their Dutch counterparts in historical corpus data and that the differences that are currently visible have since developed due to grammaticalisation and language contact in South Africa. This article addresses the gap within the literature on this topic by following a diachronic approach to establish if these constructions were in fact more similar in late 17th century linguistic data from the Cape colonies than they currently are. A diachronic corpus study is undertaken in order to identify when these differences between the Afrikaans and Dutch progressive constructions became visible in the corpora over a period of nearly 300 years. The Tracing History Trust corpus (2011) consisting of handwritten dairy entries by the early Dutch settlers at the Cape, dating from the late 17th century to the late 18th century, is used as the primary corpus. The secondary corpus is the Historical corpus of Standard Afrikaans (2017) which is a stratified corpus containing Afrikaans texts from the 20th and early 21st centuries. Results show that, contrary to the expectation set forth by the synchronic publications, the progressive periphrastic constructions in Afrikaans and Dutch were not more similar in the 17th and 18th century than they currently are. Although many of the differences noted in synchronic studies were clearly visible in the corpora, it was found that some of these constructions had alternative forms in the past and some even had other functions and usage parameters than they currently have in either Afrikaans or Dutch. The dominant findings of each progressive periphrastic construction are: a) The aan het PREP-constructions were still primarily locative constructions and had yet to grammaticalise to aspectual markers denoting progressiveness, whilst the aan't-progressive was already becoming more specialised in the 17th and 18th century Cape-Dutch (or early Afrikaans); b) The besig met-construction was the most common progressive periphrastic construction in the 17th and 18th century and is most commonly spelled without the "z" characteristic of Dutch, whilst the popularity that the besig om te-progressive construction currently enjoys in Afrikaans is found to be a much more recent development than expressed in synchronic studies; c) Contrary to expectation, the CPV-progressive constructions do not commonly occur in the 17th and 18th century corpus data and take on a much more Afrikaans form than expected, especially considering that these are the most popular progressive periphrastic constructions in 21st century Dutch. This raises the possibility that the CPV-progressive constructions were incorporated into Dutch post 1652 via language contact in the Cape colony. This hypothesis provides interesting possibilities for future research. <![CDATA[<b>Internasionale medewerker van <i>Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe</i> in Nederland Vereer</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512021000200015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies in Afrikaans en Nederlands is 'n tema wat heelwat aandag in resente taalkundeliteratuur geniet het. 'n Verskeidenheid sinchroniese studies het die drie ewekniekonstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands, naamlik die PREP-, besig-, en CPV-konstruksies al afsonderlik en vergelykend bestudeer, waaronder die vernaamste vergelykende studie dié van Breed, Brisard en Verhoeven (2017). Vanuit die literatuur is dit duidelik dat, alhoewel hierdie drie progressiewe perifrastiese konstruksies vormlike ewekniekonstruksies is, daar bepaalde verskille in die gebruike van hierdie konstruksies tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands voorkom. Hierdie artikel poog om die leemte in die huidige literatuur te vul, deur middel van 'n diachroniese studie wat gebruik maak van die Tracing History Trust-korpus (2011) en die Historiese korpus van Standaardafrikaans (2016). Die doel is om vas te stel óf en tot watter máte die verskille wat tans tussen die progressiewe konstruksies van Afrikaans en Nederlands bestaan, sigbaar was tydens die 17de, 18de en 20ste eeu.<hr/>The progressive periphrastic constructions are a well published topic in Afrikaans and Dutch. Various publications outlining the individual forms and functions of the three dominant periphrastic progressives in Afrikaans and Dutch, namely the PREP-, besig- (or busy-construction), and CPV-constructions, as well as many publications comparing these constructions, among which the most prevalent is that of Breed, Brisard and Verhoeven (2017), and Breed and Brisard (2015), have taken a synchronic approach. The results of these publications indicated that whilst Afrikaans and Dutch share these three periphrastic constructions as markers of progressive aspect, there are numerous differences in the forms, functions and usage parameters of these constructions. Many of these differences are ascribed to divergent developmental circumstances due to the geographical placement of these language groups in the Netherlands and South-Africa. Since Afrikaans has its roots in 17th century Dutch it is assumed that these progressive periphrastic constructions in both languages originated from the same 17th century Dutch constructions. Therefore, the Afrikaans progressive periphrastic constructions are expected to be more similar to their Dutch counterparts in historical corpus data and that the differences that are currently visible have since developed due to grammaticalisation and language contact in South Africa. This article addresses the gap within the literature on this topic by following a diachronic approach to establish if these constructions were in fact more similar in late 17th century linguistic data from the Cape colonies than they currently are. A diachronic corpus study is undertaken in order to identify when these differences between the Afrikaans and Dutch progressive constructions became visible in the corpora over a period of nearly 300 years. The Tracing History Trust corpus (2011) consisting of handwritten dairy entries by the early Dutch settlers at the Cape, dating from the late 17th century to the late 18th century, is used as the primary corpus. The secondary corpus is the Historical corpus of Standard Afrikaans (2017) which is a stratified corpus containing Afrikaans texts from the 20th and early 21st centuries. Results show that, contrary to the expectation set forth by the synchronic publications, the progressive periphrastic constructions in Afrikaans and Dutch were not more similar in the 17th and 18th century than they currently are. Although many of the differences noted in synchronic studies were clearly visible in the corpora, it was found that some of these constructions had alternative forms in the past and some even had other functions and usage parameters than they currently have in either Afrikaans or Dutch. The dominant findings of each progressive periphrastic construction are: a) The aan het PREP-constructions were still primarily locative constructions and had yet to grammaticalise to aspectual markers denoting progressiveness, whilst the aan't-progressive was already becoming more specialised in the 17th and 18th century Cape-Dutch (or early Afrikaans); b) The besig met-construction was the most common progressive periphrastic construction in the 17th and 18th century and is most commonly spelled without the "z" characteristic of Dutch, whilst the popularity that the besig om te-progressive construction currently enjoys in Afrikaans is found to be a much more recent development than expressed in synchronic studies; c) Contrary to expectation, the CPV-progressive constructions do not commonly occur in the 17th and 18th century corpus data and take on a much more Afrikaans form than expected, especially considering that these are the most popular progressive periphrastic constructions in 21st century Dutch. This raises the possibility that the CPV-progressive constructions were incorporated into Dutch post 1652 via language contact in the Cape colony. This hypothesis provides interesting possibilities for future research.