Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe

Redakteursnota

The Covid-19 pandemic: An opportunity for reflection on the place of humanity in relation to nature?

Die huidige artikel het betrekking op die koronavirus-pandemie wat tans (Augustus 2020) onversteurd dwarsoor die wêreld woed. Die vraag word gestel of die pandemie nie moontlik aan die mensdom 'n guide geleentheid bied om te (her-)besin oor sy plek in die natuur nie, en terselfdertyd oor wat die pandemie ten opsigte van mense se toekoms op aarde impliseer -waar eersgenoemde vraag bevestigend beantwoord word en daar uitgebrei word op die implikasies van die tweede. Daar word aandag gegee aan wetenskaplike getuienis dat die mens self verantwoordelik is vir die verskyning van die nuwe koronavirus, en dat dit kousaal verbind is aan die toenemende druk wat mense op natuurlike habitats plaas deur hul steeds binne-dringende, natuurvernietigende ekonomiese praktyke. Laasgenoemde gee aanleiding tot wat Jean Baudrillard die "weerwraak" ("blowback") van die natuur noem. 'n Uiters relevante rolprent (The Day the Earth Stood Still; Derrickson 2008) word onder die loep geneem om die ekologiese dilemma waarin die mensdom sigself tans bevind in die brandpunt te plaas, voordat die moontlikheid van 'n pandemie met die netwerkstruktuur van die globale samelewing verbind word. Ander sake wat aandag kry, is die implikasies van die pandemie vir sosiale stratifikasie in die netwerksamelewing, asook vir die moontlikheid van 'n tegnologiese distopie, wat deur Naomi Klein uitgesonder word met verwysing na die opportunistiese wyse waarop tegnokrate die pandemie probeer gebruik om met openbare fondse vir hul private projek te betaal, om kwansuis deur middel van kommunikasietegnologie menselewens te beskerm. Zizek se waarskuwing oor "barbarisme met 'n menslike gesig" word bespreek en met Foucault se begrip van "bio-politiese mag" asook met dié van "nekropolitiek" by Mbembe verbind. Die filosofiese implikasies van die Covid-19-pandemie word ook aan die hand van Deleuze en Guattari se begrippe van risoom en wording geartikuleer voordat gepoog word om die vraag, wat 'n mens onder die huidige omstandighede te doen staan, te beantwoord, wat aan die hand van Zizek en Harvey se gedagtes oor 'n alternatief vir neoliberale kapitalisme geformuleer word.

The present article poses the question, whether the novel coronavirus-pandemic is a blessing in disguise, in so far as it offers humanity the opportunity to reflect on its place in relation to nature, as well as on its future. This question is answered affirmatively, in light of scientific evidence that human economic practices are responsible for the emergence of the coronavirus. Specifically, the destruction of natural habitats by humans, who destroy rain forests to make way for soya and palm tree plantations, as well as for cattle farming, places tremendous stress on animals like bats, that tend to shed the viruses they carry when they get into contact with humans in spaces such as so-called "wet markets". This constitutes what Jean Baudrillard calls "blowback", that is, the manner in which nature exacts a kind of revenge for human technical interference in natural processes, and which one may anticipate in the wake of the medical-technological development of a vaccine against the virus, in so far as it is likely to generate the evolution of other, possibly more lethal viruses. An interpretive analysis of a science fiction film (The Day the Earth Stood Still; Derrickson 2008), demonstrates the effects of short-sighted human economic behaviour as far as species-extinction is concerned, which, in the film, is thematised fictionally as something that could adumbrate the extinction of humanity itself. It is argued that this film, which is a timely reminder of humans'responsibility towards nature, can be related to the present pandemic as far as the destruction of natural habitats is concerned, which demonstrably leads to the shedding of viruses. The novel coronavirus is further placed in the context of what Castells calls the "network society", by showing that, similar to computer viruses, its rapid spread has been facilitated by the global network character of contemporary society. Decisive in this regard has been the global web of air travel routes that spans the globe, along which the virus was transported from China to other countries in the world. The economic aspect of the pandemic is explored in relation to the social stratification of the network society according to Castells, who depicts the world's elites as constructing their own exclusive spaces by means of various functions of networking. It appears that the pandemic has exacerbated the exclusionary drive, as well as the further self-enrichment on the part of the elites, and a parallel is drawn between this state of affairs and Michel Houellebecq's novel, The Possibility of an Island, which traces the incremental exclusion of ordinary human beings from the exclusive spaces occupied by the wealthy. This leads to a discussion of Naomi Klein's fears, that the current pandemic has given the world's technocrats an ideal opportunity to inveigle public authorities into investing taxpayers 'funds in communications technology that would putatively safeguard people from infection by the coronavirus while, at the same time, allowing economic and educational activities (among others) to continue. She exposes the hidden truth, that this would be available to the rich, but at the cost of the safety of thousands of workers behind the scenes providing much of the safeguarding services to the wealthy, as well as the fact that technocrats like Eric Schmidt want these private projects to be funded by the public. Klein also points to alternative ways to adapt education safely without sacrificing the advantages of face-to-face teaching, even if she grants that communications technology has an important role to play. The philosophical implications of the pandemic are pursued along the lines of the question, whether the "network society", which has undoubtedly facilitated its speedy unfolding, is really as new as it seems, leading to a discussion of both the affirmative and the negative answers to this question. While it is indeed new in terms of the actions (such as quasi-instantaneous global investments) made possible by communications technology based on the internet, there is a sense in which the structure of the network society is as old as the proverbial hills. This is clarified with recourse to Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari's ontology of becoming, multiplicity, rhizomatic connections and assemblages, which contrasts with traditional thinking in terms of hierarchical, arboreal structures. In Deleuzo-Guattarian terms, it is pointed out, reality has always been one of interconnectedness-in-becoming, so that, startlingly, society has always been a "pandemic society" in a virtual sense, and as actualisedfrom time to time. The argument further focuses on the potential for what Slavoj Zizek terms "barbarism with a human face", which is reminiscent of Achille Mbembe's "necropolitics" and "necropower" ("death power"), itself a response to Michel Foucault's notions of "biopolitical power" and "biopower". While the latter were employed by Foucault to characterise and analyse the modern state's mode of governance in so far as it exercised power in relation to the modalities pertaining to human bodies that are born, become economically active, get ill and die, Mbembe argues that this conceptualisation is no longer adequate in an age where the state (for example in contemporary Palestine) has, by and large, reduced bodies to the "living dead", and constructed "death worlds" where military technology is employed to control and, if necessary, terminate, human beings. Zizek highlights the ideological potential of the state's actions and expectations under pandemic conditions in so far as people are induced into so-called "personal responsibility", while the state's complicity with regard to the inception of the pandemic is occluded. As Zizek points out, nothing less than a fundamental change regarding society's mode of life is required, namely a replacement of the extractive, destructive economic system ofneoliberal capitalism by an economic system that factors nature into the economic equation. In conclusion, this is developed further by foregrounding the irony of "socialism for the rich" in the context of the pandemic, which is compared, via David Harvey's work, with the massive transfer of wealth from public funds to the wealthy in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. It is argued that, in light of the unavoidable destruction of nature by the current, hegemonic economic system, which is bound to give rise to further health hazards in the shape of viruses passed from stressed animals to humans, nothing less than a rejection of capitalism is needed, in the place of which a system has to be adopted which considers human beings to be part of an encompassing nature. In this regard reference is made to the work of critical economist, Charles Eisenstein.

Explorations in a post-normal landscape: South Africa this side of and beyond Covid-19

Die Covid-19-pandemie is aanvanklik gekenmerk deur lewensbedreigende griepagtige infeksies, maar later het grootskaalse beheergedrewe ontwrigting die toon begin aangee. Die inperkingsmaatreëls vir infeksiebeheer het mense van hul werkplek, hul vriende, hul familie en hul ontspanningsgeriewe afgesny. Voorsieningskettings het verbrokkel, sakeondernemings het ineengeval en werkloosheid het toegeneem. Die uiteindelike maatskaplike en ekonomiese gevolge hiervan is vandag onpeilbaar en dit bring groot verwarring mee: dit is 'n golf van verandering wat nie beheer kan word nie; dit kan hoogstens verstaan en gestuur word. Deur terugskouing en nadenke het mense skielik begin besef dat daar reeds dekades gelede waarskuwings gepubliseer is oor die moontlikheid van ontwrigtende globale griepagtige pandemies. Waarom is tóé nie daarop ag geslaan nie? 'n Tweede vraag is waarom het hierdie pandemie die bestaande wereldorde sodanig ontwrig dat mense sukkel om oplossings daarvoor te vind. Drie toekomsnavorsers by die internasionale Centre for Post-normal Policy and Futures Studies beskryf die Covid-19-pandemie as 'n "perfekte postnormale storm" en voeg daarby dat ons vandag in "postnormale tye" leef. Hierdie artikel gebruik enkele aspekte van hulle navorsing om die Covid-19-ontwrigting te verklaar en ook van toepassing te maak op die Suid-Afrikaanse situasie. Die voortstuwende ontwrigting wat Covid-19-beheermaatreëls veroorsaak het, is in wese kompleks sistemies. Dit is 'n groot uitdaging om kompleks sistemiese verandering te verstaan vanuit gevestigde gespesialiseerde kennis ("kognitiewe tuisland"). Dit vereis eers die erkenning van "onoorwinlike onkunde" in die gevestigde denkpatrone en dat ou denke daarom vervang moet word deur nuwe denke: 'n eksplorasie in die denklandskappe van wêreldbeskouings, paradigmas, waardes, mites, metafore en perspektiewe. Die rol van geleide selforganisasie deur die bestuur van sogenaamde "vreemde aanlokkers" (strange attractors) word bespreek. In 'n maatskaplik-ekonomiese omvorming kan onder meer inligtingsbestuur, waardebestuur en leerprosesse aanleiding gee tot nuwe kollektiewe insigte, paradigmaskuiwe en nuwe wêreldbeskouings, wat as "vreemde aanlokkers" vir geleide selforganisasie kan dien.

The initial impact of the Covid-19 pandemic was felt through its life-threatening flu-like infections that caused the death of tens of thousands of people around the world, but an even more serious and enduring effect evolved from the lock-down strategies of governments to contain the infections. It caused mass disruptions in the social and economic life of nations and communities: people were isolated from friends, family and their recreation facilities, businesses went bankrupt, supply chains crumbled, and unemployment increased. The ultimate economic and social consequences ofthis policy-driven destruction of global systems are unfathomable. They confuse people, causing a feeling of hopelessness and incompetence in their search for solutions to the policy-initiated spillover problems they have to face. They are faced with an uncontrollable wave of change, the nature of which they can only try to understand, and which, it is hoped, will lead to a more desirable future outcome. When they reflected on the emergence of the pandemic, people suddenly became aware of a number of warnings issued since the 1990s about the likelihood of a Covid-19-type flu-like pandemic that would ravage the world. Why were these warnings ignored? Moreover, why did this pandemic become so utterly disruptive that people now struggle to find solutions to it? Three futurists at the international Centre for Post-normal Policy and Futures Studies describe the Covid-19 pandemic as a "perfect post-normal storm" in "post-normal times". This paper uses aspects of their research to explain the disruptive effect of the Covid-19 pandemic, applying them to the South African situation. The wave of disruptions that were caused by pandemic control is in essence complex systemic. It is very difficult to understand complex systemic change if traditional thinking and established systems of specialised knowledge (the so-called "cognitive homeland") are used. What is required is, first, to acknowledge a state of "invincible ignorance" in established thinking: an acknowledgement that established thinking must be replaced with new thinking. This requires an exploration of the "manufactured normalcy field", which refers to the thought systems that reaffirm normalcy despite major shifts in circumstances. Such an exploration covers, among other things, inquiries into the underpinnings of the "manufactured normalcy field", contrasting worldviews, paradigms, values, metaphors, and perspectives. The possible impact of "strange attractors" to guide a process of self-organisation in complex systemic change is also important to consider. Such "strange attractors" can emerge from information management, values management, heuristic learning designs which may usher in shifts in collective insights, paradigm shifts and new worldviews. South Africans are often reminded that Covid-19 created a new normal which requires them to adapt their outlook on life and their lifestyles. In fact, this country's pre-Covid-19 world was far from normal - since the 1990's South Africans have been living an unsettled life in an unsettled country. In other words, for thirty years they have been trapped in a state of limbo of post-normal times, the nature of which is described by the Centre for Post-normal Policy and Futures Studies as "an in-between period where the old ways are dying and new ways have yet to be discovered".

Environmental identity in the Age of Man: New perspectives on Toorbos. Part 2

Die rolprentweergawe van Dalene Matthee se roman, Toorbos, is in 2019 vrygestel. Die mediabelangstelling in die rolprent het nuwe aandag op die roman gevestig. Die romangegewe asook die filmbeelde van die uitroei van die eeu-oue Knysnawoud en gepaardgaande ekosisteme het ons ook opnuut attent gemaak op die onthutsende kwessie van mensgemaakte bedreigings vir lewe op aarde. In die Era van die Mens word toenemende druk op die planeet se lewens-onderhoudende sisteme geplaas en groei die kommer daaroor wêreldwyd. Die teoretiese raamwerk wat benut word in die ekokritiese herlees van Toorbos is Susan Clayton en Susan Opotow se omgewingsidentiteitsteorie en -model. In Deel 1 van my studie, in die September 2020-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif, is die belang van omgewingsidenteit vanuit 'n teoretiese hoek gemotiveer. Nou, in Deel 2, word dit prakties geïllustreer deur die toepassing van Clayton en Opotow se omgewingsidentiteitsmodel op 'n analise van die hooffigure in Toorbos. Die bevinding is dat Karoliena en Johannes, ongeag verskeie gedeelde agtergrondfaktore, uiteenlopende rigtings inslaan wat omgewingshouding- en gedrag betref - spesifiek weens omge-wingsidentiteitsverskille. Hierdie kwessie gee tot spanning en onherstelbare verhoudingskade aanleiding. Toorbos illustreer hoe kragtig omgewingsidentiteitskwessies op menseverhoudings sowel as op omgewingsgedrag en -oortuigings kan inspeel. Deur omgewingsidentiteit as betekenisvolle gegewe in die werklike lewensituasie te ag, mag die kontoere van omgewings-debatte op praktiese en vrugbare wyse verlê word. Die klein snit uit die Suid-Afrikaanse werklikheid wat Toorbos bied, mag bewustheid skep vir die belangrike implikasies van voldoende insig omtrent omgewingsidentiteit in die Era van die Mens, ten einde verskiltende beskouings en hanterings van omgewingsprobleme volledig te begryp en konstruktief te hanteer.

The film version of Dalene Matthee's novel Toorbos (2003; translated by the author as Dreamforest, 2004) was released in 2019. Media interest in the film has drawn new attention to the novel. Rereading Toorbos in our era of growing dismay about the environmental crises all around us knocks the wind out of one and affirms the current relevance of the novel. The Age of Man, or the Anthropocene, refers to a geological epoch in which the earth is believed to reach critical tipping points due to increasing human influence. This could lead to rapid and irreversible change and could make life on earth impossible (Kotzé 2014). In Part 1 of this study, published in the September 2020 issue of this journal, I introduced Susan Clayton and Susan Opotow's ideas about identity and the environment. Clayton emphasises that identity is both a product and a force, an assortment of beliefs about the self that serve as a motivator of particular ways of interacting with the world. A strong environmental identity, as a motivating force, can have significant effect on personal, social and political behaviour (Clayton 2003:46). Furthermore, environmental conflicts can be neither understood nor constructively resolved unless we recognise the ways in which they reflect individual and group identities (Clayton & Opotow 2003:19). Environmental identity is described as a sense of connection to some part of the nonhuman natural environment (based on history, emotional attachment or similarity) that affects the ways in which we perceive the world and respond to our surroundings; a belief that the environment is important to us and an important part of who we are (Clayton 2003:45-46). According to Clayton and Opotow (2003:10), environmental identity occurs on a continuum with minimal levels of social influence on the one end, and strong levels on the other. This scale for assessing individual differences in environmental identity is based on the reality that environmental identities inevitably contain a social component, but the degree of social influence varies for different individuals or groups (Clayton & Opotow 2003:10). The first aim of the study was to engage theoretically with the concept of environmental identity, and to underscore the importance of this principle for environmentally oriented thinking, in the context of global concern about the existential crisis humankind faces when the planet's ability to provide is depleted. Now, in Part 2, Clayton and Opotow's ideas about environmental identity serve as a theoretical framework for an ecocritical rereading of Toorbos. The aim of this part of the study is to put Clayton and Opotow's theoretical instrument to the test. Their model of environmental identity is illustrated and its value is tested by means of an analysis of the two main characters in Toorbos. Since Karoliena Kapp and Johannes Stander grew up in the same forest environment, they share a socio-economic and cultural background, but they do not seem to agree on the role of the forest in understanding themselves or their plans for the future. In fact, when scrutinised in terms of Clayton and Opotow's model, Karoliena and Johannes appear to be differently positioned on the continuum regarding environmental identity types. Karoliena finds herself on that side of the scale where a personal sense of connection to the natural surroundings - here the Knysna environment of the 1930s - strongly comes to the fore. Karolina lives the life of an individualist, with little interest in social ways or conventions; her direct and deliberate contact with the forest defines her life. While interaction with nature comes natural for her, social communication requires extra effort; the trees are cherished as giants of wisdom in whom she confides and where she finds knowledge about life and herself. Karoliena is intently attuned to the voices of the forest. She is dismayed at the silencing of these voices as large areas and mountainsides are stripped of their natural vegetation in preparation for plantations. Johannes' attunement to social factors and influences positions him quite a distance from her on Clayton and Opotow's scale. On his side of the scale social activities and commitment largely influence environmental identity; individual-mindedness and contact with the natural environment move to the periphery of attention. Johannes finds confirmation of his success as a businessman and leader of the Knysna community in the highest social circles. The preferences and opinions prevalent in these circles provide the basis for his relationship with Karoliena. He values her beauty and intelligence, qualities that contribute to his social status, more than her individuality and her affection for the trees, frogs and birds of the forest. The political realities of the time and the economic progress of the town are priorities; he fullyfavours plans for the removal of the trees in Knysna's streets to make place for lamp poles and tarred roads. He finds it impossible to understand or accommodate Karoliena's consternation about decisions such as these. Her disregard for all social expectations in direct contrast to voicing strong opinions about the intrinsic value nature has and the important role that interaction with the natural surroundings plays in her life, altogether puzzles Johannes. While this increasingly frustrates him, Karoliena considers his social-mindedness as restrictive and unaccommodating, not allowing her to be the person she is. Commitment to Johannes means denial of herself, a person whose individuality is so deeply rooted in her environmental identity. The greatest frustration in their relationship can be attributed to their respective efforts to maintain their different environmental identities. Due to the different levels of social influence on Karoliena and Johannes, she eventually has to leave him. Toorbos illustrates the effect of differences in environmental identity even among people who have the same background. It sheds light on the irreconcilability of people who are influenced in different ways by society. The conclusion regarding the powerful effect environmental identity issues may have on environmental behaviour and beliefs can be transferred from Toorbos to the broader present-day situation. The snippet of the South African reality depicted in Toorbos may create an awareness of environmental identity, and of the important implications it has for full comprehension and constructive ways of handling environmental conflicts in the Age of Man.

(The) Utopia(n) and becoming (other) in Neill Blomkamp's science-fiction trilogy: District 9 (2009), Elysium (2013) and Chappie (2015)

Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die wyses waarop die konsep van utopie en/of die utopiese met 'n Deleuziaanse konsep van wording en/of anderswording in verband gebring kan word. Aangesien 'n tematisering van utopie, of alternatiewelik 'n problematisering van hierdie begrip, dikwels in die wetenskapsfiksie-genre vergestalt word, word vir die doeleindes van dié ondersoek die wetenskapsfiksie-trilogie van regisseur Neill Blomkamp bespreek. Op verhaalvlak is daar in District 9, Elysium en Chappie telkens voorbeelde van wording of anderswording, wat elk in terme van 'n utopiese horison geïnterpreteer kan word. Hoewel die protagonis van District 9 anders word, is die utopie waarop Wikus wag 'n terugskouende en statiese restourasie van die verlede. En hoewel Max in Elysium betreklik min verander, realiseer hy deur middel van sy lewensoffer 'n oënskynlike utopie vir almal, wat by nabetragting egter insgelyks 'n statiese opvatting van utopie verraai - 'n wêreld wat die distopiese saad reeds in sy kern dra. Chappie skyn die enigste film van die trilogie te wees om Deleuze se idee van wording met utopie as die dinamiese utopiese in verband te bring.

This article examines ways in which the concept of utopia or the Utopian can be related to the Deleuzian concept of becoming or becoming-other. With reference to precursors such as Thomas More and Ernst Bloch, Jameson (2007) distinguishes between utopia understood as a static and systemic program and the utopian as a dynamic process inherently linked to the ontology of being human. Whereas the former often is related to political projects and, as a consequence, with totalising and totalitarian notions of the idyllic, the latter is resistant to any attempt to fixate or map it onto political or other projects, even with the best of intentions. Deleuze, on the other hand, (often in collaboration with Guattari) theorises "becoming" as one of the seminal aspects of his ontology. Although not systematically explicated in his oeuvre, "becoming" is preferred by him to any essentialised conceptualisation of being and identity. Becoming is being, according to him, and consequently it has the continuous potential to deterritorialise any manifestation of subjective and socio-political stasis. He therefore also relates becoming to the Utopian, as it opens the doors to the dynamic flows of the ontology he subscribes to. Since science fiction often is deemed to be the literary or filmic genre best suited to explore notions of utopia and its distopian and anti-utopian variables, it seems obvious that this genre can also be used to explore the relation between utopia and becoming. Ex-South African director Neill Blomkamp has become famous for his trilogy of science fiction films consisting of District 9, Elysium and Chappie. Each of the respective films includes both a "becoming" or "becoming-other" as part of its narrative trajectory, and a notion of utopia or the utopian - whether the latter is explicitly stated as such or resides in the background of the respective narratives. The relation between utopia or the utopian and becoming can therefore be considered to represent one of the common thematic threads exhibited by the respective films. District 9 follows protagonist Wikus van de Merwe who transforms into an alien due to his exposure to alien-DNA, during the undertaking to relocate aliens, who have been stranded in Johannesburg for the past twenty years. The transformation or becoming-other of Wikus never is seen as something that includes any form of utopian potential in the Deleuzian sense of the word: the only aspiration of his that can be seen from this perspective, is his longing for a return to what he regards as a perfect past shared with his wife, i.e. an "utopian" restoration of the past. The film expounds the discrepancy between Wikus' becoming-other and this fixity of his notion of the utopian. Elysium follows the story of Max Da Costa, who is victim of a radiation accident at work and who therefore needs to travel to the utopian space habitat called Elysium, to heal himself. Outfitted with a technologically advanced exoskeleton to enhance his physical powers, he manages to open the doors of Elysium by sacrificing himself, and thereby makes its ostensibly utopian set-up a reality for all. It seems, however, that Max' becoming is nothing more than a narrative vehicle and that the utopia represented by the habitat is nothing more than an inflexible state form, which already carries the seeds ofdystopia in its core. It is only Chappie that manages to find the link between utopia, or the utopian, and Deleuze's concept of becoming. This film explores the notion of "mind-uploading" through the characters of Chappie, Deon and Yolandi and therefore approaches the idea of the post-human as a radical new potential for being human in the future. In accordance with Deleuze's understanding of both becoming and the utopian, the utopian considerations of Chappie cannot be reduced to any systemic programme to be executed, but rather is related to a dynamic ontology of change, that bodes a full range offuture possibilities.

The vulnerability of children in the context of South African households and families

In hierdie artikel bespreek ons die kwesbaarheid van baie kinders wat in Suid-Afrika woon, met die doel om noodsaaklike insae in die daaglikse lewensomstandighede van soveel kwesbare kinders van Suid-Afrika te bevorder. Die artikel begin deur kortliks te verwys na die sosiale en politieke kontekste wat die lewens van kinders bedreig. Dit fokus dan meer spesifiek op huishoudings en familiestrukture en hoe ons oor hierdie ingewikkelde, vervlegde en moeilik onderskeibare konsepte behoort te dink. Hierna volg 'n kort bespreking van teenwoordige en afwesige ouers, wat uitwys dat Suid-Afrika uniek is in die mate waarin ouers, veral vaders, afwesig is in die daaglikse doen en late van hul kinders. Ook kom grootouers wat in die afwesigheid van ouers na hul kleinkinders omsien, aan die beurt, en die belangrike rol wat die uitgebreide familie in die grootmaak van kinders speel, word uitgewys. Dan word stilgestaan by migrasie, veral deur adolessente, met die oog daarop om toegang tot nuwe geleenthede te kry. Uiteraard gaan daar bedreiginge hiermee saam. Hierna val die soeklig op weeskinders, asook op huishoudings wat net uit kinders bestaan en waar 'n minderjarige gevolglik as die hoof van so 'n huishouding moet funksioneer. Laastens kom die baie belangrike kwessie van behuising en basiese dienste aan die beurt, en word die groot ongelykheid in ons land soos weerspieël in die toegang of gebrek aan basiese dienste, aangetoon.

In this article, we discuss the vulnerability of many children living in South Africa, with the aim of promoting critical insight into the daily living conditions of so many vulnerable children in South Africa. The article begins by briefly referring to the social and political contexts that threaten the lives of children. It then focuses more specifically on households and family structures and how we should think about these complex, intertwined and at times difficult to differentiate concepts. What is clear is that South Africa's children grow up in households with diverse family structures resulting in diverse living arrangements. Following is a brief discussion of present and absent parents, which shows that South Africa is unique in the extent to which parents, especially fathers, are absent in the daily activities of their children. This is partly the effect of the fact that in Africa the child bearer is not always also the child carer. It furthermore seems that the unique history and circumstances of the South African society, hugely influenced by the system of migrant labour, played a significant role in the fragmentation of families resulting in these different living arrangements. This situation, so it seems, did not change much in the post-apartheid era. Although the political system changed, its effects over many decades will probably be with us, influencing the living arrangements for children, for many years to come. The important role that the family plays in raising children is also highlighted. In the partial or total absence of parents, relatives play a significant role in the care of children of the extendedfamily. In this regard many grandparents take on several responsibilities to complement the parental care their children provide for their grandchildren. In some cases, grandparents do not only complement the parental care, but more and more they are actually taking over the role and duties of the parents and become the primary caregivers of their grandchildren. The living arrangements of many households are also affected by the familiar trend of adolescents migrating within South Africa to gain access to new opportunities. Quite a number of them migrate independently. Although these movements can have positive results, adolescents can in the process also be exposed to certain vulnerabilities that may affect their lives negatively. In addition to this, many parents who migrate leave their children "behind" when they relocate. The spotlight also falls on orphaned children. The situation of all orphans is not the same and the quality of care they receive varies tremendously. The term "orphan" is also used to refer to children in different contexts. Although the number of orphans in South Africa is decreasing, orphanhood, in whichever form, still affects the wellbeing of a substantial number of children, which poses major challenges to the South African society. In the South African context, we also have to deal with households that consist of children only. In these households a minor is the head of the household fulfilling the role of a primary caregiver for all the other members of the household, being responsible for decision-making and the provision of all their basic physical, social and emotional needs. This concept indicates a new form of family structure, which differs considerably from the nuclear, two-generational family of the Western world, as well as the extended, multigenerational family of the African context. While not all the children in child-only-households are double orphans, the situation of all these children are still a cause for concern. They are prone to many challenges, even risks. Furthermore, the child-heads of these households also experience the ambivalence of fulfilling the roles of adults while they are still viewed and treated by the adult world as children. Part of this problem is that some young people experience hostile surveillance from adults. This surveillance is particularly gendered, with girls positioned as "whores" and boys as "thugs". Finally, the very important issue of housing and basic services comes to the fore, and the great inequality in our country, as reflected in the access or lack of basic services, is highlighted. A factor that plays a crucial role in the living arrangements of every household, and thus in the lives of children, is their access to adequate housing and basic services. It is one of the most basic needs of all people: To have an adequate place to live. The housing situation of children in South Africa showcases the racial inequalities that persist in our society. Housing can only be adequate if it is not overcrowded. Adequate housing also includes the effective delivery of basic services such as clean drinking water on-site and basic sanitation in all homes. The data provided illustrates that we still have a long way to go in providing adequate housing for children in South Africa. Indeed, many South African children experience inhospitable households which make them vulnerable in many ways. These circumstances may create in them feelings of abandonment and of not being welcome in this world.

Citizenship Education for living successfully in 2050 and beyond

Die skoolgaande kinders van vandag, veral dié in die hoërskool, behoort teen 2050 op die kruin van hulle loopbane te wees, en sommige mag selfs gereed maak vir die konsolidasiefase van hulle lewens. In die lig hiervan is dit belangrik dat skoolonderwys, en ook burger-skapsonderwys, die leerlinge nou reeds voorberei vir 'n suksesvolle bestaan later in hulle lewens, selfs vir drie dekades die toekoms in. Hoewel dit nie vir ons moontlik is om so ver in die toekoms in te skou nie, is dit tog moontlik om 'n tentatiewe prentjie van die toekoms te skets aan die hand van tendense wat ons nou reeds waarneem. Om 'n volledige prentjie te probeer skets, is die vyftien modaliteite van die werklikheid as ankerpunte gebruik. Die prentjie van die toekoms wat uit hierdie oefening na vore kom, dui daarop dat daar verskeie belangrike take op burgerskapsonderwysers wag om die leerlinge wat aan hulle sorg toevertrou is, toe te rus en te begelei om die toekoms binne te gaan en om selfs drie dekades van nou af hulle lewens met welslae te voer.

Children attending primary school in 2020, typically between the ages of 6 and 12, will be between 36 and 42 years old in 2050, and those in high schools will be between six and twelve years older. This means that they will be in the prime of their lives, possibly at the apex of their careers, and preparing for the next phases of their lives, namely working towards retirement and old age. Education in general, and school education in particular, now, in the year 2020, has a duty to prepare children (learners, students) for life up to 2050 and beyond, so that they will be able to traverse those life-phases successfully. Citizenship Education (henceforth abbreviated CE), in addition to the foundation provided by all the other school subjects, has the special task of preparing young people to live successfully in society, in their own communities, within their own national borders and also in the wider world. The problem that confronts one in this regard is how to predict the future: What will the world be like in 2050? Future studies are known for their many pitfalls, among others historical determinism and over-simplified predictions. Many methods have in the past been employed to "predict" the future, and none of them has been proved to be infallible. What is the point then of trying to equip young people in 2020 for a successful life and existence in 2050 and beyond? A twofold answer can be given to this question. The first is normative or prescriptive: to outline a desired or preferred future, one that we assume to be the best for our children as the grown-ups and the society leaders of 2050. The second is descriptive: As fallible human beings who are in principle and in practice unable to see three decades and further ahead into the future, we can only surmise what the future will hold for us and our children. A descriptive approach combined with a systems-view about what could potentially be expected to unfold in 2050 and beyond was employed in this study. The approach was not normative and hence did not employ backcasting or "imagineering" techniques. After examining various methods for creating future scenario's such as prediction, scenario sketching and planning, a systems-view in terms of the 15 modal dimensions of reality was adopted. In describing the potential developments in terms of each of these 15 modal dimensions, care was taken not to be too specific because experience indicates that the future tends to take unexpected twists and turns. After having tentatively sketched a possible future in terms of the 15 modalities of reality, the question arises: What should we do now, at this point in time in 2020, to help citizens cope with life three decades into the future? Figuring out what worlds we are building, and our positions in those worlds in relation to others, is the essential task of education. CE as such has a two-fold task, namely to prepare the learners for their civic duties when the time comes for them to leave school, but also for the more distant future, when they are at the top of their performance in their careers as citizens of their countries and of the world, and even for life in the final stages of their existence on earth. CE should, therefore, be future-directed, but this orientation should be realistic. A heavy responsibility rests on the shoulders of CE educators (teachers) and all other school educators to guide learners in order to prepare them sufficiently to cope with the future as it unfolds. They also have to strengthen the learners' innate moral sense of what would count as right and wrong, good and bad behaviour in their particular societal configuration, also in the more distant future. Successful CE will have taken place if and when these two sets ofvalues coincide in the consciousness of the learners. The challenge is to achieve this in the short term, albeit with a view to a more distant future. CE teachers or educators also have to guide their charges to peer ahead into the future, to 2050, and to help them come to terms with what may be expected when they are adults at the peak of their careers and of their lives as parents and members of society. New technologies might pose new challenges to teaching and learning. CE teachers, furthermore, will have to guide their charges so that they are ready and prepared to face the challenges awaiting them in this rather hazy future: the different roles that they might have to play, the pitfalls of an unpredicted and unpredictable future, the challenge to be creative and to be able to think and act on their feet, the challenge to remain true to oneself, to one's own value system (one's moral structure) and one's religion and religious commitment, and many more. CE teachers will have to equip their charges with an understanding ofwhat it would mean and take to live successfully in 2050 and beyond; they have to understand that success needs not necessarily be expressed in terms of wealth or a neoliberal or neo-conservative understanding thereof. The teacher's own integrity, life-view and religious convictions are likely to play a role here as part of the hidden curriculum. Innovation will have to be a key concept in CE; innovation is essential for adjusting to rapid and accelerating change. Students have to be prepared to be comfortable with working and living alongside robots, machines and other technological innovations. Students have to be equipped to cope with constantly changing and fluid conditions. Already in our own time, students have become accustomed to the notion of boundaries weakening or disappearing altogether, especially those between workplaces, homes, entertainment venues and educational establishments. Finally, citizenship educators will in the near, as well in a more distant future, apply renewed concentration on educating the future generations to become and remain individuals able to maintain a healthy balance in life. It is suggested that CE teachers take note of the developments expected to unfold in the next three decades, as described and discussed in this article under the headings of the 15 modalities of reality. By attending to each one of these modalities in educating the youngsters in their care, they will arguably contribute to a healthy balance in the lives of those youngsters entrusted to their care. It is not humanly possible to predict or forecast the future. It is nevertheless incumbent upon the educators of 2020, parents and teachers, to prepare their charges to be ready and prepared for the future as it unfolds. The impact of all future explorations, the respective potentials for the future, can only be meaningfully assessed in our own time. The relevance of any discourse about the future lies in the present. In view of this, the argument proffered in this article comes down to the following: Although we cannot be specific about what exactly life in 2050 and beyond will be like, Citizenship Education as school subject can already now, in 2020, begin to equip, guide and direct children and young people by helping them master a set of skills that will arguably be suitable for all conditions, such as instilling a consciousness and a conscience regarding what would be to the advantage of humankind; what would lead to the well-being of self and of society, the ability to distinguish between right and wrong, good and bad; that success need not necessarily be measured in materialistic and neoliberal terms but rather in terms of leading a good, fruitful and meaningful life; that one's life-view and concomitant value system will remain the guiding light on the way to an unknown future, to be imaginative, innovative, creative, able to think on one's feet, and be resilient in the face of affliction.

The Dutch Reformed Church and the Rebellion of 1914-1915: Was the Council of Churches ecclesiastically reconciliatory?

Die Rebellie van 1914 tot 1915 sou vir dekades 'n spoor van verdeeldheid onder Afrikaners laat. Hierdie stryd of botsing was hoofsaaklik tussen Afrikaners as regeringsoldate aan die een en rebelle aan die ander kant. Die Rebellie sou volg op die besluit van die Suid-Afrikaanse Regering, bestaande uit oorwegend Afrikaners, op 12 September 1914, naamlik om Duits-Suidwes-Afrika (Namibië) in te val en oor neem. Die agtergrond was die Eerste Wereldoorlog en die motief strategiese redes wat Brittanje in sy stryd teen Duitsland kon help. Die Unie van Suid-Afrika was sedert 1910 onafhanklik onder die Britse kroon. Afrikanerrebelle kon hierdie besluit nie aanvaar nie. Die aggressie teen Duits-Suidwes was offensief van aard en die meeste Afrikaners voorstanders van slegs 'n defensiewe oorlog. Die Rebellie was van korte duur: van 27 Oktober 1914 tot aan die begin van Februarie 1915. As 'n protes was die Rebellie 'n tragedie: dit was nie goed beplan of uitgevoer nie. Hierdie saak sou die agenda van die NG Kerk kruis. 'n Spesiale vergadering van die Federale Raad van NG Kerke (RvK) word vanaf 27 tot 29 Januarie 1915 in Bloemfontein byeengeroep om daaroor te besluit. Die vergadering van die Raad word voorafgegaan deur 'n konferensie van die RvK met 92 NG predikante "uit alle deelen der kerk". Volgens die Raad moet die regering erken en wet en orde in staat, kerk en gesin eerbiedig word. Verset teen 'n wettige owerheid moet in die lig van Gods Woord en 'n Bybels-verligte gewete geregverdig word. Die huidige opstand kan nie net met geweld beantwoord word nie. Owerheid en volk moet die redes vir die opstand grondig ondersoek en regverdig hanteer. Teregstellings soos die doodstraf van Jopie Fourie moet gestaak word. Kerklike tug in sake met 'n politieke inhoud is verdag. Die RvK kies nie kant nie en begenadiging en gesprek as stappe tot versoening word voorgestel.

The Rebellion which took place in South Africa in 1914 to 1915 can be described as a violent clash between Afrikaner and Afrikaner: between Afrikaners in the service of the South African army, and Afrikaners as rebels. The Rebellion was neither well planned nor properly executed and lastedfor only three to four months. In the process 190 rebels and 132 soldiers were killed. As an act of resistance against the South African Government and its declared intention to take over the Government of German South West Africa (now Namibia), the Rebellion was a tragic failure. It led to an emotional division in Afrikaner circles which lasted for decades. The Rebellion was an example of the conflict between Afrikaner nationalism and British imperialism in Southern Africa in the nineteenth and twentieth century. The Botha Government intended to take over German West Africa for strategic reasons on behalf of Great Britain in the First World War (1914-1918). Many Afrikaners regarded this as morally wrong - they were supporters of a defensive war only - as well as contrary to their goodwill towards Germany, which had supported the Boer Republics morally against Britain during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), only 12 years previously. The majority of Afrikaners belonged to the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC). This factor, together with the spiritual and physical disorder in South African society at the time, put the Rebellion on the agenda of the DRC. The broadest assembly in the DRC, consisting of 30 people - the Federal Council of Churches - called a meeting in conjunction with a conference of 92 DRC ministers in Bloemfontein, central South Africa from 27 to 29 January 1915. The Federal Council saw itself as an instrument acting on behalf of "our" people to bring about unity, spiritual health and a new spiritual strength. They felt that a divided church could not fulfil its task as a church in society if "our" people were divided. Well-known ministers of the DRC took the initiative for the meeting. Among them was JD Kestell, lovingly referred to by Afrikaners as "Vader (Father) Kestell". The upcoming young minister from Graaff-Reinet, and future South African Prime Minister from 1948 to 1958, dr. DF Malan, was asked to draft a list of proposals for the conference/council. As a filter for the Federal Council, the conference accepted the draft proposals - more or less the work of Malan - on 28 January 1915. Their resolutions were unanimously and, on behalf of the DRC, officially accepted by the Council on 29 January 1915. The Council requested church councils not to discipline members as rebels before emotions had toned down after the war. At this stage - in January 1915 - the Council rendered it impossible for the church as an outsider to determine the causes of the Rebellion. That had to be done if discipline were to be implemented according to justice. The Council supported law and order in the state, as well as society and family, and decided that resistance against the Government could only be justified if it happened in the light of God's Word and with a conscience enlightened by the Word. However, they realised that peace and justice would not be restored in South Africa if the resistance were to be answered by violence only. The Government and people had to find out what had caused the conflict and talk about the reasons for resistance. That would allow justice to prevail and true peace and order to be restored. The DRC accepted its calling to serve the Afrikaner because it was a Christian and national church. Although the Council did not choose between government and rebels, it nevertheless harboured an underlying sympathy for the latter. It accepted that a justified rebellion was possible. It also wanted talks about the causes for the clash to enable rebels to be restored with dignity and honour in society. Apart from this, the Council accepted two important resolutions: resolutions which, if accepted by the authorities, would pave the way towards peace after the Rebellion. In the case of teachers who might be fired by the Government for participating in the revolt, the Council requested a proper investigation before such termination of service and the acknowledgement of circumstances, which could lead to a softer approach. The Council also asked that the death penalty not be used again after the rebel and soldier Jopie Fourie had been shot for high treason on 20 December 1914. The Council seemed to be sensitive to the emotional reaction of their church members in this regard. With these talks as a proposal, the Council opened the way for reconciliation to follow and dignified peace to be accomplished. However, the Council did not initiate any other initiatives, and the emotional and economic damage of the Rebellion had to be addressed by the Afrikaner and Afrikaner institutions themselves. Such an institution was the Helpmekaar Fund, from which damages caused by the rebels were paid and a study fund established for young Afrikaners. Companies such as the well-known Santam and Sanlam also ensued from this fund. The Dutch Reformed Federal Council of Churches, as an assembly in the church, did not do everything in its power as an arm of the church to achieve justice and reconciliation after the Rebellion, but nevertheless helped that peace and reconciliation be restored.

The Bailie's Party trilogy: Karel Schoeman (and MD Nash) and the 1820 British Settlers

Kort voordat die aankoms van die 1820- Britse Setlaars 200 jaar gelede herdenk behoort te word, het drie boeke, wat die vooraanstaande Afrikaanse skrywer Karel Schoeman (1939-2017) kort voor sy dood voltooi het, genaamd die Bailie's Party-trilogie, die lig gesien. Schoeman het 'n groot aantal bronne geraadpleeg met die oog op die skryf van die boeke, maar die kern van die publikasies is gebaseer op die navorsing en onvoltooide manuskripte wat deur mev. MD ("Dee") Nash (1928-2010) nagelaat is. Die uitgangspunt van hierdie artikel is dat dit nie moontlik is om die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika (soos ons dit vandag ken) na behore te begryp sonder om nie ook die rol van die 1820- Britse Setlaars te ondersoek nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om Schoeman se Bailie's Party-trilogie krities te evalueer deur dit onder meer binne die breër raamwerk van sy ander historiese werke te plaas en die historiografiese betekenis van die trilogie te bepaal deur dit met sommige ander werke oor die 1820- Britse Setlaars te vergelyk.

A year before the 1820 British Settlers bicentenary, three books dealing with the history of these pioneers were published. The Bailie's Party trilogy was completed by the renowned, prolific and award-winning Afrikaans author (of both fiction and non-fiction) Karel Schoeman (1939-2017) and published posthumously by Protea Book House in 2019. Schoeman consulted a large number of sources in writing these three comprehensive books, but the core of the books is based on the research that was previously done by Mrs MD Nash (1928-2010). Karel Schoeman is a famous Afrikaans author of novels such as By fakkellig (1964), Na die geliefde land (1972) and Verliesfontein (1998). Many of his novels are of an historical nature, with events taking place against the background of, for example, the Anglo-Boer War. Parallel to his works of fiction, Schoeman in due course also produced several history books, including Bloemfontein: Die ontstaan van 'n stad 1846-1946 (1980), and the "Vrijstatia" series of source publications, as well as a series of eight books on the Cape, during the era of the Dutch East India Company. It was while working as head of the Special Collections at the then South African Library (now the National Library of South Africa) in Cape Town, that Schoeman met MD Nash. Marjorie Diane ("Dee") Nash was, for many years, head of the Cultural History Division at the Albany Museum in Grahamstown (now Makhanda), and later worked as an editor for a publishing company in Cape Town. In her capacity as a descendant of the 1820 Settler John Bailie, she researched his history, together with that of the 1820 Settlers in general. This led to the publication of Bailie's Party of 1820 Settlers: A collective experience in emigration (1982), which Jeff Peires described as having "revolutionised 1820 settler historiography". More publications followed. When Nash retired, she donated all her research material, documents and unpublished manuscripts on John Bailie and the 1820 Settlers to Karel Schoeman, in the hope that one day he would be able to use it in some way. Schoeman's Bailie's Party trilogy is the end result, with Schoeman indicated as the author on both the covers, as well as on the title pages of the books, but with the additional inscription, "based on the original research of MD Nash". Proceeding from the assumption that it is not possible to understand the development of what is since 1910, a unified South Africa, without taking into account the role played by the 1820 British Settlers, it is the purpose of this article critically to evaluate Karel Schoeman's Bailie's Party trilogy, inter alia, by regarding it in the broader context of both Schoeman's other historical works, and the existing 1820 Settlers' historiography. Thus, brief reviews of the work produced by both Schoeman and Nash are provided, as well as a review of the 1820 British Settler emigration scheme and the concomitant Settler historiography. The books in the Bailie's Party trilogy are then reviewed and where necessary, compared with other sources on the 1820 Settlers. In the first book in the trilogy, The old world 1757-1819, Schoeman/Nash provide a socio-cultural background with regard to the settlers who emigrated to South Africa. The Bailie family history is traced and the emigration scheme and the people who were involved are discussed. Throughout, the European background of both the Bailie family and the members of the other Settler groups is traced, in an effort to understand the cultural heritage they brought with them to what is today South Africa. The second volume, The new land 1820-1834, focuses on the Bailie Party's trip to the Cape Colony, the Eastern Cape frontier area where they settled, the challenges they encountered and how they dealt with them. In the third book of the trilogy, The frontiers 1834-1852, the role of the Bailie family in the Albany district of the Eastern Cape is further expanded, including the Sixth Frontier War (1834-1835), the death of Lieutenant Charles Bailie (the eldest son of John), the Bailies and Algoa Bay, and their life in the Transgariep (the present day Free State Province) and in Natal (KwaZulu-Natal). From this "warts and all" account of Bailie's Party and other 1820 Settlers, it emerges that the emigrants were intrepid people, but they were also fallible. However, they learnt the hard way, and thanks to their tenacity, indomitable spirit, courage and determination, they were in due course, to a lesser or greater extent, successful. Their work led to the establishment of towns and cities; the expansion and development of agriculture, educational facilities; and of language and culture in general. Small wonder, then, that a liberal political tradition in due course developed in South Africa; that Xhosas for many years dominate(d) African politics in South Africa; and that English today, exactly 200years after the arrival of the 1820 Settlers, (still) remains the dominant language of government and business. Thanks to Schoeman, Nash's research has been given another lease of life. The Bailie's Party trilogy can be linked to work already done on Bailie's group of Settlers, as well as the other Settler groups, and is an invaluable addition to the 1820 Settler historiography in general. To Schoeman, the past has always been "another country", asking to be discovered, studied and understood in all its complexities. The Bailie's Party trilogy bears witness to the immense amount of thorough research that Dee Nash undertook in the course of many years, and Karel Schoeman's ability to shape that research - together with all his additional research - into a comprehensive and readable set of books that will indeed contribute towards a better understanding of South Africa's colonial past. The trilogy in no way glorifies colonialism, but makes it clear how complex a phenomenon colonialism is, and that its roots and impact should be studied in an unbiased way, should one wish to understand the history of South Africa (where all inhabitants share a common colonial past), as well as the history of all other former British and other colonies.

Disempowerment of Afrikaans

Afrikaans, soos enige ander taal, is nie slegs 'n kommunikasiemedium nie. Indien dit die vertrekpunt sou wees, vereenvoudig dit diegene se pogings om die waarde van Afrikaans tot blote kommunikasiemiddel te reduseer. Die simboolgeaardheid van taal word gevolglik in die kollig geplaas om 'n strategie aan te dui wat ideologiese manipulasie in die hand werk. Op grond van die feit dat pej oratiewe taaluitdrukkings in die verlede (en steeds) Afrikaans gemetaforiseer het as 'n lewende entiteit, kon die begripsmetafoor Afrikaans is apartheid as uitvloeisel van die betekenisse van genoemde metafore vir bepaalde konseptualiseerders dien. Dit het meegebring dat 'n bepaalde negatiewe affektiewe betekenisdimensie aan die taal Afrikaans toegevoeg is. Afrikaans is gevolglik bejeën teen die agtergrond van 'n moraliteitskragveld op grond waarvan Afrikaans se status om bepaalde ideologiese redes afgeskaal is in teenstelling met die status wat dit voorheen gehad het. Afrikaans word gesien as apartheidstaal, 'n taal wat transformasie blokkeer en 'n taal wat mense binne formele en amptelike omgewings uitsluit. Verder word in die hierdie artikel die konseptuele metafoor Afrikaans is apartheid ontleed, en word daar aangedui hoedat 'n oneweredige konseptuele invoer uit bepaalde denkruimtes Afrikaans noodwendig in 'n ongunstige posisie plaas. Daar word ook gewag gemaak van wat "conceptual framing" genoem word, ook beskryf as "conceptual engineering" of konseptuele inperking, en hoedat Afrikaans se status deur die genoemde strategieë benadeel word. Die konseptuele struktuur van die begrip transformasie word onder die loep geneem om aan te toon hoedat die woord transformasie gebruik word om Afrikaans moreel in onguns te bring omdat Afrikaans sogenaamd transformasie blokkeer. 'n Uiteensetting word gegee van die kompleksiteit van die begrip moraliteit. Teen die agtergrond van die verskillende moraliteitskemas word die billikheidskema met betrekkking tot Afrikaans ontleed. Besluitnemers oor die status van Afrikaans in die verlede, tans en in die toekoms word onderwerp aan enkele indringende vrae waaroor uitsluitsel gekry moes word - of in die toekoms gekry sal moet word.

Afrikaans, like any other language, is not merely a medium of communication. Should one hold such an opinion, one tends to consider only the symbolic nature of the specific language. That is exactly the view taken by those who wish to reduce the formal and official status of Afrikaans. It enables them to use metaphorical mappings to link Afrikaans with the stigmatised concept apartheid. The conceptual metaphor Afrikaans is apartheid is scrutinised in order to exemplify language metaphors such as "Afrikaans is the language of apartheid", "Afrikaans is a language of exclusion" and other pejorative labels. To come to a conclusion with regard to the nature of the different language metaphors that are used to the disadvantage of Afrikaans, different meanings of the word Afrikaans are looked into. The view is taken that the central meaning of the word Afrikaans is disregarded in favour of a symbolic meaning to enable various emotive experiences of apartheid to be linked to the concept Afrikaans. Such a metaphorical strategy contributes to the disempower-ment of Afrikaans. When one considers the morality of such actions to disempower Afrikaans, it is obvious that the question of truth comes to the fore. Different dimensions of truth are outlined in order to establish a background knowledge against which morality should be considered if one wishes to understand the actions targeting the formal and official status of Afrikaans. Morality is a very complex concept. To analyse its role in the disempowerment of Afrikaans, we have to view the phenomenon of morality within a specific theoretical framework. It is done against the background of the three broad discoveries made within cognitive linguistics. Lakoff and Johnson (1999:3) formulate these as follows: "The mind is inherently embodied. Thought is mostly unconscious. Abstract concepts are largely metaphorical." According to this view, morality is to be understood as the manifestation of the moral accounting conceptual metaphor. Considering this metaphor, one has to realise that the general metaphor of moral accounting consists of a small number of basic moral schemes, namely "reciprocation", "retribution", "revenge", "restitution", "altruism", "turning the other cheek", "karma" and "fairness"'. The most relevant moral scheme that applies regarding the disempowerment of Afrikaans, is the fairness scheme. But this scheme as such also has its own complexities, entailing amongst others the following models: equality of distribution, equality of opportunity, procedural distribution, rights-based fairness, need-based fairness, scalar distribution, contractual distribution, equal distribution of responsibility, scalar distribution of responsibility and equal distribution of power. Lakoff and Johnson (1999:296/297) rightly remark: "Many of our moral disagreements arise from conflicts between two or more of these conceptions of fairness" ... and "there is typically no overarching neutral conception of fairness that can resolve the conflict of values". The remainder ot this article investigates the way in which the demise of Afrikaans in the formal and official contexts can be attributed to the fact that fairness is mostly determined by interpretations of the concept transformation.

A generalised model to measure brand loyalty

Hierdie artikel evalueer empiries die geskiktheid van 'n teoretiese model, bestaande uit 12 finale antesedente van handelsmerklojaliteit, om handelsmerklojaliteit in agt bedrywe te meet. Die primêre doel is om vas te stel of die antesedente relevant en geldig is om in alle nywerhede van toepassing te wees; die model sal dan geskik wees vir gebruik. Tweedens het die studie ten doel om antesedente te identifiseer wat algemeen in alle industrieë voorkom, en ook om vas te stel of sommige van die antesedente bedryfspesifiek is. Die teoretiese model is geëvalueer in ses bedrywe en agt verskillende subindustrieë, wat wissel van vinnig bewegende verbruikersgoedere, landboubesighede, farmaseutiese produkte en selfs die troeteldierkos-bedryf, om maar 'n paar te noem. Vraelyste is versamel en geanaliseer uit die industrie-gestratifiseerde steekproef. Die resultate het aangedui dat die 12 voorwaardes vir handelsmerklojaliteit almal betroubaar (α>0.68) en aanvaarbare maatstawwe vir handelsmerklojaliteit is. Soos verwag, is daar 'n aantal belangrike algemene voorkomste van handelsmerklojaliteit (σ>50%) wat by enige meting ingesluit moet word, ongeag die bedryf. Dit is handelsmerkinvloed, herhaalde aankope en handelsmerkvertroue. Die ander nege voorvalle word almal as bedryfspesifiek beskou, omdat dit nie belangrik is in al die bedrywe wat by hierdie studie betrokke was nie. Alhoewel die resultate waardevol is vir bestuurders, navorsers en die akademie wat daarop gemik is om handelsmerklojaliteit te meet en te bestuur, is 'n duidelike nadeel dat, ten spyte van die sukses van die model in 'n verskeidenheid bedrywe, die meeste van die inligting afkomstig is van Suid-Afrikaanse verbruikers in die verskillende industrieë. Landspesifieke invloede het moontlik 'n rol gespeel in die konstruksie van die model, en hoewel daar bewyse is om hierdie vermoede te ondersteun, moet toekomstige gebruikers van die model dit in ag neem by die gebruik van die model.

The value of brand loyalty not only resides in the rebuy intentions of customers, but is also prevalent in the higher prices loyal customers pay; the brand is therefore less price sensitive. Price is no longer the dominant consumer decision-making criterion in South Africa and brands and brand loyalty now strongly influence the decision-making process. However, how to manage brand loyalty is more challenging, specifically because few organisations are knowledgeable about just how loyal their customers are towards their brands. In addition, specifically which of the antecedents contribute towards brand loyalty are seldom known because this is very seldom measured and qualified. This article analyses a variety of brand loyalty industries with the aim to determine if there are some of the brand loyalty antecedents that can be generalised across industries to measure brand loyalty. The study used a selection of eight brand loyalty studies across six industries, namely, soft drinks to children, agricultural buying, wholesale pharmaceuticals, chicken to consumers, pet food and fast-moving consumer goods. These studies all used the model to measure brand loyalty which was developed by Moolla in 2010 and later refined by Bisschoff and Moolla in 2015. The model finalised twelve brand loyalty antecedents which were measured in a questionnaire consisting of 50 questions. These antecedents are categorised in attitudinal antecedents (brand trust, relationship proneness, commitment, brand affect, brand relevance and culture), behavioural antecedents (repeat purchase, involvement, switching cost and brand performance) and then other antecedents (customer satisfaction and perceived value). This article aims to isolate some of these brand loyalty antecedents that can be used to measure customer behaviour across all the industries (thus generic antecedents in all the studies), and those antecedents which are only relevant to one specific industry. It does so by analysing the original data and also the results of these eight brand loyalty studies. The original eight studies all used the same questionnaire to collect data from the industry-stratified samples to measure the twelve brand loyalty antecedents of the specific industries. Respondents recorded their perceptions regarding the antecedents by answering 50 questions on a 5-point Likert-scale. A total of 2035 responses were captured and analysed. The data pertaining to each brand loyalty construct was subjected to reliability testing, and the results show that all the antecedents have satisfactory Cronbach alpha coefficients (α > .68); they are therefore deemed to be reliable antecedents to measure brand loyalty. The data was further scrutinised to ensure that no multicollinearity exists between the antecedents. This test used Slovin's tolerance level and the variance inflation factor (VIF) to analyse levels of multicollinearity; it was confidently concluded that multicollinearity did not pose any threat to the analysis. In addition, the importance of each antecedent was also determined by measuring the variance explained using exploratory factor analysis. As expected, there are some important common brand loyalty antecedents (σ > 50%) that should be included in any measurement irrespective of the industry. They are brand affect, repeat purchase, and brand trust. The other nine antecedents are all regarded as industry-specific antecedents because they fail to show importance in all of the industries involved in this study. Although the results are valuable to managers, researchers and academia aiming to measure and manage brand loyalty, an obvious drawback is that, despite the model's success in a variety of industries, most of the data originated from South African based consumers in the various industries. Further research using confirmatory factor analysis or structural equation modelling to confirm these results could yield valuable insights with regard to the generalized model. Specifically, quantifying how well the generalized antecedents fit into the model could determine the practical usefulness of the model. Country-specific influences and different consumer behavioural patterns may have played a role in the model construction, and although there is evidence to support this supposition, future users of the model should factor in the information when attempting to migrate the use of the model outside South Africa's borders.

Putnam's flawed modelling in his brain-in-a-vat thought experiment

Hilary Putnam gebruik die "brein-in-'n-houer"-denkeksperiment om die voorwaardes van verwysing (referensie) deur middel van taal te ondersoek. Hy bou 'n moontlike wêreld vir sy brein-in-'n-houer (BIH) om te demonstreer dat sulke breine nooit self deur middel van taal sal kan aandui dat hulle breine-in-'n-houer is nie. Die rede hiervoor is dat die taal van so 'n brein nooit die vermoë om te verwys ontwikkel nie, omrede die taal van die brein-in-'n-houer nooit kontak maak met 'n buitetalige werklikheid nie. Putnam maak die teoretiese aanname dat die menslike verstand geen toegang het tot 'n buitetalige werklikheid nie, buiten die toegang wat ons sintuie verskaf. Ek redeneer dat Putnam foutiewelik die buitetalige werklikheid gelykstel aan dit waartoe ons tradisionele vyf sintuie ons toegang gee. As hierdie stelling korrek is, dan is Putnam se modellering van die menslike verstand/brein onakkuraat, aangesien hy nalaat om kerneienskappe van die funksionering van die menslike brein in te sluit in sy brein-in-'n-houer-denkeksperiment. Hierdie bevinding impliseer dat mense, korrek gemodelleer, baie sterker kwaliteite besit as wat Putnam in sy BIH-denkeksperiment ten toon stel.

Could it be that the debate about Putnam's famous brain-in-a-vat (BIV) thought experiment has not yet reached an end? Is it possible that someone could still say something new about such a stunning philosophical essay that had a major impact across different philosophical fields? In a recent collection of fourteen essays, focussing exclusively on Putnam's BIV essay, Gila Sher raises a "new question" about Putnam's BIV thought experiment, endorsed by the editor (Sandberg 2016:16), but without offering an answer. She Asks: "Given that it ispossible that BIVs exist, is it possible that under certain conditions they will have some genuine knowledge of the world, and if so, what kind of knowledge and under what conditions?" (Sher 2016: 208) In this essay, I offer an answer to this question. I do so in the following way. I first explain the two main issues driving Putnam's brain-in-a-vat thought experiment. I set out the challenge of philosophical scepticism and then I explain what Putnam's theory of semantic externalism involves. His theory of semantic externalism informs the way that he intends to resolve the philosophical issue of scepticism. Putnam targets one premise of philosophical scepticism, i.e. that if we were brains in a vat, then we would not be able to distinguish between [i] our experiences of ourselves and our own situation in our world and [ii] what our situation would have been like ifwe were living as brains in vat. I next show how Putnam constructs the challenge that the BIV thought experiment offers. Putnam uses his theory of semantic externalism, coupled with a very specific design of the brain in a vat thought experiment, to argue that brains in a vat cannot make a meaningful, referential claim that they are brains in a vat, as their language does not refer to any objects in the real world, or the brain-in-a-vat world. I demonstrate (i) how he makes a core assumption about the exclusive role of sensory observation in developing his BIV thought experiment and (ii) how I intend to challenge that assumption. Putnam assumes that the human mind has "no access to external things or properties apart from that provided by the senses" (Putnam 1981:16). This assumption is crucial for Putnam's definition of the lack of access that BIVs have to an extra-linguistic reality, as they possess no senses. However, note what Putnam does. He equates access to an extra-linguistic reality to getting to know "external things and properties" through our five senses. My claim is that Putnam works with a restricted, uncritical assumption about the sensory capacities of human brains. He assumes we have five senses that give us perceptions about phenomena, events, processes, and occurrences that come from outside ourselves, i.e. from outside our minds, brains, and bodies. He ignores perceptions and experiences that are generated within our bodies and brains, and registered and recorded by organs other than the traditional five sense organs. This omission is the cause of a flawed imaginary thought experiment that distorts it and disrupts the success of the conclusions he draws from his BIV thought experiment, or so I argue. I claim that equating extra-linguistic reality with "external things and properties" is mistaken. If I am correct, then Putnam cannot reasonably conclude that "there is no basis at all for regarding the brain in a vat as referring to external things" (Putnam 1981:14). If my claim is true, Putnam's argument against scepticism suffers a blow and the spectre of sceptical doubt comes alive again, i.e. whether we ourselves are brains in a vat - as it seems logically possible that we might be BIVs. I next analyse the philosophical style of his BIV thought experiment to find a criterion embedded in this style for judging the appropriateness of his BIV thought experiment. I use literature on models and thought experiments to determine what the criteria for adequate, appropriate modelling are. Thereafter I examine the style of philosophy he uses, as the result of this examination of his philosophical style offers criteria for the evaluation of the BIV thought experiment. Then I show how he constructs his argument to prepare the ground for the introduction of the BIV thought experiment. The examination of the style and build-up of the BIV essay will enable me to pinpoint the flaw in his overall argument. I demonstrate how the BIV essay is mainly constructed to address his claims about semantic externalism, and as a consequence of making that point, Putnam then applies it to the problem of scepticism. I show how Putnam modifies the brain-in-vat thought experiment to make it a stronger challenge in terms of scepticism. Putnam constructs a possible world for his brains in a vat (BIVs) to demonstrate that they cannot ever say that they are brains in a vat, as their language never acquires referential functions due to its lack of contact with an extra-linguistic reality. If they were to say: "We are brains in a vat", that proposition would be self-refuting (Putnam 1981:7-8). Based on the results of the sections above, I pinpoint the shortcoming in his argument against scepticism. The shortcoming is his inadequate modelling of the brains in a vat. I then challenge the BIV thought experiment by demonstrating that BIVs have the capacity to outsmart the automatic machinery (his super-computer), given the qualities that humans possess and that Putnam should have properly embedded and activated in the BIV thought experiment. In particular, I demonstrate why BIVs can be thought to have a meaningful language, one sufficiently meaningful for Putnam to be able to have a phone conversation with them. Next, I demonstrate the possibility that their meaningful language has the potential to acquire reference. I illustrate how such acquisition of referential functions might plausibly occur. Once those possibilities have been shown, I argue that Putnam's modelling of the human brain is inadequate, as he has neglected to embed core features of human brain functioning in his modelling of the brains in a vat. I use knowledge of the functioning of human brains to support these arguments. I finally discuss the implications of my demonstration of the shortcomings of Putnam's construction of the BIV thought experiment. These implications point to the fact that humans, properly modelled, are much smarter than Putnam demonstrates through his BIV thought experiment. I claim that as humans, we might possess the requisite intellectual capacities to identify ourselves accurately as brains in a vat - and to express that knowledge in meaningful, referential language. In this way, humans are smart enough to reject one of the premises of the sceptical argument, i.e. that we cannot distinguish (i) our knowledge of ourselves, our specific situation and our current circumstances from (ii) the knowledge we would have had of ourselves, our specific situation, and our current circumstances, if we were brains-in-a-vat.

The value of academic labour

Die Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns het sopas sy 110de bestaansjaar herdenk en dit is die aangewese tyd om te reflekteer op die waarde van akademiese arbeid. Die artikel ondersoek die hoë waarde van akademiese arbeid en die motiewe van akademici. Akademici ervaar geleerdheid, onderrig en navorsing as iets verhewe. Dis nie slegs hul dagtaak nie, maar dien as 'n besondere roeping. Vervolgens word die universiteit as 'n onderneming beskou waarna gelet word op die praktiese waarde van die akademie en die mate wat dit met die ontwikkeling van die mensdom, veral op ekonomiese gebied, saamhang. Dit doen ook 'n beroep op akademici om meer algemene, basiese en generiese navorsing, sonder noodwendig 'n besondere doel, te onderneem. Nuttelose navorsing, sonder 'n spesifieke praktiese doel, word as van die waardevolste voorgehou. Die artikel sluit af deur te beklemtoon dat navorsing eerstens ter wille van die intrinsieke waarde, genot en bevrediging wat dit bring moet plaasvind, maar daar word beklemtoon dat hoë akademiese standaarde steeds te alle tye moet geld.

The South African Academy of Science and Arts recently commemorated its 110th year of existence and it is an appropriate time to reflect on the value of academic labour. Academic labour is an important aspect of human culture. Through academic labour, mankind's purest dreams and ideals are realised. Literacy, study, learning and research contribute to the highest and refined levels of civilisation that Western society can offer. It makes the world a better place, with humanity, prosperity, alleviation of poverty and human dignity. Through academic work, mankind has already reached unparalleled levels of development. This article examines the value of academic activities and the motivation of academia. The rewards of academic labour range from the utilitarian, solving problems and to gain useful knowledge, to the spiritual. The psychological remuneration of academic effort is also positive. Academia has the privilege each day serving a higher calling. This is a wonderful motivation, but also a very important responsibility. This article concludes emphasising that academic standards should never be compromised. The author is an economist and sees the world from that perspective. That is the reason why the title highlights value. This article emphasises that academia constitutes a valuable product and that knowledge has intrinsic value of its own, more valuable than gold and coral. People desire to learn more, and much is still hidden and wonderful and is essential for one's happiness. Knowledge and skills are useful, but universities should also promote basic research without a specific practical objective, just for the sake of enjoyment. A university is also a knowledge factory that generates new knowledge. Its objective is to discover new things. As it is an enterprise it should be managed in a financially sustainable fashion. Universities contribute to the National Development Plan. Their products and services lead to new technological, social, commercial and other innovations that benefit the whole society, but it should be better financed and marketed. Various studies in Britain found that university training and knowledge acquired lead to lower unemployment, higher skills, a more productive, innovative, flexible and entrepreneurial workforce, and also increase the productivity of co-workers. This leads to higher economic growth, more tax income to the state, a smaller burden on public finances, better health, more informed civic participation and less crime. Several studies elsewhere, such as in America and New Zealand, concur. Australian studies highlighted that universities enhance a country's prosperity, build human and social capital, and drive technological progress and economies. It builds society through community service, helps building a "knowledge economy" and promotes future economic prosperity through international exchange. Research reveals a direct relationship between education and productivity, competitiveness, profits and growing income and job creation. During the past decades, people's wellbeing has improved continually. Human development, income, production, life expectancy, adult literacy, and the number of children at school rose gradually. There is a direct link between economic development and education and research. People all over the world are developing and their living standards are improving. The main objective of the search for knowledge is to obtain wisdom. To know the correct steps beforehand is valuable and better than to act on intuition, feelings or beliefs. Most of academia have enquiring minds, are curious about the world and have the wonderful opportunity to search for knowledge, insight and wisdom. It provides a sense of security and psychological peace. It builds high self-esteem and motivates one to learn and use that knowledge. Socrates said that wonder is the beginning of wisdom. Academic effort leads to the discovery of wonder, complexity and beauty, which leads to curiosity about the world and a deeper meaning of it all. What makes the research investigation such an enjoyable experience is the wonder it reveals and the fascination about the discoveries it brings about. Science enables a researcher to enjoy the amassing discoveries that academic effort reveals. There is also an immense satisfaction when things come together and begin to make sense. There is that feeling of pure joy when something new is discovered, which leads to more wonder and more research. Academic effort and particularly research should, in the first instance, be conducted purely for the enjoyment it brings. Enjoyment enables people to become more innovative and leads to more discoveries. Academic freedom that allows academia to conduct research that interests them leads to better products. The authorities' current policies in guiding research by means of targeted financing do, however, restrict academic freedom. Research should generate knowledge that is generic in the sense that it can apply to many areas and could stand the test of time. It is never known where knowledge would be needed. To name a few examples: The ancient Greeks developed Euclidean geometry, which is still taught to high school and engineering students. Boole developed Boolean algebra in 1847 long before it was used to design digital electronics and computers. Carothers accepted an appointment on condition to focus only on academic research without practical value, but still discovered nylon. Feynman developed the mathematics behind a wobbling pizza and later used it in developing quantum electrodynamics, eventually winning the Nobel Prize. Science should still be thorough even if research is enjoyable. High academic and research principles should never be compromised. The aim is to discover the truth. Academic labour should follow strict logical order. Science must be derived and described logically and in a mathematically deductive way or derive reliable knowledge inductively, but methodically. The application of mathematics to science is the most powerful instrument in understanding the world. Even where mathematics is not directly applied, the scientific method should be. Academia strives towards lofty ideals in their labour. They laugh, sing, make poetry and dream, study plants, trees, animals and society, confront challenges, make new discoveries, develop technology and place humans on the moon and aim for Mars. Through it all, academic labour and literacy are utilised to fulfil man's cultural assignment to make the world a better place. The academy is truly a very special calling.

The ByderhandPioneer Project: A case study of the participatory dynamics in creating and accessibilising locative literature for persons with visual impairment

Die artikel bied, deur 'n bespreking van die Byderhand-Pionierprojek as gevallestudie, 'n blik op die praktiese implementering van deelnemende en skeppende interdissiplinêre projekte in die Digitale Humaniora. Die Byderhand-Pionierprojek, wat lokatiewe literatuurinstallasies in Worcester in die Wes-Kaap behels, is uniek in dié opsig dat die multimodale literatuurinstallasies vir persone met siggestremdheid toeganklik is en dat persone met siggestremdheid 'n integrale rol in die totstandkoming van die projek gespeel het. Die artikel fokus op die kontekstualisering van die gevergde deelnemende benadering; op die projekkonseptualisering en -raamwerk; op die deelnemende dinamika wat die totstandkoming van die multisensoriese tuin, die skep van die digitale literatuur daarby betrokke, en die toeganklikmaking van sodanige inhoud moontlik gemaak het (koppelvlakontwerp); en op nabetragting oor en gevolgtrekkings aangaande die projekbenadering. Deelname aan die projek het die projekspan bewus gemaak van die behoeftes van persone met siggestremdheid en van die noodsaak van groter inklusiwiteit en toeganklikheid van kultuurprodukte - in die besonder soos dit ten opsigte van koppelvlakontwerp en digitale aanbieding van literatuur tot uitdrukking kom.

Through the discussion of the Byderhand Pioneer Project as a case study, the article provides an overview of the practical implementation of participatory and interdisciplinary creative projects in the digital humanities. The end-product of the Byderhand Pioneer Project comprises three locative-literature installations accessible to persons with visual impairment, located in Worcester in the Western Cape. The project is a participatory practice based research project between researchers from the Creative Writing subject group at the North-West University and, among others, participants who are visually impaired. The project, which was undertaken on invitation by the school, may be regarded as an example of applied electronic literature studies (Ensslin 2019). It is unique in that the multimodal literary installations are accessible to persons with visual impairment, and also because persons with visual impairment played an integral role in the establishment of the project. This retrospective article, written from the perspectives of three researchers from different disciplines, presents an outline of the Byderhand Pioneer Project, focusing on the participatory dynamics required for creating and accessibilising digital locative literature. The article covers the contextualisation of the participatory approach; the establishment ofproject framework; the participatory dynamics that enabled the creation of a multisensory garden, as well as the creation of the digital literature and of the digital tools accessibilising such content; and, lastly, a reflection and conclusion regarding the project approach. The project was consciously grounded in a participatory worldview and research paradigm, which guided the execution of the project practice and the related research. Important points of departure included the concept of projects as basic units in digital humanities (Burdick et al. 2012), the participatory inquiry paradigm (Heron & Reason 1997), the practice based research approach, and participatory design. The principle of "nothing about us without us", which denotes that persons with disabilities must be integrally involved when projects or initiatives affect them directly (Rowland 2004), was accepted as the basis for the project. In the narrative on technology for the disabled, the project and approach would follow the idea of using everyday technology to ensure or improve accessibility, and to counter stigmatisation, as a human right (Mathiesen 2017; Perry 2015). Through exploratory discussions, meetings and site visits, relationships were built, and partners, collaborators and participants were identified; project possibilities were considered and expanded; and a project goal, objective and sub-projects were conceptualised and formulated. The aim of the overarching project for the researchers from the North-West University was to extend the accessibility of the existing Byderhand locative literature platform to enhance its accessibility to users and writers with visual impairment. For the school, the overarching collaborative aim was the creation of a multisensory garden on the school grounds. This involved the expertise, skills and input of various role players, which contributed to the organic development of the garden as a central purpose. Various partnerships were formed with an eye to the practical implementation of the garden project; specialist knowledge input from occupational and speech therapists, from orientation and mobility specialists, as well as music teachers, were obtained, and learners from the school were involved throughout. The cooperation in the production of the three multimodal literature installations can be understood as contributory participation (Rettberg 2011). The installations concern the Garden Verses, the Pioneer Stories and the Karoo Gardens Verses. The Garden Verses - a collection of multimodal poems and children's verses - are linked with the auditory offering in the multisensory garden. The collection was further expanded with the Pioneer Stories - stories and narrations about experiences at the school and in its surroundings, written by learners and former learners of the school. The Karoo Gardens Verses installation comprises a collection of poems for the proposed braille route in die Karoo Desert National Botanical Gardens. The Garden Verses and Karoo Gardens collections each contains 10 poems made available in different languages and presented through different media, and the Pioneer Stories collection consists of 27 contributions by participating authors with visual impairment. In line with the participatory nature of the project, a user-centred (Abras et al. 2004) and co-design approach was applied in designing a multimodal and multilevel interface through which the literature is disseminated. Persons with visual impairment were integral to the development of the accessible design solutions. These design solutions involve the combination of braille, QR codes and an accessible user interface that makes provision for sighted, low vision and blind users. The various texts and media were published on the database and installed in the school's multisensory garden and on the larger school grounds and were made available in a nearby coffee shop. The locative literature installations contribute to an enriched school environment, and the reception of the project has been predominantly positive. The evaluation phase involved various forms of observation, post-project reflection and the utilisation of various knowledge modalities. The success of the project can be attributed to the collaborative relationships between and contributions of a large variety of partners and individuals. The following aspects were identified as pivotal for the project's success: the context and purpose of the project; the use of existing networks and the establishment of new networks; interdisciplinary collaboration; versatility in approaches; the way in which local partners and participants provided links and acted as cultural guides; voluntary participation; inclusivity and accessibility as project guidelines; sustained dialogue and reflection; and the personality traits of the core team. Participation in the project raised the researchers' awareness of the needs of people with vision impairment, and of the need for greater inclusivity and accessibility of cultural products, especially as the latter need may find fulfilment through digital interface design and presentation of literature.

Manifestations of sensory perception in some poems included in two digital Byderhand installations at Worcester, South Africa

In die Westerse tradisie word veral sig, maar ook gehoor, as 'n "hoër" sintuiglike vermoë geag. Hiertoe dra die versnelde opkoms van 'n wetenskapskultuur oor veral die afgelope twee eeue by. Beelding gebaseer op veral visuele waarneming oorheers ook in die digkuns, soos waarneembaar is in die meeste gedigte opgeneem in twee Byderhandprojek- digitale installasies by die Pionierskool en in die Karoo Woestyn Nasionale Botaniese Tuin te Worcester. Die tassintuig speel 'n belangrike rol in siggestremdes se verkenning van voorwerpe en ruimtes. Betasting verg beweging, sodat siggestremdes se waarnemingswyse deur beweging gekenmerk word. Analogisering van sintuiglike waarnemings (sinestesie) is nog 'n strategie wat dikwels deur hulle benut word. Meer onlangse navorsing beklemtoon dat daar, naas die uiterlike sintuie, ook intero-reseptore (vir waarneming van, byvoorbeeld, balans en beweging) is wat die mens se persepsie bepaal. Sodoende word beliggaamde belewing moontlik. Laasgenoemde dien as teenvoeter vir die kultureel en talig gemedieerde omgang met ver-skynsels wat, in Lacaniaanse terme, so kenmerkend die Simboliese Ordening daarvan oorheers. Vier gedigte uit die Byderhandprojek-versameling te Worcester wat in hierdie artikel bespreek word demonstreer, op verskeie wyses, bogenoemde aspekte van sintuiglikheid. Die ingeplaastheid van estetiese belewing wat hierdie geïnstalleerde tekste bemiddel, korreleer voorts met die begeerte na liggaamlike toenadering tot die Karoo-natuurverskynsels wat in die gedigte uitgedruk word.

In the Western tradition, sight and hearing have come to enjoy cultural primacy as external sensory capabilities (Wilfong 2015; Rowland 1976a), including for appreciating artefacts of art. The accelerated growth of a culture of science during the recent two centuries, has added to this privileged status of especially visual perception as a means of comprehending phenomena (Classen 2007). It comes as no surprise, therefore, that imagery based on visual perception tends also to dominate in poetry; in fact, poetry is currently often deemed to be a primarily visual artistic manifestation (Agamben 1999; Longenbach 2008; Silverman 2011). The majority of the poems written or made available for the "Byderhand" (in English: At Hand) Project of two digital installations in, respectively, the multi-sensory garden of the Pioneer School for the Visually Impaired and the Karoo Desert National Botanical Gardens, both at Worcester in South A frica, attests to the said primacy afforded sight and hearing as external senses. Cultural determinations of sensory perception are, furthermore, often expressed in the stereotyping and "thereotyping" of cognition (cf. Rowland 1984), specifically - and usually in negative ways - concerning cognition by the visually impaired. Research has, however, revealed that persons who have to make do without sight, often tend to develop remarkable dexterity in utilising the other external sensory abilities (hearing, touch, smell, taste), while lending varying primacy to these in accordance with situational changes (Rowland 1984). Tactile perception plays an important role in such persons' exploration of objects and spaces, and movement of the body and the limbs tends to characterise their perceptual engagement (Rowland 1984). "Analogies in sense perception" (Keller 1908), or synesthetic compoundings of sensory experience (Kalla & Van Schalkwyk 2009), constitute another strategy employed by the visually impaired in transcending the limitations they have to deal with. More recently, in accordance with a "sensory turn" in scholarship (Pink 2013:261), scientific research has been the source of growing acknowledgement that additional capacities for perception, other than the so-called extero-receptors mentioned above, are available to human beings (Rowland 1976a; Geurts 2003). Attention has increasingly been paid to intero-receptors, such as the vestibulary system (sense of balance), the interior kinaesthetic organs (like the joints and the muscles, in sensing movement) and proprioception (the sensing of position). These findings agree with views (cf. Rowland 1976a; Müller 1994) that human perception and cognition are based on our bodily experienced, or sensorially integrated, interaction with phenomena, and with the (changing) relations among the phenomena in the spaces around us. Such perceptions, and the concepts based upon them, find expression in the language symbols or image schemata (Danesi 1990) we create and employ in naming them. The manner in which the highly symbolising character of modern-day language signification caused us to experience the development of a gap and accompanying tension between sign and signified, has been explored and deliberated upon from various theoretical frameworks. In particular, the post-Freudian psycho-analytical views of Jacques Lacan on the human transition from the Imaginary Order to the Symbolic Order (cf. Grabe 2013) have proven to be of relevance in analysing the manifestation of sense perception in four of the poems included in the said Byderhand installations: "The return" by Diana Ferrus, "Karoo dance" by Pieter Hugo, "The house where I live" by William Rowland (who was blinded at the age of four) and "Semi-desert" by Jacques Coetzee (who was born blind). In addition to a wealth of (varying) sensory manifestations, and the implications thereof for meaningful interaction with phenomena and place, what has transpired as a shared motif in the four poems discussed, is the expression - again: in a variety of ways - of a longing for authentic sensory (re-)experience (and, consequently, renewed comprehension) of natural phenomena. In all four poems, this desire is expressed in terms of a reaching at, or an (imagined) bodily advance towards, the surrounding Karoo landscape and the objects present in it. Following the discussion ofthe poems, it also becomes clear that such interaction concerns the rendered experiences of both the visually impaired and those not characterised by such an impairment. One may conclude that, apparently, a universal human need is voiced in this regard, constituting an effort at countering the effects of "intellectuality and materialistic abstraction" in modern society, namely by means of "immediate, aesthetic experiencing of [...] all the things that have been reasoned away" (Van Wyk Louw 1959). In her study on Culture and the Senses, Geurts (2003) warns that, in considering the cultural determination of our sensorial perception, we should take heed not to underestimate the possibilities and uniqueness of embodied experiences, including those of the impaired. The positioning of the Byderhand installations at Worcester, within the spaces and next to the objects the poets are writing about in their poems (that is: the emplacement ofthe verbal artworks), represents an endeavour to stimulate an aesthetic experience by means of a variety of sensory perceptions. It is the wish of the Byderhand project leaders, who could only make the said poem installations a reality in cooperation with local role players, that reading the poems, or listening to recorded readings of them, will inspire visitors to the installations to undertake their own, unique and embodied experiences of those surroundings and of the phenomena therein. This wish would appear to be shared by the persons whose poems are quoted and discussed in this article.

"So, who is blind?" Embodied space in locative narratives by people with visual impairment

Die artikel behels 'n ondersoek na die beliggaamde ruimte in lokatiewe narratiewe deur persone met siggestremdheid. Die Pionierstorieversameling wat op die skoolterrein van 'n skool vir leerders met siggestremdheid geïnstalleer is, bestaan uit verhale, vertellings en gedigte deur leerders en oudleerders van die betrokke skool. In hierdie artikel word ondersoek hoe die Pio-nierstories as lokatiewe narratiewe moontlik insig sou kon bied in die plekervaring van die skrywers, asook sou kon bydra tot lesers se verdiepte ervaring van die plek en tot die sig-baarmaking (bewuswording) van stories, liggame en gemeenskappe. Om die Pionierstories binne dié konteks te verstaan, word 'n raamwerk saamgestel waarin die konsepte van beliggaamde ruimte en ingeplaastheid bespreek word, soos dit verband hou met die multisensoriese aard van waarneming, die ingeplaaste skryfaksie, met narratiewe van persoonlike ervaring en die ekosomatiese benadering tot gestremdheid; asook met die beliggaamde ervaring van die ingeplaaste leser-deelnemer. Vier verhale uit die versameling word aan die hand van sodanige raamwerk bespreek. Die geïntegreerde uitbeelding van die konkrete én abstrakte aspekte van plek in die Pionierstories, demonstreer die verweefde dimensies wat die ervaring van plek bepaal, die sentrale rol en agentskapfunksies van die ingeplaaste skrywer in plekskepping, asook die konkreetheid van die ervaring deur die leser-deelnemer in die betrokke lokatiewe installasie soos dit tot die verhoogde sigbaarheid van die stories, liggame en die gemeenskap bydra.

Mobile media are increasingly providing new ways to tell untold stories and to connect them to places where readers, through their physical presence and participation, can experience the stories and the place in concrete terms, thus developing appreciation for the hidden and forgotten historical, cultural and personal narratives of a place, of periods, and of people (Farman 2015; Rettberg 2019; Page 2014; Barber 2016). This article explores the embodied space in a locative literature project undertaken in collaboration with people with visual impairment. The Pioneer Story Collection installed on the school grounds of a school for visually impaired learners consists of stories, narratives and poems by learners and former learners of the school in question. The accessibilising of the contributions entailed, among other things, that the selected contributions were read and recorded, and that a digital interface which caters for sighted, visually impaired and blind users was developed. The Pioneer Stories were distributed by means of QR codes, which, combined with information in braille and large print, were posted at the identified locations. This article explores how the Pioneer Stories as locative narratives could potentially provide insight into these writers' specific experience of place, and how the stories could contribute towards readers' deepened experience of the place, and to the visibility of stories, bodies, and communities. To understand the Pioneer Stories within this context, a framework is composed in which the concepts of embodied space and emplacement are discussed with reference to the multisensory nature of observation (Hersch & Johnson 2008); emplaced writing (Smith 2012); narratives of personal experience (Page 2014; Plummer 2001; Labov 1979); the ecosomatic approach toward disability (Cella 2019); and the experience of the embodied and emplaced reader-participant (Farman 2015; Greyling 2018). Four stories from the collection are analysed and discussed on the basis of this framework. The Pioneer Story Project draws attention to the importance of awareness of a spectrum of sensory experiences, the intertwined and relational process of placemaking, and the central role and agency of the embedded writer in placemaking. With regard to the notion of giving a voice to marginalised communities and the making visible of bodies, stories, places and communities, it is evident from the stories that the writers and narrators in the Pioneer Story Collection took agency of their stories and narratives, thereby utilising various ways in which they themselves, as well as the place, the people, the community and identities could be made visible in and through their stories and poems. This is achieved in the texts by, among other things, the choice and application of a narrative strategy, the narrative structure, the content, the reproduction of experiences and events and the use of style and language. What is striking, especially with regard to the narratives, is the construction of narrative identity, the key role which the community plays/played in the narrators' lives, and the collective and relational process of place attachment. In addition, one is made aware of the expressed or implied need for the narrators to be fully accepted as belonging to the larger community of fellow humans. By means of the experience of the locative narrative at a particular place, the emplaced reader-participant can become aware of the narrators' embodied and emplaced experiences, and can thus imagine the places, people and community for themselves, on the basis of perspectives offered by the narrator. The experience can contribute to the reader-participant's awareness of the embodiment and perception of (other) persons with visual impairments, and can also lead to a greater awareness and intensification of their own sensory experience and bodily emplacement. Generally speaking, the project can promote empathy and understanding in various ways. Locative literary projects can indeed contribute towards widening and enriching the world of writers as well as reader-participants, by means of contemporary mobile technologies. The ideal would be to develop a digital platform and application that would enable communities to undertake and publish their own locative literature projects, in the places that matter to them.