Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120140001&lang=es vol. 54 num. 1 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>The iconic value of art. Aesthetics and the spiritual realm in art as poetic imaging and creative theologising</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die hipotese dat kuns meer behels as 'n soort kunsvlyt of meganiese handvaardigheid, (maak-moontlikheid), en dat estetika ten diepste 'n spirituele kategorie is wat verwys na die mens se soeke na transendente raamwerke (en aldus 'n ikoniese dimensie besit), word met behulp van die metodologie van 'n poëtiese hermeneutiek ondersoek. In die lig van Sokrates se stelling dat kuns 'n spirituele, siel-saak is (Gombrich 2006:85), en die tese dat die mens wesenlik homo aestheticus is, word gekyk na die spirituele dimensie in veral die visuele en beeldende kunste. As kernfaktor word die wisselwerkende verband tussen verbeelding, inspirasie, verwondering, ekstase, entoesiasme, sin-duiding en kwalitatiewe waardering ondersoek binne die breë verband van die vraagstuk van estetika in kuns. Vanweë die skynbare verband tussen materie en 'n "utopiese bewussyn", word die spirituele dimensie in estetika gebruik om opnuut die betekenis van Gods-beelde teologies te ontsluit. Binne 'n soort religieuse estetika word die Pauliniese uitspraak oor die astheneia, of weerloosheid, swakheid van God, teologies gekombineer met die skreeu-snaakse (bespotlike), maar dwase, kruis-kreet: My God, my God waarom het u my verlaat (derelictio, verlatenheid en verworpenheid).<hr/>In the light of the hypothesis that art implies more than merely a mechanistic reproduction of craft, this article investigates the spiritual and transcendent realm of art. With reference to the philosophy of Ernst Bloch, namely that matter is "spiritual" and contains a kind of "utopian spirit" (("Geist der Utopie'") and could in this regard be rendered as iconic, it is argued that the endeavour of art, very specifically the visual arts, is inter alia an attempt to probe the "spiritual dimension" inherent in an observed object. Art is inter alia involved in the endeavour to decode life within the human quest for meaning, justice and dignity. To a certain extent art is "iconic"; it signifies life. It is argued that art presents and creates a kind of cosmic language ("Sprache") to be deciphered by poetic speech and creative imagination (Jaspers 1962:157). Due to a "Socratic view" of life, namely that art presents "the workings of the soul" (Gombrich 2006:85), one could presuppose a close connection between art and the creativity of the human "spirit". Within the framework of hermeneutics, the interconnectedness between art and imagination, awe, ecstasy, enthusiasm, meaning-giving and a qualitative evaluation of matter is detected. What is "beautiful" in arts? Beauty implies more than "pretty". Beauty even probes into the realm of ugliness, human suffering and painful disintegration. In this regard the art of Pablo Picasso becomes most relevant. Picasso rendered art as a lie that helps one to tell the truth better (In Hyde 1998:12). "The painter takes whatever it is and destroys it. At the same time he gives it another life" (In Huffington 1988:118). Evil and the destructive elements in life can also become objects of art. Tragedy and death are ingredients of aesthetics. "Terrified of death and convinced that the universe was evil, he (Picasso) wielded his art as a weapon and meted out his rage and his vengeance on people and canvases alike" (Huffington 1988:12). It is furthermore argued that,in the light of the possible utopian spiritual element present in matter, and the religious dimension represented in the iconic value of objects of art, aesthetics could be applied in theology and the Christian faith in order to reframe existing God-images as related to the notion of divine power. The Pauline version of a theology of the cross and the notion of the vulnerability of a suffering God (astheneia) are used to describe the ugliness of God's forsakenness (derelictio): the parody of divine folly. <![CDATA[<b>A remarkable philosophical-aesthetic connection: Bilderdijk, Dooyeweerd and Malherbe</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Deur oorsigtelik na 'n aantal wysgerige grondprobleme en denkstrominge te kyk, word die weg berei om die besondere posisie van Bilderdijk se sonnet, De Wareld, te waardeer - enersyds oorspan hierdie sonnet die hoofkontoere van die geskiedenis van die filosofie en andersyds gryp dit vooruit na een van die geesteskinders van die verskynsel, die Nederlandse Rèveil, met name die reformatories-wysgerige beweging wat in aansluiting by die gedagte-wêreld van Abraham Kuyper 'n nuwe werklikheidsiening aan die begin van die 20ste eeu ontwikkel het. Vanaf die Stoïsynse oorsaaklikheidsgedagte, via die middeleeuse (neo-Platoniese) problematiek van emanasie en die aard van 'n substansie, tot by die empiristiese en transendentaal-filosofiese oriëntering van Kant loop die sonnet uit op die antwoord dat alles van God afhang en dat die wêreld sy stem is wat ons oproep om hom te vrees. Die verdieping wat Herman Dooyeweerd aan hierdie erfenis gegee het, is deur D.F. Malherbe sowel in wetenskaplike as in digterlike vorm verder gevoer. Die afwysing van die moderne idee dat die mens self-wet-stellend (outonoom) is, hang saam met die herontdekking van die menslike selfheid, sy hart in Bybelse sin, as die religieuse wortel van die mens se bestaan. Benewens 'n verwysing na 'n wysgerig-estetiese artikel, Kuns Selfstandig en Afhanklik word hoofmomente van 'n gedig uit die laaste digbundel van D.F. Malherbe toegelig. Hierdie gedig "Ek" kom uit Agterland.<hr/>In his astonishing sonnet, De Wareld, Bilderdijk captures the main contours of the philosophical legacy of the West, from ancient Greek philosophy up to his own position in 1786. He even anticipated key elements of the reformational philosophical movement of the 20th century in the Netherlands. These periods of philosophy embody reflection on perennial problems, such as unity and diversity and constancy and change, accompanied by theoretical stances such as atomism, holism, realism and nominalism. Dooyeweerd has shown that particular philosophical notions acquired diverse philosophical interpretations dependent upon the (supra-theoretic) basic motives guiding and directing theoretical thought. The concepts of nature and causality, for example, obtained a meaning in Greek philosophy that differs from their meaning in modern (post-Renaissance) philosophy. The same applies to the concept of substance, a concept that dominated Greek-medieval philosophy but then, within modern philosophy, had to give way to the concept of relations. However, the latter was now embedded in the dialectical tension between causality (nature) and freedom. Inspired by a thought-experiment of Galileo (1638) the great Enlightenment philosopher, Immanuel Kant, had to restrict the initial science ideal to sensory phenomena and the categories of understanding in order to open up a domain of practical freedom. Yet within the domain of sensibility Kant elevated human understanding to be the formal law-giver of nature. His idea of freedom was negative, in the sense that it is supposed to be free from natural necessity (causality). Thus he confused the underlying conditions of freedom with the nature of freedom. Freedom is only possible within the normed possiblities of human beings leaving room both for norm conformative and antinormative actions. Informed by the idea of being a law unto oneself (autonomy), Kant introduces two law-givers: understanding as law-giver for theoretical knowledge in a possible experience and reason as law-giver for (practical) freedom. At this point Bilderdijk wrote his sonnet De wareld (in 1786): What are you, configuration of inconceivability? chain of struggles and causes without an end Upon whose possibility the spirit scarcely can comment Whose real existence, for reason, is sheer impenetrability An abyss, in which awareness finds no way to enter What are you? a mere appearance, impressed upon the senses? An impression of understanding, upon which focusing is fruitless? An idea which we, out of our hollow opinion, give structure? Or are you, on the contrary, a being outside of me? Do you exist? is that not purely dreaming? Or is it an alteration of a different being? Hence I asked time and again, until God gave me the answer: He spoke: 'what is, belongs to me', what exists, depends upon me, The world is my voice, and calls you, to fear me. (Translation by author) Bilderdijk was a leading figure in the Dutch Rèveil and he influenced figures such as Isaäc da Costa, Samuel Iperusz Wiselius, Willem de Clercq and Groen van Prinsterer. However, the remarkable fact about this sonnet is that it managed to capture the main contours of the historical development of philosophy in the West. The first four lines of the octave focus on the middle Stoa (figures such as Panaetius and Posidonius) with their idea of an endless causality series. It is followed in the last four lines of the octave by mentioning the empiricist view of sensory impressions and proceeding to the Kantian view of the relationship between sensibility and understanding. Then, in the first part of the sestet the neo-Platonic idea of emanation surfaces alongside the classical concept of a substance. Finally, in the last three lines of the sestet a biblical perspective unfolds, emphasizing that the universe (the world) is the voice of God calling us to fear Him. These closing lines relate to the Reformation of the 16th century and anticipated the new philosophical orientation of Herman Dooyeweerd in the 20th century. His philosophy proceeds from the biblical distinction between Creator and creation, and the implied acknowledgement of the dependent nature of reality. He anticipated the two main outcomes of the philosophy of science, namely the inevitability of a theoretical frame of reference (paradigm) and an ultimate commitment. Although Dooyeweerd initially had been under the influence of neo-Kantianism and the phenomenology of Husserl, he eventually advanced a radical new approach proceeding from recognizing the heart as the root of human existence. Malherbe followed him in both regards. He wrote a penetrating article on the dependence and independence of an artwork and in his last volume of poetry, Agterland, a poem on the Self is found, echoing various facets of Dooyeweerd's understanding of the human self-hood (the heart in its radical biblical sense). <![CDATA[<b>The Dutch cultural boycott against South Africa: An analysis</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es 'n Kultuurverdrag is in 1951 tussen Nederland en Suid-Afrika onderteken. Dit is in 1953 bekragtig. Die anti-apartheidsaksiegroepe het veral in die 1970's 'n heftige veldtog gevoer teen die wyse waarop die bepalings van die verdrag deur die betrokke Suid-Afrikaanse instansies uitgevoer is. Die anti-apartheidsaktiviste het geoordeel dat slegs wit, nasionalistiese Afrikaners daardeur bevoordeel is en dat die swart bevolking nie daarby gebaat het nie. Daarbenewens het die Suid-Afrikaanse owerhede Nederlanders wat krities ingesteld was teenoor die apartheidsbeleid toegang tot Suid-Afrika geweier. Die Nederlandse regering het gevolglik die bepalings van die verdrag in 1977 bevries. Die verdrag is in 1981 amptelik opgehef. Die anti-apartheidsaktiviste in Nederland en die ANC was sterk ten gunste van die totale kulturele isolasie van Suid-Afrika. Die AABN het nouer kontak gemaak met die swart Suid-Afrikaanse kunstenaars-in-ballingskap. Nouer bande is gesmee tussen Nederlandse en Suid-Afrikaanse kunstenaars wat teen apartheid gekant was. Kulturele konferensies is in Amsterdam georganiseer om vorm en inhoud hieraan te gee. Die oogmerk was om 'n alternatiewe kulturele ooreenkoms met die ANC aan te gaan. Die belange van alle Suid-Afrikaners moes dus hierdeur gedien word. Die kunste moes hiervolgens aangewend word om apartheid af te takel. Hierdie artikel wil onder meer die vraag beantwoord in hoeverre die Nederlandse kulturele boikot teen Suid-Afrika tot 'n verandering in denke by die Suid-Afrikaanse regering aanleiding gegee het. In welke mate het dit daartoe gelei dat die Afrikaners afstand geneem het van apartheid? Of het die kulturele boikot die Afrikaners verhard in hul standpunt-inname? In die slotbeskouing word hierna terugverwys.<hr/>In 1962 the UN General Assembly set up the Special Committee Against Apartheid. In 1968 the General Assembly asked all states and organisations to suspend cultural, educational, sporting and other exchanges with South Africa. The Special Committee gave increased attention to the cultural boycott in the 1970s. In 1980 the General Assembly adopted a resolution asking all states to take steps to prevent cultural, academic, sports and other exchanges with South Africa. The Special Committee began publication of a Register of Entertainers, Actors and others who have performed in Apartheid South Africa in 1983. The European Community adopted a series of measures in 1985, inter alia to discourage cultural, sporting and scientific agreements with South Africa except where these would contribute to the elimination of apartheid. In 1951 an agreement was reached to formalise the cultural exchange between the Netherlands and South Africa. Since 1953 there has been a formal Cultural Accord between these two countries. The implementation of the treaty from the Dutch side was handed over to the Nederlands Zuid-Afrikaanse Vereniging (NZAV) in Amsterdam. The Dutch anti-apartheid movement regarded the NZAV as a pro-apartheid organisation. The anti-apartheid groups also believed that the South African authorities used the Cultural Accord to "sell" apartheid abroad. The agreement was not only used for cultural contact. The Dutch nuclear physicist, prof. J. Kistemaker, visited South Africa in 1975. The Anti-Apartheids Beweging Nederland (AABN) was strongly opposed to this visit. Joop den Uyl was the minister-president (1973-1977) of the most progressive cabinet that the Netherlands had known. The Den Uyl government made promises of support for the freedom movements in Southern Africa. They also offered to help the victims of apartheid and racism. The Soweto uprising of 1976 and the death of Steve Biko in 1977 led to an outcry in the Netherlands. The Dutch government thus froze the Cultural Accord in 1977 and it was finally abandoned in 1981. The Dutch government also decided to introduce a visa requirement for South African citizens in January 1983. The Afrikaans author, André P. Brink, regarded the cultural boycott as being totally counter-productive, because the whole idea of cultural contact is based on the conviction that ideas can persuade people, can change people. The Afrikaans poet, Elisabeth Eybers, who settled in Amsterdam in 1961, was also strongly opposed to the idea of a cultural boycott. According to her it was important that the cultural products of the Netherlands remain accessible to South Africans. She was also very critical of the way the Netherlands acted as the moral conscience of the world. Only the names of a few Dutchmen appeared on the so-called "black list" of the UN regarding entertainers and artists who have performed in apartheid South Africa. One of the names was that of the Dutch author W.F. Hermans. His visit to South Africa in 1983 was clouded in controversy. It led to a lively debate between those who favoured the cultural boycott and isolation of South Africa and those who opposed it. Amsterdam was declared an anti-apartheid city in 1986 and in view of Hermans ' visit to South Africa, he was declared persona non grata by the Amsterdam city council. The anti-apartheid groups vehemently protested against the performance of the South African musical, Ipi Tombi, in the Netherlands in 1981. They regarded this musical as a product of apartheid. The activists also organised many picket-lines at theatres. The whole issue regarding Ipi Tombi and cultural freedom was intensely debated in the press. About 40 organisations supported the demand of the AABN that Ipi Tombi should no longer be performed in the Netherlands. The AABN published a critical report on the Cultural Accord in 1976. Since the mid 1970s more and more contact was made in the Netherlands with black South African artists in exile. In 1976 a working conference was held in Amsterdam under the slogan "Artists against apartheid". In 1982 the AABN organised a conference in Amsterdam - "The cultural voice of the resistance" - to strengthen the cultural ties between the Netherlands and the ANC. The ANC then favoured the total cultural isolation of South Africa. The conference favoured an alternative cultural agreement to serve the interests of all South Africans. Closer co-operation with the ANC regarding the development of cultural projects was propagated. In 1987 another cultural conference was held in Amsterdam - "Culture in Another South Africa". The aim of the CASA-conference was to offer a podium for debate, which was then impossible within South Africa. The ANC thus referred to Amsterdam as "the cultural capital of South Africa." About 300 mainly black South African artists discussed the cultural future of a democratic South Africa. One of the conclusions reached was that the cultural boycott of South Africa should be used in a more selective way, because some of the artists who visited South Africa contributed to the anti-apartheid struggle. These artists should be allowed to enter the country. <![CDATA[<b>Progressive constructions with <i>bezig/besig</i> ("busy") in Dutch and Afrikaans: a contrastive corpus study</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Dit artikel vergelijkt de perifrastische progressieve constructies bezig zijn (om) + te-infinitief en besig wees om + te-infinitief. Er wordt aangetoond dat enkele typische fenomenen die met grammaticalisatie gepaard gaan veel duidelijker van toepassing zijn op de besig-constructie in het Afrikaans dan op de Nederlandse bezig-constructie, zodat aangenomen mag worden dat Afrikaans besig veel sterker gegrammaticaliseerd is dan Nederlands bezig. Aan de hand van corpusdata uit zes Nederlandse en twee Afrikaanse kranten wordt aangetoond dat Afrikaans besig veel vaker progressief wordt gebruikt dan bezig in het Nederlands. Daarnaast is de constructie met progressief besig in het Afrikaans semantisch breder toepasbaar (host-class expansion, Himmelmann 2004), in die zin dat de constructie frequent voorkomt met niet-handelingswerkwoorden en onbezielde subjecten. Aangezien die moeilijk te combineren zijn met de activiteitsl ezing van het adjectief besig in zijn oorspronkelijke betekenis, mag dat als betekenisverbleking gelden.<hr/>Both Dutch and Afrikaans display three periphrastic progressive constructions, which indicate that an action is going on at a particular moment of time: (i) a prepositional construction with aan het/ die + zijn/wees, (ii) a construction with posture verbs (zitten/staan/liggen) with a to-infinitive (Dutch) or a coordinating verb (A frikaans) and (iii) a construction with bezig/besig followed by a to-infinitive (see, among others, Bertinetto, Ebert & De Groot 2000; Breed 2012; Donaldson 1993). This paper focuses on the latter of these constructions, which until now has only received little attention in the grammatical literature. In the instances in (1) below, the bezig/besig-construction is used to express that a volitional action is/was going on for a certain amount of time. (1a) Sowat elf brandweerwaens was tot in die vroeë oggendure nog besig om die brand te blus. (Die Burger, 12/01/1998) lit. "About eleven fire engines were busy extinguishing the fire until long into the night." (1b) Brandweerlieden zijn druk bezig een man te bevrijden uit de fel gehavende personenwagen. (Gazet van Antwerpen, gva2) lit. "The firemen are busy rescuing a man from the heavily damaged car. " However, progressive besig can also be used to express ongoing processes which do not involve a volitional agent - as shown in (b), Dutch bezig is hardly an option in such contexts. (2a) 'n Groot chaos is besig om onder sy neus te ontwikkel. (Die Burger, 06/02/1998) (2b) ??Een grote chaos is bezig om zich voor zijn neus te ontwikkelen. lit. "A great chaos is busy developing right under his very nose." (3a) Haar nuutste album is besig om goed te verkoop. (Die Burger, 06/02/1998) (3b) ??Haar nieuwste album is bezig om goed te verkopen. lit. "Her newest album is busy selling well." The aim of this paper is to examine the use of this construction in detail from the perspective of the grammaticalization theory, based on corpus data from six Dutch and two Afrikaans newspapers. Firstly, we show that besig in Afrikaans is used more often in a progressive construction than Dutch bezig. As is well-known, grammaticalization goes hand in hand with an increasing frequency (see, among others, Bybee 2003). Secondly, we show that the besig-progressive is more broadly applicable semantically than bezig in Dutch (host-class expansion, Himmelmann 2004). A semantic categorization of the types of verbs and subjects that are used with the construction indicates that the besig-progressive is used more frequently with verbs and subjects which seem incompatible with the basic "busy, acting"-semantics of the adjective besig: process verbs and inanimate subjects. It appears that besig has bleached from its etymological, "busy activity" meaning and is used as an aspectual marker denoting that something is going on, without focusing on the (complexity of the) activity, while Dutch bezig has to a large extent retained its "activity " semantics.<hr/>In hierdie artikel word die perifrastiese progressiewe konstruksies bezig zijn (om) + te-infinitief en besig wees om + te-infinitief met mekaar vergelyk. Daar word aangetoon dat enkele tipiese fenomene wat met grammatikalisasie gepaardgaan, baie duideliker van toepassing is op die Afrikaanse besig-konstruksie as op die Nederlandse bezig-konstruksie. Sodoende kan aangeneem word dat besig in Afrikaans baie sterker gegrammatikaliseerd is as die Nederlandse bezig. Aan die hand van korpusdata, saamgestel uit ses Nederlandse en twee Afrikaanse koerante, word aangetoon dat die Afrikaanse besig meer gereeld in 'n progressiewe konstruksie gebruik word as die Nederlandse bezig. Daarnaas is die Afrikaanse konstruksie semanties breër toepasbaar (host-class expansion, Himmelmann 2004), in die sin dat die konstruksie frekwent voorkom saam met niehandelingswerkwoorde en niewilskragtige subjekte, wat strydig is met die oorspronklike aktiwiteitsbetekenis van die adjektief besig. Dit kan as betekenisverbleking gesien word. <![CDATA[<b>T2 Vocabulary and education: Integration of theory and practice</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Taalonderwysers word daagliks gekonfronteer met die uitdaging om hulle onderrigmetodes aan te pas by veranderende omstandighede. Tegnologiese en demografiese verandering sowel as die implementering van 'n nuwe kurrikulum het tot gevolg dat onderwysers nie bloot kan onderrig soos wat hulle altyd gedoen het nie. Die kompleksiteit van en toenemend meer diverse leerders noodsaak dat onderwysers moet tred hou met nuwe ontwikkeling op die gebied van navorsing oor bepaalde aspekte binne hulle vakgebied. Dit is in belang van die leerders dat onderwysers, meer as ooit tevore, hulle moet kan verantwoord oor waarom en hoekom hulle doen wat hulle doen in die onderrigsituasie. In 'n onlangse studie oor die onderrig en leer van Afrikaans as addisionele taal, in die dr. Kenneth Kaunda Distrik in die Noordwes-Provinsie, was dit duidelik dat die meerderheid onder-wysers nie nuwe en ontluikende teorieë gekoppel het aan hulle praktiese onderrigvaardigheid nie. Die grootste bekommernis wat uit hierdie studie voortgespruit het, was dat hierdie onderwysers ook nie spesifieke opleiding in die onderrig van 'n addisionele taal ontvang het nie. Die doel van hierdie artikel is om aan te toon hoe sekere teorieë noodsaaklik is om onderwysers te kan ondersteun in die onderrig van woordeskatverwerwing in Afrikaans Addisionele Taal. Hierdie teorieë verskaf 'n grondige motivering vir die wat en hoe addisionele tale onderrig behoort te word.<hr/>This article discusses the importance of major theories regarding input processes in second language acquisition. It presents an overview of the major strands of research in the field of psycholinguistic theories on information processes in the brain, and discusses how these theories can play an important part for effective learning of especially vocabulary in a second language. The past years have not been easy for teachers of especially second languages. The socio-political changes where the learner profiles became more and more diverse in classes as well as the implementing of a new school curriculum resulted in several challenges for teachers. Not all teachers are familiar with the teaching of a second language, and to complicate the situation further not all teachers of Afrikaans Additional Language are mother tongue speakers of this language. Language teachers are faced with the challenge of adapting their teaching methods to cope with the complexities in education. Technological and demographical changes and development as well as the implementation of the curriculum imply that teachers can no longer simply teach as they themselves have been taught. They need to know how new developments on theories of the teaching and learning of language impact on themselves, the learners, and the context. The low rate of success in academic achievement, especially with regard to the South African schools, emphasizes the need to reflect on why and how we do what we do in education. In a recent study on the teaching and learning of Afrikaans as additional language, in the Dr Kenneth Kaunda District in the North West Province, it became clear that the majority of participant teachers do not link new evolving theories to their teaching practices. The cause of concern that stemmed from the research was that the majority of participating teachers was not trained in the specific teaching and learning of an additional language (specifically Afrikaans). Traditionally teachers of Afrikaans were trained to teach Afrikaans as a first language. No attention was paid to train teachers for Afrikaans as a second or foreign language. In recent years the picture of learners who take Afrikaans as an additional language has changed dramatically and today Afrikaans as an additional language must be seen much more as a foreign language rather than be compared with English as a second language; mostly because of the little exposure that learners have to the Afrikaans language, as well as the fact that the majority of learners who learn an additional language, such as English or Afrikaans, can already speak more than two languages; thus implying that Afrikaans is their third or fourth language. The aim of this article is to stress the fact that teachers can best meet this challenge if their methods and practices are informed by a sound theoretical basis. In order to make the teaching of Afrikaans as an additional language effective and efficient, teachers must be aware of theories concerned with additional language acquisition and teaching and learning practices since these theories give a fundamental motivation on why and how an additional language should be taught. The theories are derived from the perspectives of psycholinguistics and involve the processing of information in the brain: Anderson and VanPatten's information processing theories, and Baddeley's multidimensional memory were used. This article is an attempt to fill the gap between theory and practice in the teaching and learning of Afrikaans as an additional language. <![CDATA[<b>Learners with English as additional language: Support for phonological awareness fall-outs</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es PURPOSE: The primary purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of an auditory perceptual training programme on children within a traditional articulation therapy framework. As part of this larger purpose, this study identified perceptual vowel outcomes for English Additional Language (EAL) learners, as well as a preliminary impact on these learners' articulation of English vowels, their receptive and expressive language abilities and their reading and spelling abilities. METHOD: Fourteen six- to seven-year-old EAL learners were randomly assigned to two conditions. Both the control and treatment groups were initially assessed with a repeated baseline assessment, and again after treatment eight months later. Auditory perceptual skills, specifically word discrimination (including vowel and consonant discrimination), phonological segmentation and blending, number memory and sentence memory, were measured by means of the Test of Auditory-Perceptual Skills Third Edition (TAPS-3). Children's growth in receptive language was also assessed using measures derived from the Test for Auditory Comprehension of Language Third Edition (TACL-3). The number of vowel production errors on the Goldman-Fristoe Test for Articulation was measured before and after treatment. The control group received no treatment; the treatment group received auditory perceptual training (grapheme-phoneme coupling and vowel discrimination) which included production training and written exercises (phoneme-grapheme coupling). RESULTS: The framework of teaching English vowels through traditional auditory perceptual and production training proved useful for phonological awareness of vowels, literacy teaching and articulation by the EAL learners. CONCLUSIONS: Results concluded that improved academic outcomes should be possible if the teaching of English vowels to EAL learners by EFL speech-language therapists is implemented. Improved auditory perception, articulator production and general language abilities culminate in improved academic outcomes.<hr/>DOEL: Die hoofdoel van hierdie studie was om die effek van 'n fonologiese bewustheids-opleidingsprogram, binne die raamwerk van tradisionele artikulasieterapie, op leerders met Engels as addisionele taal te ondersoek. As deel van hierdie groter doelwit, is die resultate van die opleidingsprogram op die ouditiewe persepsie van Engelse vokale deur leerders met Engels as addisionele taal bepaal. Die voorlopige invloed van die opleidingsprogram op hierdie leerders se artikulasie van Engelse vokale, reseptiewe en ekspressiewe taalvaardighede en lees- en spelvaardighede is ook ondersoek. RESULTATE: Die tradisionele artikulasieterapie-raamwerk waarbinne Engelse vokale van die leerders met Engels as addisionele taal deur middel van die opleidingsprogram aangespreek is, het 'n positiewe invloed op hierdie leerders se fonologiese bewustheid van Engelse vokale, geletterdheidsonderrig en artikulasie van dié vokale gehad. <![CDATA[<b>The ergonomically ideal computer lab for the enhancement of learner security</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Indien rekenaarlokale in skole nie aan die eise van ergonomiese geborgenheid voldoen nie, kan dit tot groot nadeel strek vir almal wat daarby betrokke is. Vir die leerders kan dit algemene gesondheidsrisko's soos skeletale afwykings, hoofpyn en sigprobleme inhou, wat dikwels eers in die leerders se volwasse jare begin realiseer. Daarbenewens kan hierdie gesondheidsprobleme wat uit sulke swak ontwerpte lokale voortspruit, tot gevoelens van onsekerheid en niegeborgenheid by die leerlinge aanleiding gee. Vir die betrokke onderwysers en die skool as sorgsame toesighouers van die leerders, kan 'n verwyt van nalatigheid en die moontlikheid van aanspreeklikheid vir skadevergoeding ontstaan. In 'n kwalitatiewe interpretivistiese studie by al die hoërskole met rekenaarlokale in een bepaalde streek in die Noordwes-provinsie, het dit aan die lig gekom dat nie een van hulle ergonomies korrek ontwerp en bestuur is nie. Voorstelle word gemaak vir die dringende regstelling van hierdie probleem. Die eerste stap is om goedkoop en voor die hand liggende maatreëls toe te pas, deur byvoorbeeld net 'n kussing op 'n stoel te plaas, die rekenaarskerm op 'n paar ou boeke te plaas om dit op te lig, kabels en alle papier wat op die vloer lê en 'n brandgevaar kan veroorsaak, te verwyder. Van die ander aanbevelings wat gemaak word, behels groter betrokkenheid vanaf die kant van die provinsiale onderwysdepartement, meer fondse vir die korrekte inrigting van lokale en groter bewusmaking by onderwysers, skoolhoofde en leerders.<hr/>Ergonomics is the discipline which focuses on the impact of human needs and capabilities on the design of technological systems for the purpose of promoting harmonious cooperation between humankind and technology. In computer studies, it studies the interaction between pupils and the computer environment in order to promote learner well-being. The future health and learning opportunities of learners are at risk if computer skills are not mastered in a safe and healthy environment. Risks associated with computers have increased because of the increased time young people spend with their computers both at school and for recreation. The use of computers as teaching aids has also increased. The purpose of this article is to report on research that was conducted in computer labs in high schools in South Africa about the establishment of an ideal ergonomic environment in order to assure optimal learner security in the computer labs. Caring supervision is a prerequisite for optimal teaching and learning. Security expresses itself in a classroom environment in terms of pedagogical outcomes as well as the physical security and well-being of the pupil. The provision of security in the computer lab is not restricted to the present; it is also prospective in that it is aimed at the future security and health of the pupils. A computer environment that does not comply with ergonomic norms could harbour a number of health risks for students, including muscular-skeletal injuries due to an incorrect posture, also headaches caused by conditions such as a glaring screen or insufficient lighting. Pupils could also become victims of safety hazards such as electrical shorts and fires caused by electric cables lying on the floor, and faulty appliances. There are a number of guidelines available with respect to the design of a computer lab, amongst others concerning equipment and furniture, the support of wrists, the use of the mouse, keyboard, non-reflecting screens, the height of the screen, the adjustability of apparatus, lighting, a good view of the projector screen and white board, the document stand, and the size of the computer stand. An empirical survey was done to establish to what degree computer labs indeed complied with the guidelines and general expectations. A qualitative interpretivistic design was used. The study population (n=8) consisted of all the Computer Application Technology teachers of high schools in one of the regions of the North-West Province of South Africa. Observations were recorded in all 8 of the schools. Use was made of an observation schedule. In addition to this, several photos were taken to confirm what had been observed. The observations were further confirmed by means of interviews with the teachers based on semi-structured questions. Categories of responses and observations were created on the basis of coding. The same was done with respect to the obstacles encountered by the respondents to change their computer rooms into ergonomically safe places. It was found that none of the computer science labs visited fully complied with the guidelines as stipulated above. Some of them had uneven floors, in others papers were lying around and cables ran over the floors creating electrical hazards, none had wrist support for using the mouse or the keyboard, only three had mouse pads but room to use the mouse was limited, no computer screens were adjustable, most computer stands were too small to place a book onto it, no desk could be adjusted, only two labs had document stands but they were incorrectly placed with respect to the rest of the apparatus, there were no upholstered chairs, no chair provided lower back support, none had footrests, and most did not provide for the addition of such a rest. In most rooms the lighting was inadequate or reflected from the screens, in some it was difficult to see on the data projector screen because of the lighting, the artificial lighting in one room was poor, and in no room any ergonomic awareness posters appeared on the walls. Most computer labs fortunately had recently serviced fire distinguishers. Teachers identified the following as obstacles to overcome before their labs would be ergonomically up to the required standard: ignorance on the part of the teachers, absence of guidelines with respect to safety and health, a shortage of money and the attitudes of all involved. They also had to contend with the possibility of fire and other health hazards such as uneven floors and untidy rooms. In addition to this, they were not aware of their liability due to neglect, and of the fact that the computer labs were actually contributing to the insecurity of their learners in terms of health problems. Teachers, schools and departments of education should take a number of urgent steps, the most simple of which is to resort to creative methods such as using pillows on chairs and books under screens. Schools should immediately draft safety and health guidelines for computer labs, and the ergonomic design of such rooms should enjoy high priority from departments of education. Teachers and principals should also not only be made aware of the need for ergonomically well-designed classrooms, but should indeed receive in-service training in this regard. <![CDATA[<b>Translation practice in the social media: an improved translation text for a virtual community?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die vertrekpunt van hierdie artikel is die idee dat gemeenskapsvertaling nie noodwendig sy oorsprong in tegnologiese vooruitgang en die virtuele rekenaarleefruimte het nie. Gemeenskapsvertaling het op 'n vroeër stadium ontwikkel as praktyk waardeur die doelteksleser talig bevoordeel is. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is daar in die laat 1980's begin om met hierdie vorm van vertaling te eksperimenteer met die doel om talig-benadeeldes te bemagtig. Hierdie artikel het ten doel om gesprek oor die grense van gemeenskapsvertaling te inisieer, asook oor die vraag of die bestaande grense van sodanige vertaling voorsiening maak vir die virtuele gemeenskap. Die doel is om bestaande norme, soos ontwikkel vir gemeenskapsvertaling, gedefinieer in terme van talig-benadeeldes, met massadeelvertaling ("crowdsourced translation") in verband te bring in situasies waar massadeelvertaling op 'n ongedefinieerde groot groep mense, gemeenskap of skare gerig is. Die ondersoek is ingebed in 'n funksionalistiese vertaalraamwerk. Die metodologie behels 'n uiteensetting van gemeenskapsvertaling, 'n teoretiese verkenning van vertaalnorme en die formulering van norme vir gemeenskapsvertaling. In ooreenstemming met die doel om debat te inisieer, word daar dus nie pertinente bevindings gestel nie, maar word daar tog gesuggereer dat die bestaande grense van gemeenskapsvertaling verruim het om voorsiening te maak vir massadeelvertaling.<hr/>A method increasingly used to provide translation in the computer era is crowdsourcing. This practice is widely exercised in the open-source community and has become quite sophisticated. The "crowd" comes in various forms: customers, brand advocates, domain experts, passionate users and the "unwashed masses". All of these take the form of multilingual communities whose translation work may be integrated with existing translation workflows. However, there are still many misconceptions and myths about the outcomes of crowdsourcing when applied to translation. Three major phenomena in harnessing the power of the crowd for translation purposes have been identified by Rebecca Ray and Nataly Kelly (2011). The first is community translation (or social translation) which is usually performed on voluntary basis by members of a group or by people with common interests. These groups are often cause-focused; interested in obtaining access to information in their own language; or simply people devoted to language. The second is collaborative technology and processes which allow a community to develop around a project and to work on the same content. Community members can verify and rectify one another's work as they go along. The term "collaborative translation" is also used to describe the work of professional translation teams working as a swarm - where multiple translators interact with the same content simultaneously, using advanced translation memory tools. The third, crowdsourcing, opens up a translation project to teams comprising of any mix of volunteer translators, employees, contractors or language service providers. It leverages the power of the swarm to accomplish much more than a single translator or language service provider can do alone. These three methods have supported one another to such an extent that the boundaries between them have faded. However, this paper argues that crowdsourced translation for a virtual community expands on community translation as originally developed for educationally deprived communities, with specifically the linguistically deprived as target readers of translated texts. Multicultural societies, such as those in South Africa, where heterogeneous target audiences require translation, use community translation as a vehicle for effective communication (Lesch 2004; 1999). Otherwise a translation will only be a symbolic gesture, empty of value, and thus not communicating the message intended. This article argues that a functional approach ensures that translations are meaningful acts, and that this approach may serve as a translation paradigm for multilingual countries and global virtual institutions. Different readers and listeners must be addressed in writing (and in speaking) at a level that they can understand. In the multicultural context found in many countries, a plain language approach to translation for communication purposes entails that those who produce texts must consider plain language for effective communication. At the same time it should be borne in mind that there are various degrees of plainness. The communicator and translator can achieve a relative plainness, for instance, a plainer language that is more adequate in the eyes and ears of the audience than the legalese Afrikaans version. In terms of communication it represents an improvement of the original source text language.The concept of plain language is dynamic and varies according to the target audience. Translators can adopt one of two approaches. They either think of a text in terms of plain language before translating, or they transfer a text into plain language during the translation process. The latter approach deals with rephrasing and adaptation as part of the construction of target texts. I am of the opinion that this is the better way to ensure effective intercultural communication across power gaps in a heterogeneous country, and that this also applies to the generic reader on the internet. It goes without saying that this translation strategy is useful for effective understanding of the target text when communicating a message to widely heterogeneous audiences, including some with limited educational backgrounds, and for effective communication across a wide cultural spectrum and power gaps. Consequently, this article draws on norms that have been developed for the community translation practice prior to the evolution of a virtual internet community, and were designed for target readers with a limited educational background. The article raises the question of, and initiates debate on whether the proposed norms are also relevant for translation via crowdsourcing. The underlying principle for these norms is using accessible language in crowdsourced and community translation on the internet. <![CDATA[<b>South Africa's fiscal cliff: A reflection on the appropriation of government resources</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die artikel ontleed sekere aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid se inkome en besteding sedert 2008. Die frase "fiskale afgrond" is 'n vrye vertaling van "fiscal cliff' wat in die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) gebruik word. Die betekenis in hierdie artikel verskil egter van die Amerikaanse betekenis. In die geval van die VSA dui dit op 'n plafon op staatskuld en lenings-kapasiteit van die regering, terwyl die betekenis in hierdie geval verband hou met die vermoë van owerheidsinkome om stygende owerheidsuitgawes te dek. Die ontleding van belastinginkome toon dat 'n betreklik klein aantal individue persoonlike belasting betaal. Ander vorms van verbruikersbelasting, byvoorbeeld belasting op toegevoegde waarde (BTW) word egter deur bykans alle verbruikers betaal. Die artikel toon aan dat owerheidsbesteding aan sosiale bystand toenemend groei as persentasie van totale owerheidsinkome. Terselfdertyd het die owerheid se vergoedingsrekening skerp toegeneem. Owerheidsinkome word ontleed om vas te stel in watter mate dit eenmalig struktureel verhoog kan word, en wat die verwagte groeitendens oor die volgende aantal jare sal wees. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sosialebystandbetalings en owerheidsvergoeding op 'n peil is waar verdere reële toenames onvolhoubaar en onbekostigbaar is, selfs al word belastings verhoog. Die bevinding is dat Suid-Afrika oor die lang termyn 'n fiskale afgrond in die gesig staar as die huidige neigings voortduur. Daar is nog tyd om hierdie afgrond te vermy, maar dan moet die regering die moed aan die dag lê om drastiese stappe in belang van die land, eerder as in belang van die regerende party te doen.<hr/>In the title of this paper the meaning of the words "fiscal cliff differs from the meaning attached to these words when used with regard to the fiscal situation in the United States of America (USA). In this paper these words imply the danger that the South African government might run out of income to cover growing government expenditure, while they are used in the USA to depict a ceiling on the borrowing capacity of the federal government. This paper compares the South African government's expenditure on social grants and civil service remuneration since 2008 with government revenue over the same period. Social grants have grown at a substantial rate since 2008, amounting to some R105 billion in the 2012/13 fiscal year. Social grants as percentage of total government revenue increased from 12,6 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 14,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis does not take into consideration the envisaged phasing-out of the means test for qualification for the old-age grant. Between 2008 and 2012 total employment in the civil service (central government and provincial governments) increased by 13,0 per cent. At the same time the total civil service remuneration bill increased by 76,1 per cent. Civil service remuneration as percentage of total government revenue increased from 31,7 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 42,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. In 2008 social grants and civil service remuneration accounted for 44,3 per cent of total government revenue. This increased to 56,4 per cent at the end of the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis also shows that these two expenditure items will account for all government income by 2026, should current growth trends in these expenditure items continue, and assuming average nominal government revenue growth of 9,9 per cent (2012-2017), 9,7 per cent (2018-2030) and 8,6 per cent (2031-2050) per annum. In an attempt to avert this fiscal cliff in 2026, structural one-off increases in government revenue were considered. A one-off increase in revenue can amount to R47,4 billion, based in the main on: • the imposistion of two additional marginal personal income tax brackets (45 per cent on taxable income above R1 000 000 per annum and 50 per cent on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum, and on an assumption that these tax rates will not change the behaviour of these high-income earners); • an increase of one percentage point in VAT from 14 per cent to 15 per cent; • an increase of three percentage points to 31 per cent in the company tax rate; and • an increase of ten per cent in the fuel levy and excise duties. These increases in taxes will postpone the fiscal cliff from 2026 to 2028, but will not avert it. As a further drastic measure, a 72 per cent marginal tax rate (a level used in the early 1970s) on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum (and on the same assumption as before) will simply divert the fiscal cliff by one additional year to 2029. The conclusion is that social grants and civil service remuneration have reached a level where further real increases are unsustainable, even if taxes are increased. South Africa faces a fiscal cliff that can only be avoided if the South African government is prepared to take drastic steps in the interest of the country, rather than in the interest of the ruling party. <![CDATA[<b>Sailor Malan: vergete vryheidsvegter vir demokrasie?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die artikel ontleed sekere aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid se inkome en besteding sedert 2008. Die frase "fiskale afgrond" is 'n vrye vertaling van "fiscal cliff' wat in die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) gebruik word. Die betekenis in hierdie artikel verskil egter van die Amerikaanse betekenis. In die geval van die VSA dui dit op 'n plafon op staatskuld en lenings-kapasiteit van die regering, terwyl die betekenis in hierdie geval verband hou met die vermoë van owerheidsinkome om stygende owerheidsuitgawes te dek. Die ontleding van belastinginkome toon dat 'n betreklik klein aantal individue persoonlike belasting betaal. Ander vorms van verbruikersbelasting, byvoorbeeld belasting op toegevoegde waarde (BTW) word egter deur bykans alle verbruikers betaal. Die artikel toon aan dat owerheidsbesteding aan sosiale bystand toenemend groei as persentasie van totale owerheidsinkome. Terselfdertyd het die owerheid se vergoedingsrekening skerp toegeneem. Owerheidsinkome word ontleed om vas te stel in watter mate dit eenmalig struktureel verhoog kan word, en wat die verwagte groeitendens oor die volgende aantal jare sal wees. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sosialebystandbetalings en owerheidsvergoeding op 'n peil is waar verdere reële toenames onvolhoubaar en onbekostigbaar is, selfs al word belastings verhoog. Die bevinding is dat Suid-Afrika oor die lang termyn 'n fiskale afgrond in die gesig staar as die huidige neigings voortduur. Daar is nog tyd om hierdie afgrond te vermy, maar dan moet die regering die moed aan die dag lê om drastiese stappe in belang van die land, eerder as in belang van die regerende party te doen.<hr/>In the title of this paper the meaning of the words "fiscal cliff differs from the meaning attached to these words when used with regard to the fiscal situation in the United States of America (USA). In this paper these words imply the danger that the South African government might run out of income to cover growing government expenditure, while they are used in the USA to depict a ceiling on the borrowing capacity of the federal government. This paper compares the South African government's expenditure on social grants and civil service remuneration since 2008 with government revenue over the same period. Social grants have grown at a substantial rate since 2008, amounting to some R105 billion in the 2012/13 fiscal year. Social grants as percentage of total government revenue increased from 12,6 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 14,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis does not take into consideration the envisaged phasing-out of the means test for qualification for the old-age grant. Between 2008 and 2012 total employment in the civil service (central government and provincial governments) increased by 13,0 per cent. At the same time the total civil service remuneration bill increased by 76,1 per cent. Civil service remuneration as percentage of total government revenue increased from 31,7 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 42,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. In 2008 social grants and civil service remuneration accounted for 44,3 per cent of total government revenue. This increased to 56,4 per cent at the end of the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis also shows that these two expenditure items will account for all government income by 2026, should current growth trends in these expenditure items continue, and assuming average nominal government revenue growth of 9,9 per cent (2012-2017), 9,7 per cent (2018-2030) and 8,6 per cent (2031-2050) per annum. In an attempt to avert this fiscal cliff in 2026, structural one-off increases in government revenue were considered. A one-off increase in revenue can amount to R47,4 billion, based in the main on: • the imposistion of two additional marginal personal income tax brackets (45 per cent on taxable income above R1 000 000 per annum and 50 per cent on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum, and on an assumption that these tax rates will not change the behaviour of these high-income earners); • an increase of one percentage point in VAT from 14 per cent to 15 per cent; • an increase of three percentage points to 31 per cent in the company tax rate; and • an increase of ten per cent in the fuel levy and excise duties. These increases in taxes will postpone the fiscal cliff from 2026 to 2028, but will not avert it. As a further drastic measure, a 72 per cent marginal tax rate (a level used in the early 1970s) on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum (and on the same assumption as before) will simply divert the fiscal cliff by one additional year to 2029. The conclusion is that social grants and civil service remuneration have reached a level where further real increases are unsustainable, even if taxes are increased. South Africa faces a fiscal cliff that can only be avoided if the South African government is prepared to take drastic steps in the interest of the country, rather than in the interest of the ruling party. <![CDATA[<b>Zo ver en zo dichtbij</b>:  <b>De Afrikaanse literatuur in Nederland in 2013</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100011&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die artikel ontleed sekere aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid se inkome en besteding sedert 2008. Die frase "fiskale afgrond" is 'n vrye vertaling van "fiscal cliff' wat in die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) gebruik word. Die betekenis in hierdie artikel verskil egter van die Amerikaanse betekenis. In die geval van die VSA dui dit op 'n plafon op staatskuld en lenings-kapasiteit van die regering, terwyl die betekenis in hierdie geval verband hou met die vermoë van owerheidsinkome om stygende owerheidsuitgawes te dek. Die ontleding van belastinginkome toon dat 'n betreklik klein aantal individue persoonlike belasting betaal. Ander vorms van verbruikersbelasting, byvoorbeeld belasting op toegevoegde waarde (BTW) word egter deur bykans alle verbruikers betaal. Die artikel toon aan dat owerheidsbesteding aan sosiale bystand toenemend groei as persentasie van totale owerheidsinkome. Terselfdertyd het die owerheid se vergoedingsrekening skerp toegeneem. Owerheidsinkome word ontleed om vas te stel in watter mate dit eenmalig struktureel verhoog kan word, en wat die verwagte groeitendens oor die volgende aantal jare sal wees. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sosialebystandbetalings en owerheidsvergoeding op 'n peil is waar verdere reële toenames onvolhoubaar en onbekostigbaar is, selfs al word belastings verhoog. Die bevinding is dat Suid-Afrika oor die lang termyn 'n fiskale afgrond in die gesig staar as die huidige neigings voortduur. Daar is nog tyd om hierdie afgrond te vermy, maar dan moet die regering die moed aan die dag lê om drastiese stappe in belang van die land, eerder as in belang van die regerende party te doen.<hr/>In the title of this paper the meaning of the words "fiscal cliff differs from the meaning attached to these words when used with regard to the fiscal situation in the United States of America (USA). In this paper these words imply the danger that the South African government might run out of income to cover growing government expenditure, while they are used in the USA to depict a ceiling on the borrowing capacity of the federal government. This paper compares the South African government's expenditure on social grants and civil service remuneration since 2008 with government revenue over the same period. Social grants have grown at a substantial rate since 2008, amounting to some R105 billion in the 2012/13 fiscal year. Social grants as percentage of total government revenue increased from 12,6 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 14,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis does not take into consideration the envisaged phasing-out of the means test for qualification for the old-age grant. Between 2008 and 2012 total employment in the civil service (central government and provincial governments) increased by 13,0 per cent. At the same time the total civil service remuneration bill increased by 76,1 per cent. Civil service remuneration as percentage of total government revenue increased from 31,7 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 42,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. In 2008 social grants and civil service remuneration accounted for 44,3 per cent of total government revenue. This increased to 56,4 per cent at the end of the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis also shows that these two expenditure items will account for all government income by 2026, should current growth trends in these expenditure items continue, and assuming average nominal government revenue growth of 9,9 per cent (2012-2017), 9,7 per cent (2018-2030) and 8,6 per cent (2031-2050) per annum. In an attempt to avert this fiscal cliff in 2026, structural one-off increases in government revenue were considered. A one-off increase in revenue can amount to R47,4 billion, based in the main on: • the imposistion of two additional marginal personal income tax brackets (45 per cent on taxable income above R1 000 000 per annum and 50 per cent on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum, and on an assumption that these tax rates will not change the behaviour of these high-income earners); • an increase of one percentage point in VAT from 14 per cent to 15 per cent; • an increase of three percentage points to 31 per cent in the company tax rate; and • an increase of ten per cent in the fuel levy and excise duties. These increases in taxes will postpone the fiscal cliff from 2026 to 2028, but will not avert it. As a further drastic measure, a 72 per cent marginal tax rate (a level used in the early 1970s) on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum (and on the same assumption as before) will simply divert the fiscal cliff by one additional year to 2029. The conclusion is that social grants and civil service remuneration have reached a level where further real increases are unsustainable, even if taxes are increased. South Africa faces a fiscal cliff that can only be avoided if the South African government is prepared to take drastic steps in the interest of the country, rather than in the interest of the ruling party. <![CDATA[<b><i>Klawerjas</i></b><b> deur Adam Small</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000100012&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die artikel ontleed sekere aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid se inkome en besteding sedert 2008. Die frase "fiskale afgrond" is 'n vrye vertaling van "fiscal cliff' wat in die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) gebruik word. Die betekenis in hierdie artikel verskil egter van die Amerikaanse betekenis. In die geval van die VSA dui dit op 'n plafon op staatskuld en lenings-kapasiteit van die regering, terwyl die betekenis in hierdie geval verband hou met die vermoë van owerheidsinkome om stygende owerheidsuitgawes te dek. Die ontleding van belastinginkome toon dat 'n betreklik klein aantal individue persoonlike belasting betaal. Ander vorms van verbruikersbelasting, byvoorbeeld belasting op toegevoegde waarde (BTW) word egter deur bykans alle verbruikers betaal. Die artikel toon aan dat owerheidsbesteding aan sosiale bystand toenemend groei as persentasie van totale owerheidsinkome. Terselfdertyd het die owerheid se vergoedingsrekening skerp toegeneem. Owerheidsinkome word ontleed om vas te stel in watter mate dit eenmalig struktureel verhoog kan word, en wat die verwagte groeitendens oor die volgende aantal jare sal wees. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sosialebystandbetalings en owerheidsvergoeding op 'n peil is waar verdere reële toenames onvolhoubaar en onbekostigbaar is, selfs al word belastings verhoog. Die bevinding is dat Suid-Afrika oor die lang termyn 'n fiskale afgrond in die gesig staar as die huidige neigings voortduur. Daar is nog tyd om hierdie afgrond te vermy, maar dan moet die regering die moed aan die dag lê om drastiese stappe in belang van die land, eerder as in belang van die regerende party te doen.<hr/>In the title of this paper the meaning of the words "fiscal cliff differs from the meaning attached to these words when used with regard to the fiscal situation in the United States of America (USA). In this paper these words imply the danger that the South African government might run out of income to cover growing government expenditure, while they are used in the USA to depict a ceiling on the borrowing capacity of the federal government. This paper compares the South African government's expenditure on social grants and civil service remuneration since 2008 with government revenue over the same period. Social grants have grown at a substantial rate since 2008, amounting to some R105 billion in the 2012/13 fiscal year. Social grants as percentage of total government revenue increased from 12,6 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 14,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis does not take into consideration the envisaged phasing-out of the means test for qualification for the old-age grant. Between 2008 and 2012 total employment in the civil service (central government and provincial governments) increased by 13,0 per cent. At the same time the total civil service remuneration bill increased by 76,1 per cent. Civil service remuneration as percentage of total government revenue increased from 31,7 per cent in the 2007/08 fiscal year to 42,2 per cent in the 2011/12 fiscal year. In 2008 social grants and civil service remuneration accounted for 44,3 per cent of total government revenue. This increased to 56,4 per cent at the end of the 2011/12 fiscal year. This analysis also shows that these two expenditure items will account for all government income by 2026, should current growth trends in these expenditure items continue, and assuming average nominal government revenue growth of 9,9 per cent (2012-2017), 9,7 per cent (2018-2030) and 8,6 per cent (2031-2050) per annum. In an attempt to avert this fiscal cliff in 2026, structural one-off increases in government revenue were considered. A one-off increase in revenue can amount to R47,4 billion, based in the main on: • the imposistion of two additional marginal personal income tax brackets (45 per cent on taxable income above R1 000 000 per annum and 50 per cent on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum, and on an assumption that these tax rates will not change the behaviour of these high-income earners); • an increase of one percentage point in VAT from 14 per cent to 15 per cent; • an increase of three percentage points to 31 per cent in the company tax rate; and • an increase of ten per cent in the fuel levy and excise duties. These increases in taxes will postpone the fiscal cliff from 2026 to 2028, but will not avert it. As a further drastic measure, a 72 per cent marginal tax rate (a level used in the early 1970s) on taxable income above R2 000 000 per annum (and on the same assumption as before) will simply divert the fiscal cliff by one additional year to 2029. The conclusion is that social grants and civil service remuneration have reached a level where further real increases are unsustainable, even if taxes are increased. South Africa faces a fiscal cliff that can only be avoided if the South African government is prepared to take drastic steps in the interest of the country, rather than in the interest of the ruling party.