Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120130003&lang=es vol. 53 num. 3 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>A Scripturally-orientated perspective on the history of Western intellectual thought: the origin and contours of and questions about the consistent problem-historical method</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In opvolging van 'n vorige artikel in hierdie tydskrif (vgl. Van der Walt 2013), waarin verskillende vroeëre en hedendaagse metodes van intellektuele en veral wysgerige historiografie bestudeer is, word in hierdie artikel gefokus op die ontstaan en kontoere van die konsekwent probleem-historiese metode van wyle prof. Dirk H.Th. Vollenhoven (1892-1978) van die Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam, Nederland asook die reaksies daarop. Wat, eerstens, die ontstaan van sy metode betref, blyk dat Vollenhoven dit oorgeneem het van twee Duitse laat-rasionalistiese filosowe van die Marburgse neo-Kantiaanse skool, naamlik N. Hartmann en R. Höningswald se "Problemge-schichtliche"-benadering. Hy het laasgenoemde egter volgens sy eie Christelike oortuigings aangepas, sodat sy weergawe van die 2500-jarige Westerse denkgeskiedenis ook anders daar uitgesien het. Tweedens, is die kontoere van dié metode aan die hand van vyf kriteria nagegaan. Dit bied 'n konsekwente toepassing van Vollenhoven se eie religieuse en filosofiese oriëntasie in die drie hoofvrae wat hy aan elke denker stel; dit is konsekwent histories in die indeling van die geskiedenis in drie hooftydperke; konsekwent filosofies in die onderskeiding van talle opeenvolgende sinkroniese normatiewe strominge; konsekwent probleemgerig in die tipering van basiese diakroniese ontiese, antropologiese en kenteoretiese probleme; reeds suksesvol toegepas en aangepas waar nodig. In 'n derde hoofafdeling word aangetoon dat al Vollenhoven se tydgenote en opvolgers egter nie met so 'n positiewe evaluering van die metode saamgestem het nie, omdat dit onder andere te gespesialiseerd en selektief, met die gebruikmaking van onnodige en ingewikkelde terminologie sou wees en omdat dit die klem tot so 'n mate op filosofiese konseptuele probleme laat val het dat die persoonlikhede self (wat daaraan geboorte gegee het) asook die hele Westerse kultuurgeskiedenis op die agtergrond verdwyn.<hr/>Following a previous article in this journal on various methods available to portray the history of scholarly thinking, especially philosophy (cf. Van der Walt 2013), this essay focuses on the consistent problem-historical method of the late professor Dirk H.Th. Vollenhoven (1892-1978) of the Free University in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In three main sections the method's origin, contours and the reactions it evoked are discussed. The first main part reveals that Vollenhoven derived his method from two German philosophers of the Marburg School of Neo-Kantian philosophy, viz. N. Hartmann (1882-1950) and R. Höningswald (1875-1947), who developed a "Problemgeschichtliche" historiography of philosophy, focussing on philosophical problems as they developed during the 2500 years of Western thinking. Hartmann and Höningswald, because of their late rationalist, neo-Aufklärung orientation, still believed in an objective, neutral approach in scholarship. They, therefore, rejected the upcoming irrationalist tendencies with relativist implications. Since Vollenhoven was a committed Christian, embracing the ideal of an integral, Scripturally-directed philosophy, he modified the problem-historical approach of Marburg, rejecting both its rational dogmatism and the opposing irrational relativism. The implications of his unique stance was, inter alia, that he did not view (as was the case with his contemporary German fellow-philosophers) the history of philosophy as a process of gradual progress, but instead from his Christian-religious orientation distinguished between pre-Christian (pagan) Greek philosophy, synthetic, Patristic and Medieval Christian philosophy and subsequent anti-synthetic, secular philosophy. In the second main section five criteria formulated at the end of the previous article in this journal) are applied to test the validity of Vollenhoven's methodology. Firstly, he developed his analysis of the history of Western intellectual thought consistently from his own, integral Christian-religious perspective. This was possible because, according to him, religion of whatever kind is not restricted to an earlier period in history, one's private life, church or theology. Religion is not something a person "has", but what he/she "is", it is characteristic of being human - life in its entirety is religion. This stance enabled Vollenhoven to use the Scriptures (not in a biblicistic way, but as orientation) to enquire firstly, about a philosopher's idea of God, secondly, his/her view about normativity or law and, thirdly, about the thinker's perspective on ontic, anthropological and epistemological issues. Secondly, Vollenhoven also worked in a consistent historical way, starting his investigations with ancient Greek philosophy, the cradle of Western thinking. His integral Christian approach enabled him to determine in the "passion of the Western mind" its relationship towards God's threefold revelation. Accordingly, he divided the entire history, as already stated, into three main epochs: (1) pre-Christian, pagan Greek, Hellenistic and Roman philosophy (unaware of God's Word), (2) synthetic philosophy amongst the Church Fathers and Medieval philosophers (combining pagan and Christian thought patterns) and (3) subsequently both anti-synthetic, secular thought (from the Renaissance) and anti-synthetic Christian thinking (starting with the 16th century Reformation). Vollenhoven's division into these four main periods thus included his implicit critique of the "progress" of Western philosophy. Vollenhoven's method also passed the test of a third criterion, viz. in being consistently philosophical in nature. He synchronically distinguished about sixty-six different consecutive normative currents, responsible for the dynamic, ever-changing nature of theoretical thought. Fourthly, his method is also consistently problem-directed. He discovered and distinguished a vast number of ontological types (viewpoints about the structure of cosmic reality), starting from a few fundamental ones, moving to detailed anthropological and epistemological differences amongst philosophers, thus providing a diachronic view of history. Also in this regard his presentation of the history of philosophy and other disciplines included his implicit critique on various philosophical problems and their solutions. The outcome of the last (fifth) test applied is also positive: Vollenhoven himself as well as his followers applied the method successfully with valuable results - not merely in philosophy, but also in the history of, for example, aesthetics, psychology, dogmatics, mathematics, etcetera. In the third main part of this exploration seven points of critique levelled against the method are considered. (In each case a possible response is included.) They are the following: (1) Vollenhoven himself did not provide an always clear and final exposition of his method. (2) The method is considered as too specialised and complicated to be used, especially in teaching the history of philosophy to students. (3) It is biased by its one-sided Christian perspective. (4) It is (too) selective in nature, ignoring the personal and cultural backgrounds of Western intellectuals; (5) It has a tendency towards schematism. (6) The wide-ranging terminology it employs is too complicated. (7) Philosophical concepts are allocated dominant roles, while individual philosophies, philosophers and other scholars disappear in the background. By way of a few metaphors the final conclusion highlights the enduring value of Vollenhoven's method. The author has already applied it himself in articles in this and other journals and considers it as a viable method amongst the present confusion in the historiography of philosophy and other subjects. Since humilitas was regarded by Augustine as the main requirement for genuine philosophising - including a philosophia Christiana - Vollenhoven's unique method similarly should, however, not be regarded as the last and final word about the very difficult issue of how to portray the history of something unfamiliar and strange, called "philosophy". <![CDATA[<b>Towards an integrated theory of core concepts in education</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die navorsingsprojek waaruit hierdie artikel gevloei het, het gewentel rondom 'n aantal kern-begrippe wat saamhang met onderwys en opvoeding, te wete opvoeding as sodanig, spiritualiteit, gehalte van lewe, menslike welsyn en geluk, sosiale kapitaal, sosiale geregtigheid, menseregte en moraliteit. Elkeen van hierdie konsepte word omlyn en konseptueel met mekaar verbind. Die ondersoek loop uit op 'n bespreking en diagram waarin aangetoon word hoedat al hierdie begrippe saam 'n komplekse konseptuele geheel vorm waarvan opvoeders kennis behoort te neem.<hr/>This paper investigates how education may be related to the needs of contemporary society as embodied in the connections and relationships between education on one hand, and spirituality/ religion, quality of life, wellbeing and happiness issues, social capital, social justice, human rights and morality on the other. These issues tend to be investigated as separate issues or phenomena, each with its own philosophical ramifications and structural intricacies, and each with certain connections and intersections with education. They are seldom connected with one another or with education in particular. Since the human being is intended to be an integral whole, education should also be a holistic undertaking that will shape and develop the less mature person into a fully integrated, mature person. Most definitions of education emphasise guiding the less mature person to responsible behaviour, and to accepting responsibility for actions taken and behaviour displayed. These definitions do not, however, seem to acknowledge the fact that education should also lead to moral integrity. They do not embrace the idea that education should not only lead to the wellbeing and happiness of less mature individuals, but also to healthy societal relationships. Neither do they seem to reflect the fact that education should contribute to enhancing the quality of life of everybody involved, as well as that of the broader society. To investigate this, we weighed the evidence and opinions on the subject of education-related concepts in question in terms of how the proverbial "person on the Clapham bus" would see things. Our thinking was preference-utilitarian in that we looked for what would satisfy the preferences of sentient people. Our reflections were guided by "reason-and-mind". We departed from a view of education in the broadest sense of the word (i.e. not restricted to teaching-learning, instruction only), with the emphasis on how education is pivotal in our individual and collective lives, and how it helps making sense of concepts such as spirituality, quality of life, human wellbeing, happiness, social capital, social justice, human rights and morality. Education manifests itself in so many forms and in so many locations that it can only be defined in general, generic terms. It is usually considered to be a process or action in which more mature individuals interact with less mature individuals for the purpose of guiding, forming, equipping and enabling the latter for their future occupations, and also assisting them to become mature and responsible members of the various societal relationships to which they will belong in future. Spirituality refers to a sincere respect for, appreciation of and adherence to a sacred dimension in the life-world of people. It is a lived passion; a state of being focused and energetically motivated; a condition characterised by a feeling of being totally captured. It is the conduit through which a transcendental, ultimate reality impacts on human beings, transforming them so that they increasingly tend to live their lives in service of these ultimate realities. It is the manner in which one more or less methodically relates beliefs and experiences of inspiration and/or transcendence, to the actual practice of life, by orientating oneself on sources of spirituality. The educator should embody the desired form of spirituality by being committed to and captured by some inspirational force or other that may be of a religious or a non-religious nature. By emulating the spiritual example set by the educator, educands may either acquire the same spirituality for their own journey as human beings, or reject the example set by the educator, in which case the educands (the individuals who are being educated) orientate their own selves towards a new spiritual principle. The "organic individual" (person with integrity) is one who has made a conscious ideological choice. The spirituality associated with, and flowing from, such an ideological choice helps them to transcend self-centredness. They do not serve the interests of the rich and powerful at the expense of the poor and weak, but will want to serve the interests of change for the better of all. Spirituality is a prerequisite for inspirational education since it connects at the deepest level with the most fundamental manner-of-being of being human. Without education no person can grow up to become a fully organic person imbued with a particular spiritual or ideological directedness and openness. The role of education is to inculcate the values and norms of social justice in a sense of fairness, and to the benefit of all. What people say about happiness and quality of life and the prerequisites for these, resonates with the fundamental tenets of education. It confirms the fully organic person's spiritual directedness and openness regarding social justice, fairness and peaceful coexistence which, in one way or another, is the outcome of education. It emphasises the modus vivendi approach to morality and social justice, as well as the notion of "liberal toleration". It is aimed at promoting peaceful coexistence in plural societies. Social capital can be understood as the benefits that accrue for individuals and groups from mutual trust, reciprocity, networking and collective action. The accumulation of social capital depends on cooperation between individuals as well as the relationships between them. It creates a bridge which spans differences. Education should contribute to the social capital of the communities it serves, because individuals should not only understand their position as an individual within a particular group, but should also have a notion of what to contribute to the group in terms of social capital. As human beings we are subjected to a moral compulsion to search for a better and more just world - a world that arguably is best attainable through education. The need for sincerity and honesty in human relationships, based on the principle of openness to mystery and respect, accentuates the intrinsic relationship between social justice, quality of life and spirituality as phenomena in our life worlds. To act ethically is to be considerate of the interests of others, without expecting reward or punishment, requiring no one but oneself to witness the act. Education is a pivotal activity that treats all these (and other related) phenomena as pedagogical aims, thereby reinforcing itself as a formative enterprise. <![CDATA[<b>Morality critique and tragic wisdom in the work of Reiner Schürmann</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Aan die einde van sy boek Des Hégémonies Brisées uit die jaar 1996 (Eng. vertaling Broken Hegemonies, 2003) kom Reiner Schürmann tot die slotsom dat "ethics and morals" uit die domein van die filosofie verban moet word. Vir Schürmann is dit nodig omdat etiek en moraal naïef bly glo in die norme wat hulle trag om neer te lê. Om meer presies te wees, hulle kom nooit in die reine met die integrerende geweld ("integrative violence") van die wet nie, hulle merk nie hoe die wet van nature (noodsaaklikerwys) berus op 'n ontkenning nie. Etiek en moraal veronderstel, as hulle moontlikheidsvoorwaarde, dat die mens se lewe in laaste instansie normeerbaar is, dat daar een of ander eenduidige wetlike sfeer bestaan wat, in beginsel, dekking of sekuriteit verleen aan die menslike bestaan. Maar, soos wat Schürmann in die loop van sy betoog aantoon, berus etiek en moraal ten diepste op 'n ontkenning van die tragiese kondisie van ons menslike bestaan. Geen etiese of morele sisteem kan dit hanteer nie. Anders gestel: elke etiese stelsel sal, juis as artikulasie van 'n normatiewe orde, die onvermydelikheid van die tragiese dilemma "double bind" ontken deur die een of ander eenduidige domein van regsgeldigheid te poneer. Etiek en moraal glo in die beloftes van die wet, sy fantasmatiese (hersenskimmige) aanspraak dat dit die mens in staat stel om heer en meester te wees van sy situasie. 'n Leitmotiv in die werk van Schürmann is om insig te kry in die moontlikheidsvoorwaardes van die kwaad. Eenduidige wette en morele voorskrifte is, soos reeds genoem, volgens Schürmann gefundeer in 'n ontkenning van die tragiese. Wat hy dan verder byvoeg, is dat hierdie ontkenning juis een van die moontlikheidsvoorwaardes van die kwaad is. Wat Schürmann hier beweer, is iets paradoksaal gesien vanuit die oogpunt van die "natuurlike metafisikus in onsself', naamlik dat die stel van 'n wet as sodanig gereken moet word onder die moontlikheidsvoorwaardes van die kwaad. Om 'n wet of norm neer te lê maak die lewe leefbaar, maar dit skep tegelykertyd ook die voorwaarde vir die kwaad. Nogtans bring dit nie noodwendig die kwaad tot stand nie, en ewemin maak dit die wet sonder meer tot iets kwaad. Weliswaar suggereer dit dat die wet wesentlik feilbaar is, en dat geen gemeenskap wat daarop gegrond is ooit 'n volkome gemeenskap kan wees nie. Soos Hannah Arendt betoog ook Schürmann dat dit nie die afwesigheid van of verlies aan waardes is wat die voorwaardes vir die kwaad skep, soos die moraliste ons keer op keer wil wysmaak nie, maar juis die stortvloed van waardes ("barrage of values"). Waardes, norme, en beginsels bied hulleself aan as die kuur wat die kwaad sal genees, maar vir Schürmann en Arendt verleng hulle juis die siekte wat hulle veronderstel is om te genees. Dit is hierdie insig in die wesentlike feilbaarheid van die wet (en die beloftes van lewe en sekuriteit wat dit aan ons voorhou) waartoe Schürmann ons oproep, eerder as oproepe om norme en waardes. Wat nodig is, is nie etiek en moraal nie, maar om jou oë oop te hou en die tragiese waarheid te erken dat wette en morele voorskrifte hulleself slegs kan handhaaf deur die ontkenning - waar nodig selfs deur die uiterste geweld - van alles wat die wet (en die gemeenskaplike waardestelsels) nie bereid is om te erken nie, naamlik singularisering, sterflikheid, en die nie-normaliseerbare gegewens van ons menslike bestaan.<hr/>Towards the end of his book Des Hégémonies Brisées which appeared in 1996 (Eng. translation Broken Hegemonies 2003), Reiner Schürmann came to the conclusion that ethics and morals do not belong to (and should be banned from) philosophy. For Schürmann this is because ethics and morals remain naive about the norms they seek to posit. To be exact, they never come to grips with the integrative violence of law, they do not see how law necessarily entails a denial within its very structure. Ethics and morals presuppose, as the conditions of their possibility, that human life is finally normable, that some univocal field of law, in principle, covers and secures human life. But ethics and morals run aground on the tragic double bind. No ethical or moral system can handle an ultimate double bind. Put differently, every ethical system, precisely as an articulation of a normative order, will deny the ultimacy of the tragic double bind by positing some univocal domain of law. Ethics and morals believe the promise of law, its fantasmatic claim to provide human beings with the wherewithal to master the human condition. A leitmotiv in the work of Schürmann, which he explicitly identifies as the guiding ambition of Broken Hegemonies, is to learn to comprehend the conditions of evil. Univocal law, Schürmann argues, is founded in tragic denial. What he then adds is that evil has (at least one of) its conditions in this denial. What Schürmann proposes, then, is something of a paradox from the standpoint of the "natural metaphysician in us", namely that among the conditions of evil, one has to name the act of positing law or moral prescriptions. Laying down law makes life liveable, but it also conditions evil. The conditions of life and the conditions of evil, therefore, must finally be "identical" - that is, inextricably joined - within law. Yet this neither makes evil necessary nor the law evil. Instead, it suggests the essential fallibility of law, that no common domain can really be common, that no community can ever constitute a perfect communion. Schürmann will echo Hannah Arendt's concerns, noting that it is not the absence or loss of values that creates the conditions of evil, as the moralist in every age will simply assume, but precisely the "barrage of values". Values, norms and principles present themselves as the cure for evil, but for Schürmann and Arendt they keep alive the very disease they intend to cure. It is this recognition of the essential fallibility of the law (and its promises of life and security) that Schürmann would like to impress upon us, rather than incantations for norms and values. What is necessary is not ethics and morals, but keeping one's eyes open and recognizing the tragic truth that laws and morals maintain themselves at the cost of obliterating - if necessary, through extreme violence - the counter-law of singularization, mortality, the non-normalizeable. <![CDATA[<b>Foucault and the question concerning enlightenment</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die werk van Michel Foucault is 'n feitlik onuitputbare bron van insig omtrent die wyse waarop 'n mens met die geskiedenis in verhouding staan. Hy stel jou onder andere in staat om in te sien dat dit wat allerweë as noodsaaklik beskou word, eintlik maar die uitkoms is van kontingente (met ander woorde, histories-besondere, nie-noodwendige; die teenoorgestelde van "noodwendige") ontwikkelinge - 'n insig wat verreikende implikasies het vir 'n kritiek van huidige sosiale praktyke. Daarby leer 'n mens by hom wat die verskil is tussen "verligting" in die Kantiaanse sin, en "verligting" in die sin van 'n filosofie van die huidige, wat reg laat geskied, nie alleen aan die (Kantiaanse) universele nie, maar ook aan die kontingente en partikuliere (of besondere). Teen hierdie agtergrond word gevra wat die kontingente praktyke is wat vandag onkrities as "noodsaaklik" beskou word, en wat volgens Foucault se begrip van "verligting" geproblematiseer moet word. Beide sy genealogie van panoptiese dissiplinêre strategieë en van bio-mag word bespreek voordat die relevansie van sy ondersoek na antieke, outonomie-bevorderende praktyke van "die sorg vir die self' vir die moontlikheid van hedendaagse verligting aan die orde kom. By wyse van afsluiting word die belangrikheid van Jacques Ranciére se werk oor demokrasie vir die tema van verligting kortliks bespreek.<hr/>The work of the French thinker, Michel Foucault, is an inexhaustible source of insight regarding the way in which one enters into a relationship with history - something that is not self-evident, but requires careful consideration of the contingent factors which have contributed to the present state of affairs. Such a consideration also opens the way for a critique of current social practices, which may otherwise seem self-justifying and necessary. With this in mind, the present article addresses the theme of "enlightenment" in the work of Foucault, with a view to articulating what such "enlightenment" would amount to in contemporary society. One soon learns from Foucault's own writings on enlightenment that there is a fundamental difference between "enlightenment" in the Kantian sense of the 18th-century "present" - that is, ofhumanity coming of age in what became known as the historical Enlightenment, on the one hand, and "enlightenment" in the sense of a philosophy of the (contemporary) present, which would do justice to both the (Kantian) universal as well as what is contingent and particular, on the other. More specifically, Foucault contends that Kant's emphasis on the universal should be amplified by Baudelaire's characterization of the modern in terms of a tension between being and becoming (or the universal and the particular), in this way finding the "eternal" (or enduringly valuable) in the fleeting, historically contingent moment. For Baudelaire, this would amount to a kind of self-invention. For Foucault, such self-invention would enable one to turn Kant's critique into one that is pertinent for the present time, namely to ask what there is, in what we have been led to accept as being necessary and universal, which we no longer are, or want to be, thus practising a kind of transgressive enlightenment. The question, what specific contingent practices ofthe present would have to be transgressed, and how this could be done, may be answered by first turning to Foucault's genealogies, Discipline and punish and The history of sexuality (Vol. 1), which afford one a scrutiny of contemporary practices that reduce human beings to disciplined, docile bodies, on the one hand, and exercise control through "bio-power" over individuals and populations, on the other. In the former book, Foucault distinguishes three chief disciplinary mechanisms, all of which contribute to shaping individuals into economically productive, but politically impotent, entities. These are "hierarchical observation", "normalizing judgment" and the "examination" (in which the first two are combined). Together, they are said to comprise the mainstay of a "panoptical" society which takes its name from Bentham's 19th-century idea of an optimal-surveillance prison, or "Panopticon ", which Foucault demonstrates to have become pervasive in contemporary society through the micro-operation of the mechanisms referred to. In short: today's societies are pervasively carceral, where the body is no longer the prison of the soul or mind, but vice versa. In the first volume of The history of sexuality Foucault argues that the bio-power characteristically wielded by modern states over populations is founded on the twin principles of what he calls the "anatomo-politics of the human body" and the "bio-politics of the population", where the latter denotes the control of the "social body" (or corpus) in its entirety, on the one hand, and of the "species-body", according to which the many biological functions of the human body are scrutinized, on the other. These include the circumstances which determine the differences regarding reproduction, births and deaths, health levels, longevity and life-expectancy. The "anatomo-politics of the body", in its turn, concerns disciplinary power over the body-as-machine, which entails the optimalization of somatic potential for purposes of utility, correlative to the docility which guarantees economic efficacy. Clearly, bio-power and discipline converge here. Turning to the manner in which these contemporary practices may be transgressed in the name of an enlightenment for the present, one of the clearest indications by Foucault is encountered in the The care of the self, the third volume in his history of sexuality, where, focussing on the ethical practices on the part ofindividuals during the Hellenistic era ofancient Rome, he articulates the requirements for what was known as epimeleia heautou, or the care of the self. Far from resembling contemporary narcissism as embodied in Reiki or reflexology for the idle rich, the "care of the self"among the Romans entailed, as Foucault shows through his interpretive analysis of relevant texts, a decidedly difficult set ofpractices aimed at gaining mastery over one's soul, whatever the circumstances which may threaten to overwhelm one. The ultimate goal appears to have been ethical autonomy, although it should be added that such autonomy - which nevertheless contrasts sharply with the heteronomy of contemporary subjects of discipline and bio-power - is never "complete", but at best "relative" autonomy, considering every individual's insertedness in social and linguistic structures that antedate and surpass him- or herself. In this work, it is argued here, Foucault has provided one with a worthy example of what enlightenment would entail in terms of autonomy. But importantly this would require that, as the Hellenistic Romans did, one would have to "problematize " existing disciplinary mechanismsfirst. The paper also draws from Hardt and Negri's reflections on what they call the revolutionary "minor Kant", and from the work of Jacques Ranciére as an instance of taking Foucault's work on enlightenment further, in the direction of a resuscitation of what "democracy" implies, specifically in terms of a radical notion of "equality" and "dissensus", both ofwhich periodically disrupt the hierarchically structured domain ofwhat Ranciére calls (punning on the ancient Greek concept of "polis") the "police". In the final analysis the paper is an attempt to foreground the radical potential of Foucault's work for an enlightened practice of autonomy. <![CDATA[<b>Palaeontology and South African society today</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die huidige oënskynlike ondersteuning van paleontologie deur die regering en die insluiting en beklemtoning van evolusie in die skoolleerplan word bespreek in die lig van sekere politieke ontwikkelings wat oor die laaste twee dekades in Suid-Afrika plaasgevind het. Dit sluit die regering se ondersteuning van paleontologiese ontdekkings in die media, die ontwikkeling van fossielterreine en paleotoerisme in. Ondanks hierdie positiewe inisiatiewe gedy paleontologie nie in Suid-Afrika nie en is daar in werklikheid baie minder werksgeleenthede vir paleontoloë en minder staats-ondersteuning vir paleontologiese navorsing vandag as 20 jaar gelede. Dit blyk dat evolusie in die skoolkurrikulum deur die regering as sosiaal rekonstruktiwistiese meganisme gebruik word in 'n poging om rassisme te beveg en dat paleontologie deur die regering as reklamemiddel gebruik word om internasionale betrekkinge te bevorder. Daar is egter geen noemenswaardige finansiële ondersteuning van die staat vir paleontologiese navorsing tans soos die geval was ten tyde van die vorige bestel nie. Dit het gelei tot die afname en bevriesing van poste vir paleontoloë. Paleon-toloë kon nog altyd slegs by staatsinstellings soos museums en universiteite en by semi-staats-instellings soos die Raad vir Geowetenskappe werk kry. Sonder die nodige finansiële ondersteuning van die staat sal paleontologie in Suid-Afrika 'n stadige dood sterf. Die huidige regering poog om sy sosiaal-rekonstruktiwistiese filosofie te regverdig deur dit teenoor die vorige regering se beleid te stel. In die proses word allerlei onwaarhede verkondig en die uitnemende paleontologiese navorsing wat aan verskeie funksionele paleontologiese instansies tydens die vorige bestel gedoen is, word verswyg.<hr/>Over the past two decades the South African government has paid a lot of attention to palaeontology. Government enthusiastically promoted the fossil heritage and fossil sites in the Kromdraai Conservancy in the Krugersdorp District. The thirteen most important palaeontological sites were included and inscribed as the Cradle of Humankind World Heritage Site (COHWHS) by UNESCO. Government has allocated millions of Rands to the development of tourism facilities in and around the COHWHS and at Makopane's Valley near Polokwane. These developments include the upgrading of the facilities at the Sterkfontein Caves and the erection of the Maropeng Visitor's Centre, both of which focus on the popularisation of palaeoanthropology and palaeotourism in the region. Evolution, with a heavy emphasis on human evolution, has been included in the school curriculum. Palaeontology also enjoyed special attention from President Thabo Mbeki. His positive attitude towards palaeontology is reflected in his writing of the introduction to The Official Guide to the Cradle of Humankind. He was also the first statesman in the world to announce the discovery of an important fossil. President Mbeki opened the Maropeng Visitor's Centre and in his speech he stated that the study and promotion of palaeoanthropology gives South Africans the opportunity to contribute to a world that will be free of racism, hatred, conflict and wars, and help to create a world based on mutual respect, dignity and human solidarity. The common origin of humankind became the rallying point for his African Renaissance philosophy. The reasons for the emphasis of palaeontology and evolution in the school curriculum become clear if viewed in the light ofthe political and scientific developments over the past two decades in South Africa. In the Curriculum Statement 2005 it is stated that the school curricula had to be revised to reflect the new values and principles of the country. Schools are used as a social reconstructivist tool to instil these new values and principles in order to change society. It is hoped that the exposure to evolution and especially the common origin of humankind will serve this purpose. While all of this appears to be positive for the survival of palaeontology in the country, the opposite is, in fact, true. Palaeontology does not thrive in this seemingly positive environment in South Africa today if compared to the previous century as can be seen in the decline of job opportunities for palaeontologists and the lack of state funded palaeontological research. There is virtually no financial support from government for palaeontology in South Africa at present. This unfortunate state ofaffairs has gradually worsened over the past two decades. Palaeontological posts were frozen at museums andparastatals such as the Council for Geoscience as people retired or resigned. At this stage, fewer than 20 palaeontologists hold full-time positions as palaeontologists at museums. The Section Palaeontology of the Council for Geoscience, which was the largest employer of palaeontologists, was closed down ten years ago. Fossil sites and fossil collections are falling into a state of neglect due to the shortage of money and personnel. In an attempt to promote the current socio-political model, in which the common ancestry of humankind is used as a rallying cry, the previous government has to be vilified. Certain politicians and their supporters make blatantly untruthful statements about the previous government's purported unwillingness to support palaeontology and the teaching of evolution. Ironically, the previous government did more for the funding and support of palaeontology than the present one and evolution was vividly depicted in the displays in all the state funded provincial natural history museums. Most of these displays have changed little over the past decades, regardless of the change of government and still serve to teach children about palaeontology and evolution. <![CDATA[<b>The positive accommodation of cultural diversity in Canadian education: An object lesson for South Africa?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Kanada is nie net een van die lande met die grootste kulturele diversiteit in die wêreld nie, maar word ook wyd erken as 'n rolmodel vir die hantering van kulturele diversiteit en 'n voorbeeld van morele integriteit wat betref die handhawing van menseregte in dié verband. In hierdie artikel word gepoog om 'n ontleding te maak van Kanada se benadering tot kulturele diversiteit in die onderwys, gevolg deur die projektering van die resultate daarvan op die Suid-Afrikaanse doek. Kanada se kulturele diversiteit val uiteen in drie dimensies: die oorspronklike/inheemse kulture teenoor latere besetters; die Engels-Franssprekende verdeling in die grootste demografiese blok van Europese afstammelinge; en die onlangse aankomelinge vanuit die nie-Westerse wêreld. Dié artikel beskryf en evalueer die onderwyskundige hantering van elkeen van die dimensies van kulturele diversiteit in Kanada, en spel die relevansie daarvan vir Suid-Afrika uit.<hr/>Events in the modern world regularly remind the observer that a universal formula for the peaceful coexistence of diverse cultures has not yet been found. Approaches to intercultural coexistence have an unmistakeable educational dimension. In South Africa the accommodation of cultural diversity in education is also the subject of major controversy, as is evident from, for example, the policy on religion in education and the never-ending series of court cases about Afrikaansmedium schools. A widely accepted approach used in reforming and improving education systems is that of international-comparative perspectives, i.e. learningfrom the experience of other countries and other education systems. Canada is not only one of the culturally most diverse countries in the world, but is also widely hailed as a model for the accommodaton of cultural diversity and an occupant of the moral high ground in respect of human rights in this regard. In this article Canada's approach to cultural diversity in education is analysed, and the results of that exercise are then projected onto the South African screen. The evaluative theoretical framework employed is that ofthe United Nations Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights (1948) and the UNESCO Convention ofthe Rights ofthe Child (1989). Canada's demographic diversity consists of three dimensions. The first being that ofpeople belonging to the First Nations (i.e. the original population) versus later arrivals. The second dimension is the Anglophone-Francophone faultline running through the Caucasion majority of the population (people of European descent). Thirdly there are the recent immigrants from the non-Western world. On the Francophone-Anglophone issue, the Canadian constitution rules that citizens have the right to education through the medium of any of these two official languages, on the condition that there is sufficient demand for education in that language in the geographic catchment area of a school. According to statistics, both the French and English languages succeed in maintaining their position throughout Canada, not only in provinces where they are the majority language, but also in provinces where they are the minority language. Neither of these languages is losing ground as a second language in schools. Schooling was made compulsory for children of the First Nations peoples in 1911, when the notorious Residential Schools were established where these children were educated with the aim to assimilate them deliberately into Western culture and alienate them from their own culture. The last of these schools closed in 1996. In the 1970s the assimilation policy was replaced by a policy ofmulticulturalism. First Nations peoples were henceforth free to send their children to mainstream schools, or to schools managed by the National Indian Brotherhood. Nonetheless, the report ofthe Haldane Commission of Investigation into the education of the children of First Nations peoples (2012) reports persistent discrimination experienced by the children of First Nations peoples, and also a higher school drop-out rate among such children. In respect ofthe accommodation ofthe cultures ofthe recent immigrants in Canada, the country can be commended for creating space for the languages of said immigrants. They are used not only as languages of learning and teaching, but are also taught as foreign languages in schools, where Anglophone or Francophone children can also study them as foreign languages. However, the same cannot be said for religion - Canada has followed the road ofthe rest ofthe developed world in trying to create an artificial separation of religion and education, a policy which can be criticised on many grounds. The academic progress ofthe children of at least some groups among the recent immigrants is also not on a par with that ofthe children from more settled communities. In this article it is argued that the position of Afrikaans in South Africa may be compared to that of French in Canada; the position of indigenous African languages in South African education to that ofthe situation ofthe First Nations peoples in Canadian education, and the position ofthe recent stream of immigrants into Canada with that of their counterparts in South Africa. The conclusion is drawn that Canada's handling ofthe Francophone-Anglophone diversity does indeed offer an object lesson for South Africa's handling of Afrikaans in education. The same cannot be said of Canada's provision of education to First Nations children; hoewever, even from these policies valuable experience can be gained that might have relevance for South African education. The Canadian experience and policies on the educational issues surrounding the handling of the recent immigrants, their commendable accommodation of linguistic diversity, as well as their illconceived policy in respect of religion in education, as well as the unequal progress and achievement of these children compared to the children of Caucasian parents, might contain valuable lessons for South Africa. <![CDATA[<b>Language choices and opinions of Afrikaans-speaking students at Unisa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die literatuur oor taalkeuses in veeltalige kontekste wys dat politieke, sosiale en individuele faktore taalkeuses beïnvloed. Dit sluit in: die simboliese waarde van die gebruik van tale anders as Engels, magsverhoudinge, taalideologieë, en plaaslike asook sosiaal-sielkundige faktore. In Suid-Afrika tref ons 'n neiging tot die oorheersing van Engels onder die skyn van veeltaligheid aan. By die Universiteit van Suid-Afrika (Unisa) neem die omvang van onderrig wat slegs in Engels geskied al hoe meer toe en verloor Afrikaans sy voorheen gelyke posisie met Engels. Daarom het die skrywers die taalkeuses en -opinies van Afrikaanssprekende studente aan Unisa empiries ondersoek deur middel van 'n vraelysopname. 'n Totaal van 2 749 studente het in November 2011 'n internetvraelys voltooi. In hierdie artikel berig die skrywers oor 'n seleksie van die inligting wat versamel is. Uit hierdie steekproef het 1 393 studente (50,7%) in Afrikaans gestudeer en 1 314 (47,8%) in Engels. Beduidende verskille is uitgewys tussen die twee groepe op grond van onder andere geslag, ouderdom en kollege. Hoewel studente oor die algemeen trots was op Afrikaans, was dié wat in Afrikaans gestudeer het, beduidend meer trots op hulle taal en baie positief oor die uitkoms van hulle keuse. Studente wat in Engels gestudeer het, het die beskikbaarheid van handboeke en die nut van kennis van Engelse terminologie as redes vir hulle keuse uitgewys. Enkele aanbevelings word gemaak oor hoe Afrikaans as onderrigtaal op tersiêre vlak bevorder kan word.<hr/>Literature dealing with language choice in multilingual contexts shows the influence of political, social and individual factors. The global status of English influences the way speakers of other languages act in relation to their own languages. Although English is still extremely important globally, the emergence of multilingualism is a feature of postmodernity. According to the British Council s report English Next (Graddol 2006), the global role of English has changed. Language ideologies, local circumstances, power relationships and the persona speakers of other languages project in relation to their own language choices form part of the dynamics of the interplay of languages in peoples' lives. English is on the ascendancy in South Africa in the midst of a pretence to multilingualism. This is also the position at the University of South Africa (Unisa), the biggest university in South Africa. Afrikaans previously enjoyed parity with English as languages of instruction at this institution. However, in recent years more and more modules have been offered only in English. Against this background, the authors undertook an empirical investigation into the language choices and opinions of Afrikaans-speaking students at Unisa. The population that was investigated in 2011 consisted of approximately 32 000 students who had Afrikaans as one of their home languages or who took at least one module in the medium of Afrikaans. A total of 2 749 of these students completed and submitted an online survey. This article comprises a discussion of a selection of the information gleaned from the study. The sample was divided, among others, between students who took modules in Afrikaans (1393, or 50,7% of the respondents) and students who preferred tuition in English (1 314, or 47,8% of the respondents). Questions were posed to gather biographical data and information about the opinions of the respondents. Significant differences were, inter alia, found between the two groups with regard to sex, age and the respective colleges where they studied. Students in the Colleges of Education, Law, and Economic and Management Sciences were more likely to prefer tuition in Afrikaans. Women were more likely to choose Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. With regard to age cohorts, younger and older groups were more likely to choose Afrikaans; groups between 26 and 55 years of age were more likely to choose English. The reasons why younger students (in terms of age and registering for a first degree) were more inclined to enrol for courses in their home language of Afrikaans may be ascribed to the influence of their schools and social networks. The reason why relatively more men chose tuition in English may be ascribed to their greater need to reflect a cosmopolitan persona in the work place. Although the sample as a whole was generally proud of Afrikaans, students who studied in Afrikaans were significantly more proud of their language. Students who chose Afrikaans as a medium of tuition were also highly satisfied with the outcome of their choice. Students who chose English as a medium of tuition indicated the availability of textbooks and the usefulness of terminological knowledge as the most important reasons for their choice. The authors conclude this article by advocating the development of intellectual resources such as textbooks and online platforms in Afrikaans and encourage the government of South Africa to make money available for the development of all the indigenous languages of the country. Multilingualism should be more than an empty gesture. <![CDATA[<b>Enhancing the vocabulary of isiXhosa mother tongue speakers in grade 4 to 6 in Afrikaans schools</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die uitslae van die Jaarlikse Nasionale Assesseringstoeste toon dat slegs 28% van alle leerders in Suid-Afrika op ' n aanvaarbare internasionale vlak presteer het. Die probleem word verder vererger deurdat Xhosasprekende ouers hul demokratiese reg om hul kinders by Engelse skole in te skryf, uitoefen. Die doel van hierdie studie was om 'n geletterdheidsintervensieprogram te ontwikkel wat 'n verbetering kan bring in die woordeskat en leesbegrip van Xhosa-moedertaalsprekers in graad 4 tot 6-Afrikaansmediumklasse. Tweedens wou die studie vasstel of die implementering van die geletterdheidsintervensieprogram wel 'n verbetering in die genoemde Xhosa-moedertaalsprekers se woordeskat en leesbegrip tot gevolg gehad het. Die navorsingsmetode wat gevolg is, was 'n literatuurondersoek gerugsteun deur 'n empiriese ondersoek wat voor- en na-toetse met leerders asook onderhoude met opvoeders ingesluit het. Die teoretiese begronding van die studie het berus op Piaget se teorie van kognitiewe ontwikkeling sowel as Vygotsky se sosiaal-konstruktivistiese taalverwerwingsteorie. Die studie het die kommunikatiewe benadering, gedeelde lees-benadering en die skema-teorie tot tweedetaalverwerwing ondersoek. Die resultate van die ondersoek dui aan dat die implementering van die geletterdheidsintervensieprogram kan lei tot 'n verbetering in die Xhosa-moedertaalsprekers wat by hierdie studie betrek is, se woordeskat en leesbegrip.<hr/>Results of the Annual National Assessment tests indicate that only 28% of all learners in South Africa performed at an internationallly acceptable level. The situation is compounded by Xhosa parents exercising their democratic right by enrolling their children in English or Afrikaans medium schools. The purpose of this study was to develop a literacy intervention programme to improve the vocabulary and reading comprehension of isiXhosa mother tongue speakers in grade 4 to 6 Afrikaans classes. Secondly, the study aimed to determine whether the implementation of the literacy intervention programme will lead to the improvement of the vocabulary and reading comprehension of isiXhosa learners. The research methods employed were a literature review supported by an empirical investigation that included pre- and post-tests with learners and interviews with educators. A mixed method research design was used. The theoretical basis of the study is Piaget's theory of cognitive development as well as Vygotsky's social interactive language acquisition theory. Three theories of second language acquisition were explored. They are the communicative approach, shared reading and the schema-theory. Research has been conducted at a previously disenfranchised primary school in Stellenbosch. Twenty isiXhosa mother tongue speakers in grades 4 to 6 Afrikaans classes at this school took part in the study. Second language acquisition is multifaceted and draws from a number of disciplines (Eisenchlas 2009). Large numbers of learners from lower-income homes experience delays in vocabulary and reading comprehension (Pollard-Durodola, Gonzalez, Simmons, Kwok, Taylor & Davis 2011). Emotional experiences in the classroom determine how motivated learners will be to participate in the learning process. It is therefore essential that educators assist learners to develop self confidence (Linnenbrink & Pintrich 2000). The intervention program was conducted once a week for six months during the Afrikaans period. Skills prescribed in the home language curriculum were included in the intervention program. They are (i) listening and speaking and (ii) reading and viewing. The results of the study indicate that the implementation of the literacy intervention programme led to the improvement of the learners' vocabulary and reading comprehension. The interviews verified the results of the standardised tests. The study concludes that some isiXhosa speaking parents choose to enroll their children at Afrikaans medium schools, because they are of the opninion that higher standards exist in these schools. They are, however, unaware of the important role that mother tongue education plays in learner achievement. Secondly, teacher training does not equip educators with the skills of language acquisition, thus they are unable to support these learners (O'Connor & Geiger; Hooijer & Fourie 2009). The study therefore recommends that educators be equipped with skills and knowledge to deal with language diversity. A second recommendation is that the value of mother tongue education be communicated to isiXhosa speaking parents in order to convince them of the value thereof. <![CDATA[<b>"It's a time bomb... the ship will sink": Emotional well-being of High School educators in the Helderberg area of the Western Cape</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Navorsing oor die onderwys toon wêreldwyd dat opvoeders se werksomgewing sowel as eksterne eise, byvoorbeeld ouers se verwagtinge en sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings, opvoeders voortdurend onder druk plaas. Ekstensiewe blootstelling aan hierdie eise kan lei tot 'n negatiewe effek op hul eie persoonlike welstand sowel as die welstand van die skool as organisasie. Herhaalde blootstelling aan stres kan uiteindelik tot emosionele siektes soos uitbranding en depressie onder opvoeders lei. Alhoewel heelwat studies reeds onderneem is om meer lig te werp op wat aanleiding gee tot die belewing van stres en emosionele siektes in die onderwysomgewing, poog min van hulle om die opvoeders se begrip en belewing van stressors in hulle werkskonteks na te vors. Hierdie artikel doen verslag oor ses opvoeders se persoonlike konstruksies van hul emosionele welsyn. Die konteks was die Helderberg-area in die Wes-Kaap wat deur agt hoërskole bedien word. Die opvoeders was werksaam in twee voormalige model-C-hoërskole, en twee voormalige model-D-hoërskole (histories bruin skole). Die bevindinge toon dat die opvoeders emosioneel broos is en spesifieke gedragspatrone toon. Hulle rapporteer 'n afname in produktiwiteit en werksetiek, reaksionêre of gewelddadige gedrag, die blamering van ander en paranoïede-tipe gedrag wat met hul oorwegend negatiewe emosies geassosieer word.<hr/>International research on education shows that educators are continuously undergoing extreme pressure in their work environments. The experience of this pressure combined with external demands (stressors), such as parental expectations and socio-economic challenges, pose a direct threat to their holistic wellness as well as that of the school as organisation. Continuous exposure to extensive demands can eventually lead to emotional illnesses such as burnout and depression. Emotional wellbeing encompasses mental health, emotional intelligence, development of relationships as well as the social development of people, and is an important dimension of an individual's wellness. Concern about educators' wellness, and more specifically their emotional wellbeing, stems from the fact that teachers are the providers and facilitators of wellness to school children. Thus, when educators' wellness is at risk it also threatens the wellness of the learners and the school as an organisation. A variety of national and international studies have shed light on the causes of stress and emotional illness amongst educators. Pertinent stressors identified for South African education include curriculum changes, the implementation of new education policies, multicultural and multilingual classes, overcrowded classes and poor collaboration between educators and management. Few studies have reported on educators' understanding and experience of these stressors. This article outlines six educators' personal constructions of their emotional wellbeing. The context for the study is the Helderberg area of the Western Cape, and the participants were drawn from four of the eight high schools in the area, two of which historically were former model C-schools and two were model D-schools. The research process was directed by the qualitative, interpretative paradigm, and data were generated through individual semi-structured interviews, reflective diaries and observations. Thefindings confirm that the teachers are emotionally vulnerable and that their emotional wellbeing is at risk. Though clinical diagnoses did not fall within the scope of the study, specific emotions described by the participants can nevertheless be tied to emotional illnesses such as major depression and burnout. The participants exhibited certain behavioural patterns such as a decrease in productivity and work ethics, reactionary or violent behaviour, blaming of others, and paranoid-type behaviour which are associated with overwhelmingly negative emotions. The participants are of the opinion that educators' levels of emotional wellbeing may be directly related to their specific work contexts. The two dimensions of wellness influenced by the participants' low levels of emotional wellbeing are the physical and social dimensions. They attributed the neglect of their physical wellbeing to the limited time that educators have to live healthy lives and to plan and follow healthy diets. Their lack of physical exercise and unbalanced diets were contributing to chronic illnesses such as diarrhoea, that some of them periodically suffer from. These educators furthermore reported the negative impact that their low emotional state has on their family life. From the data it would seem that the frustration that educators are experiencing in the work place finds its way into the private family space. Even those who did not offload their frustations at home, reported that their relationships with their spouses, families and friends had become strained. The participants all attributed their low levels of social wellbeing and relationship problems with family and friends to their unhappiness in the work place. The findings underline the importance of healthy work conditions that could promote educators' emotional wellbeing and benefit educational outcomes. <![CDATA[<b>The context of the Royal Music School and the Royal Academy of Music in Munich and their South African born students, 1874-99</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die uitgangspunt vir hierdie artikel is die konsep plek. Daar is eerstens gepoog om vas te stel watter Suid-Afrikaanse studente in die 25 jaar tussen 1874 en 1899 aan die Königliche Musikschule (1874) en sy opvolger, die Königliche Akademie der Tonkunst (1892), in München studeer het. Tweedens was dit die doelwit om die studente binne die konteks van die ontwikkeling van die instansies te plaas. Aan watter invloede is die studente blootgestel deur die kontak met interessante medestudente van oor die hele wêreld en die groot verskeidenheid fassinerende dosente? Die belangrikste bronne is die jaarboeke wat elke jaar vanaf 1875 verskyn het (die eerste een oor die akademiese jaar 1874/1875) en beskikbaar is in die Beierse Staatsbiblioteek en die argief van die Hochschule für Musik und Theater in München. Die Musiekskool en die Toonkuns-akademie kan as konserwatief gereken word: Damestudente en manstudente moes aparte ingange en trappe gebruik, en die beroemde komposisie-onderwyser Rheinberger was byvoorbeeld 40 jaar lank 'n dosent. Die volgende vyf persone word bespreek: Hugo Lentz (gebore in Keiskammahoek, studeer toneelspel, 1881-2), Florence Fraser (Philippolis, klavier, 1886-7), Violet Whiteford (Fort Beaufort, sang, 1893-4), Jeannie Muller (Graaff-Reinet, sang, 1895-6) en Johanna Singenberger ("St. Francis", viool en klavier, 1896-8). Navorsing oor die latere lewens van hierdie persone is nou nodig sodat vasgestel kan word hoe hulle die omvangryke indrukke en ervaring wat hulle in die "plek" München versamel het aan hulle gemeenskappe oorgedra het.<hr/>In a previous Afrikaans article, "Die konteks van die Koninklike Toonkuns-akademie in München en sy Suid-Afrikaans gebore studente, 1902-1909: Mabel Wuesto, Vera de Villiers, Daisy Bosman en Irma Lohner" (translated: "The context of the Royal Academy of Music in Munich and its South African born students, 1902-1909: Mabel Wuesto, Vera de Villiers, Daisy Bosman and Irma Lohner"), an inquiry was undertaken into the possibility of the presence of South African born music students at the Royal Academy of Music in Munich, a very prominent city of music. The article covered the period 1902-1909. The point of departure for this article was the concept place. Keywords related to this concept are context, milieu, landscape, city scape and space. A possible "thick description" was attempted in order to place the four students within the context in which they operated in Munich. The first aim of the present article, an extension of the first article, was to determine whether there were any South African born students who studied at the Königliche Musikschule (1874) and its successor, the Königliche Akademie der Tonkunst (1892), during the 25 years between 1874 and 1899, that is the period preceding the era of the four students mentioned in the former article. Secondly, these students had to be situated in the context of the development of the institutions. The most important sources are the annual year books which appeared every year and are available in the Bavarian State Library and the archive of the Hochschule für Musik und Theater in Munich. But for this period (in contrast to the period 1902-9) no personal documents are available, that is individual student reports from which much information, like date of birth, origin, teachers and subjects taken, can be deduced. A thorough "thick description" is therefore limited. I had to rely on the information in the yearbooks and on other sources about music in Munich. The present article, thus, cannot tell us as much as the previous article about the students of the Music School and the Academy of Music. Surprisinglyfew South Africans were found, andfour reasons can be identified: The personality of Franz Hauser (1794-1870), who was the first head of the original Conservatorium (1846-64), often created illfeeling. This information possibly reached prospective students from abroad. The Conservatorium and its successors can be regarded as having been (too) conservative. Female and male students had to use separate entrances and stairs. Rheinberger, the famous teacher of composition, was, for example, attached to the institution for 40 years. The third reason is the established status of, amongst others, the Conservatorium (1843) in Leipzig and the Stern Conservatorium (1850) in Berlin. Fourth, the high costs were a major factor for any student coming from South Africa. Five persons are discussed in the article. Hugo Lentz was born in Keiskammahoek and studied acting between 1881 and 1882. It is clear from reports that his main lecturer, the experienced court actor Prof Heinrich Richter, was an exceptionally gifted teacher. There were eight male and ten female students in the class and Lentz was one of only three male students who gained roles in Iffland's Die Hagestolzen. Born in Philippolis, Florence Fraser had apparently arrived in Munich when she was only 16years old to study singing privately. She was about 18 years old when she started studying the piano at the Music School in 1886 where she stayed for one year. She later became well known as a singer in South Africa. Violet Whiteford, born at Fort Beaufort, studied singing between 1893 and 1894 after the Royal Music School had changed its name to the Royal Academy of Music. During the course of her studies, she could hear her teacher, Anna Schimon-Regan, in concerts, as well as some of her more advanced fellow Schimon-Regan singing colleagues. Jeannie Muller from Graaff Reinet was a student of Bernhard Günzburger. She enrolled in September 1895, stayed for a year and heard a variety of songs and arias at concerts sung by Günzburger's best students. The birth place of Johanna Singenberger is indicated as "St. Francis", which is most likely the South African St. Francis Bay or Cape St. Francis. Singerberger studied the violin and piano between 1896 and 1898. If the standard of her violin playing was such that she could join the Academy's orchestra (which is unfortunately impossible to determine) she would have been able to participate in a variety of works by famous composers, other composers popular at the time but not in the present time, teachers of the Academy, and fellow students. Her piano teacher was Berthold Kellermann, between 1873 and 1878 a Liszt pupil, and also a teacher of Wagner's children. The Music School and the Music Academy often honoured famous musicians attached to the institution or the city. So, for example, half of a concert was dedicated on 16March 1894 to Hans von Bülow (1830-94) who was the Director of the Music School between 1867 and 1869. On 15 June 1894 the 300th anniversary of the death of Orlando di Lasso, who was attached to the Munich court between 1557 and 1594, was commemorated in a concert. Research is now needed on the ensuing lives of these persons in order to determine how they conveyed to their communities the extensive impressions and experience they gathered in the context of the "place" Munich. <![CDATA[<em><b>Rapport's</b></em><b> depiction of Robert Mugabe's candidature for the 1980 Zimbabwean independence election</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300011&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Robert Mugabe is reeds vir meer as drie dekades aan bewind as president van Zimbabwe. Hy gaan weer vanjaar op 89-jarige ouderdom sy ZANU-PF party in die nasionale verkiesings lei. Mugabe het deur die jare die beeld verkry van 'n magshonger diktator wat min politieke opposisie duld. Die Westerse wêreld het sy rug op Zimbabwe gedraai met die VSA en die Europese Unie wat tans ekonomiese sanksies toepas. Hoe is hy destyds deur die Suid-Afrikaanse media, toe hy aanvanklik vir die presidentskap gestaan het, aan Suid-Afrikaners voorgehou? Meer spesifiek, wat het Rapport, Suid-Afrika se enigste Afrikaanse Sondagkoerant in 1980, vir sy lesers oor Mugabe se kandidatuur te vertel gehad? Hoe is Mugabe deur middel van agendastelling en raming uitgebeeld? 'n Kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van Rapport se dekking van die verkiesingsveldtog met die gepaardgaande agendastelling en raming word gevolg deur argumentasie wat die inhoud van die dekking in lyn bring met kritiese Suider-Afrikaanse vraagstukke destyds en met die algemene kultuur van Rapport as instelling. Daar is bevind dat Rapport hoofsaaklik van stereotipiese beelde van Mugabe gebruik gemaak het. Vir Rapport het die verkiesingstryd in Zimbabwe hoofsaaklik gedraai om 'n keuse vir Suider-Afrika tussen die kapitalisme en Marxisme aan die een kant, en die toekoms van wit en swart mag aan die ander kant. Mugabe is uitgebeeld as die vyand van sowel die kapitalisme as wit belange.<hr/>Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has now been in power for more than three decades. The 89-year-old Mugabe will again lead his ZANU-PF party in national elections this year. He has steadily acquired an image of a power hungry dictator who allows little political opposition. The Western World has turned its back on Zimbabwe with the United States and European Union imposing economic sanctions on it. What kind of image did he bring to his initial candidature in 1980? How was he depicted by the South African media or, more specifically and for the purposes of this article, what did Rapport, at the time the only Afrikaans Sunday newspaper in South Africa and ally of the ruling National Party, have to say about Robert Mugabe and his candidature in the 1980 Zimbabwean (common roll) independence election? How was he depicted by means of media agenda-setting and framing? The term "common roll" election, as found in the (Rhodesian) Electoral Act of 1979, is used in this article merely to distinguish the election for 80 members of Parliament from the election for the 20 reserved white seats which was held on 14 February 1980. In fact, as agreed upon at Lancaster House, there was no roll for black voters. Polling for the common roll election was on 27, 28 and 29 February 1980. Qualitative content analysis is employed. The population comprises every heading, report, article, editorial, cartoon, photograph and caption on Robert Mugabe as it appeared in the available late editions of Rapport from 13 January 1980 to 24 February 1980. The analysis of the coverage and the concomitant media agenda-setting and framing are followed by argumentation that brings the content in line with the general culture of the newspaper and critical issues predominating in Southern Africa at that time. A typification of Rapport in 1980 is provided as well as the conditions under which foreign correspondents had to operate in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia during the election campaign. The vigorous press censorship that had existed after both the Internal Settlement on 3 March 1978 and the internal elections (which saw Bishop Abel Muzorewa become Prime Minister of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia on 1 June 1979), though diminished, was however not ended when the British Governor, Lord Christopher Soames, assumed office in mid-December 1979. Although nine political parties announced that they would contest the 80 seats on the common roll, it was soon clear that the real contest in the election would be between the United African National Council (UANC) led by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, the Patriotic Front (PF) led by Joshua Nkomo, and Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The analysis shows that Rapport viewed and depicted Mugabe as a threat to white interests in Rhodesia on the grounds, inter alia, that Mugabe would destroy the free market system and replace it with a communist system where industries are nationalised. Rapport used mainly stereotypical images to frame Mugabe. Traits ascribed to Mugabe by means of words included defiant, dishonest, Marxist, ruthless, despicable and terrorist leader. Photographs which appeared in Rapport portrayed him as evil, ominous, representing black power, wolf in sheep clothes, insensitive to common rules of conduct, aggressive and emotional. Rapport regarded Mugabe as the frontrunner in the race for the Presidency, despite him being depicted (by Rapport) as a mean, aggressive, sinister (albeit intellectual) individual who would continue the war if he did not win the election. From the coverage it appears that Rapport regarded and framed the election campaign as revolving respectively around a choice for Southern Africa between capitalism and Marxism and between the future of white and black power. Mugabe was depicted as an enemy both of capitalism and of continued white interests. <![CDATA[<b>The Great Trek 175: Story or history?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300012&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In watter mate is die skrywer van 'n historiese roman afhanklik van die feite wat die geskiedskrywing bied? Hoe swaar weeg die historieseromanskrywer se interpretasie van veral die onvolledig gedokumenteerde geskiedenis, soos byvoorbeeld dié van die Groot Trek tussen 1836 en 1844 in die Potchefstroom-omgewing? Dit is die doel van hierdie artikel om die narratief van Hans du Plessis se twee historiese romans, Die pad na Skuilhoek en As die wind kom draai, te stel. Die verhouding tussen die romansier en die geskiedskrywer word onder die loep geneem. Teen die agtergrond van die mite as merker van 'n groep se identiteit word die Voortrekkers as gemeenskap duideliker gedefinieer. Die grensgebied waarvandaan die Groot Trek begin, is groter as die Oosgrens en die gemeenskap wat trek, is veel breër as die byna twintigduisend wit koloniste. Die grensgebied word as Voorpos bespreek en die gemeenskap as 'n heterogene en geïntegreerde kontinuum. Die binneland waarheen hulle trek, word teen die teoretiese agtergrond van Michel Foucault se siening van die utopie as droomruimte en die ander plek as heterotopie bespreek.<hr/>This article investigates the relationship between the writer of a historical novel and the historiography. To what extent does the novelist depend on the historical facts researched by the historian? Undoubtedly the novelist needs the historian's research but it is also accepted that history is researched by people, and that pure objectivity is a myth and writing history always includes the researcher's own interpretation of historical facts. Story (fiction) must therefore be distinguished from history on the one hand and myth on the other. Although the fiction writer needs the historian's research, the historical novelist would prefer to interpret an ill documented part of history himself, because it is easier to fictionalise. The history of the Great Trek between 1836 and 1844, especially in the Potchefstroom area, is a good example. This article aims to establish a narrative for the two historical novels by Hans du Plessis, Die pad na Skuilhoek and As die wind kom draai. Myths are markers of the identity of a group. I am the story I am telling about myself, a community is the narrative it believes of itself. The novel is the story it narrates. Against this background, as well as that of myth as identity marker, certain myths of the Great Trek are redefined. According to traditional historiography, the Voortrekkers who left the Cape Colony in 1836 were mainly white Dutch speaking colonists, but a closer look at the community on the Cape Frontier suggests that this community was a heterogenic and rather integrated community of Khoi, Oorlams, Basters, Trekboers and cattle farmers, and they almost all used Afrikaans as mother tongue and as lingua franca. The social and class boundaries between the different groups on the Frontier were not well defined. The lack of defined dividing lines leads to over simplified dichotomies such as black or white, civilised and uncivilised, owners and nonowners, in order to describe the compilation of the community. Binary opposition usually results in over simplification and stereotyping. Class markers did exist, but it did not run along clear lines. It can rather be described as a continuum with African on the one end and European on the other, comparable to that of the so called Metis Nation of the seventeenth century community of fur hunters in Canada. The Voortrekker community was therefore not a mere homogeneous group of white Dutch colonists. This article furthermore argues that the Frontier was more than the so called Eastern Border or Oosgrens. Frontier means more than a geographical space; it is also a condition of constant transformation. The Cape Frontier of the seventeenth and eighteenth century is discussed against the theoretical background of the American historian, Frederick Jackson Turner's theory of the American Frontier as not only a physical space, but also as creator of new myths, and destroyer of existing ones. With reference to Michel Foucault the Frontier is discussed as a utopia and the interior as heterotopia, a free site without a marginalising authority. Therefore a crucial reason for the mass movement of the Afrikaans speaking Frontier community was the dream of a new site. <![CDATA[<b>The part played by Potchefstroom in Voortrekker state formation</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300013&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die ontstaan van Potchefstroom was te danke aan Hendrik Potgieter se breuk met die Natalse Volksraad en sy behoefte aan 'n tydelike setelplaas vir sy gesagsuitoefening op die Hoëveld in afwagting op sy verskuiwing na Oos-Transvaal. Afsegging van daardie voorneme het gevolg op versoening met die Volksraad, die daarstelling van 'n Adjunkraad onder plaaslike Potgieter-beheer en gelei tot die vestiging van die tweede Potchefstroom. Na die anneksasie van Natal het die Volksraad na Potchefstroom verskuif en, uit vrees vir die implementering van die Cape of Good Hope Punishment Act vandaar, saam met Potgieter na Ohrigstad. Die vrees dat Potchefstroom as voorwendsel tot Britse anneksasie van Transvaal kon lei het Potgieter oorreed om die dorp te ontruim. Die onsekerheid oor hul staatkundige status het die Potchefstromers se verhouding met die Ohrigstad-bewind vertroebel. Andries Pretorius het algaande die onsekerheid verdryf en, deur sterk leiding, die politieke swaartepunt na Potchefstroom terug verskuif en beide Potgieter en die Volksraad as toonaan-gewende leier vervang. Deur sy toedoen is die Sandrivier-konvensie gesluit en Voortrekker-onafhanklikheid in Transvaal bevestig.<hr/>While Potchefstroom did not figure in the planning of Voortrekker state establishment, a variety of unforeseen factors led to its founding. These include Potgieter's aversion to settlement in Natal and his consequential break with the Natal Volksraad. The need to establish a capital from where his rule over the Voortrekkers west of the Drakensberg mountains could be conducted led to the founding of Potchefstroom, this despite Potgieter's aim of ultimately settling near Mozambique for the sake of foreign trade. In response to Potgieter's claim to independence the Volksraad appointed Jacob de Klerk as landdrost (magistrate) to counteract Potgieter's influence, the real aim being to persuade the Voortrekkers west of the Drakensberg mountains to settle in Natal. By the time of his reconciliation with the Volksraad in 1842 the Potgieter supporters had resolved to remain settled on the High Veld, but to shift Potchefstroom to a more suitable location. A series of crises in the 1840s led to Potgieter's decision to abandon Potchefstroom: The British annexation of Natal in 1842 and the shifting of Volksraad sittings to Potchefstroom. This was followed by the threat of British annexation of the Transvaal, evoked by the Cape of Good Hope Punishment Act. The fear of British northward expansion into what Potgieter and the Volksraad claimed as Voortrekker territory had been haunting them from the advent of the Great Trek. The Punishment Act claimed to extend British territory up to the 25th latitude. Fearing the legitimacy of this claim Potgieter and the Volksraad moved to Ohrigstad in 1845 and established it as the new Voortrekker capital. While some half of the High Veld Voortrekkers moved to the new settlement, the remainder refused to budge, but had no option but to acknowledge Volksraad rule. They now found themselves sandwiched between the encroaching British annexation threat from the south and the Volksraad pressure to forsake Potchefstroom andjoin the Ohrigstad settlement. The undefined location of the 25th parallel provoked the displeasure and discomfort of the Potchefstroom dwellers to the extent of dividing their loyalty toward the Ohrigstad regime. A new and novel approach to the Potchefstroom problem was provided when Andries Pretorius left Natal to settle on the High Veld in 1848, at the same time that the governor of the Cape Province, Sir Harry Smith, established British control over what was to be known as the Orange River Sovereignty. Incensed by this, seemingly arbitrary action, Pretorius called the Voortrekkers in the northern part of the Sovereignty to arms in an effort to have Smith's annexation revoked. Pretorius's defeat at Boomplaats served only to antagonise Ohrigstad and Potchefstroom dwellers alike. Propagating a united Voortrekker republic north of the Vaal River, re-established Pretorius's leadership in Potchefstroom, but further alienated Potgieter and the Volksraad. In defiance of a Volksraad resolution, Pretorius was elected Commandant-General by the Potchefstroom community, an appointment which the Volksraad, in a roundabout way, was obliged to acknowledge in 1851. By now Pretorius, acknowledged as the spokesman for Potchefstroom interests, began pressing the Volksraad for accepting the Vaal River as the southern boundary of the republic, thereby incorporating Potchefstroom in the republic. Encouraged by the influence of the Dutch spokesmen, JA Smellekamp and HT Bührmann, the Volksraad, now sitting in Lydenburg, confirmed the 25th latitude as the limit of its authority thereby formally rejecting title to Potchefstroom. The Potchefstroom community recognised in Pretorius their salvation against both British expansionist inclinations and the wavering Volksraad. Ensured of the support of Potchefstroom, Pretorius now resolved to treat directly with the Cape government, making full use of the powers conferred on his title of Commandant-General. In what amounted to a coup d'etat on the Volksraad, and aware of diplomatic problems faced by Britain in Europe and Southern Africa, he arranged to meet with British commissioners to settle the political status of the Voortrekkers in the Transvaal. The negotiations resulted in the Sand River Convention of 1852, whereby the Transvaal Voortrekkers were recognised as independent and the Vaal River as the boundary between the British territories in the south and the Voortrekkers in the Transvaal. Between its unlikely founding in 1838 and the final recognition of Voortrekker independence, Potchefstroom was the catalyst of the establishment of a Voortrekker state in the Transvaal. Not only did it counter all attempts to establish the Voortrekker body politic in the Eastern Transvaal, but thanks to the unrelenting efforts of Pretorius, political initiative shifted back to Potchefstroom. The Sand River Convention opened the way to the establishment of The South African Republic with Potchefstroom as its capital. <![CDATA[<b>Louis Tregardt's diary as an historical source</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300014&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel ontleed die dagboek van Louis Tregardt ten einde die waarde daarvan as historiese bron te bepaal. Tregardt was die enigste Voortrekkerleier wat 'n dagboek bygehou het en wel vir die tydperk van einde Julie 1836 tot die begin van Mei 1838. Hierin vermeld hy, benewens sy daaglikse aantekeninge oor die aktiwiteite waarmee hy en sy trekgenote hulle normaalweg besig gehou het, 'n magdom besonderhede wat nie geredelik in ander bronne beskikbaar is nie. Hy skryf oor sy eie lewens- en wêreldbeskouing, oor onderlinge verhoudinge binne asook tussen Voortrekkergesinne, oor rasse-vooroordele en oor gewelddadigheid. Hy skryf oor verskeie van hulle gebruike, waaronder godsdiens, opvoeding, mediese behandeling, praktyke in verband met dood en begrafnis en eet- en drinkgewoontes. Uitvoerige besonderhede word oor Tregardt en sy trekgenote se leefwereld verskaf, insluitende oor die klimaat, fauna en flora, jag, boerderybedrywighede, veesiektes, behuising, meubels, gereedskap, kleredrag, die onderhoud van ossewaens en trekgereedskap, vervaardiging van gebruiksartikels soos seep, die uitdagings op die trekpad, waaronder roofdiere en veediewe en interaksie met inheemse gemeenskappe en met die Portugese by Delagoabaai. Laastens werp die dagboek lig op die Afrikaans wat destyds gebesig is - 'n aspek wat nie in die artikel ontleed word nie. Aangesien Tregardt se dagboek so 'n verskeidenheid fasette aan die lig bring, is die finale gevolgtrekking dat dit as een van die mees uitstaande dokumente uit die GrootTrek-tydperk beskou moet word en dat die waarde daarvan nie oorskat kan word nie.<hr/>In this article it is argued that the diary of Louis Tregardt contains a wealth of historical information. Tregardt was the only Voortrekker leader of the Great Trek era who kept a diary. It covers the period from the end of July 1836, when Tregardt and his group of Voortrekkers had already reached the Soutpansberg region in what is today the Limpopo Province of South Africa, to 1 May 1838, when his wife died less than three weeks after they had reached the Portuguese Fort at what is now Maputo in Mozambique. The diary was written in the language spoken by Tregardt and his companions: an early form of Afrikaans which was evolving from Dutch. Two transcriptions of Tregardt's diary have been published to date. The author of this article is busy translating the diary into Afrikaans. Selections from the diary have been published in English. Furthermore, a variety of academic and popular historical studies on Tregardt and his diary have been undertaken, especially on the language used by the diarist. Tregardt's trek has inspired creative work by foremost literary and artistic figures in South Africa. However, the only extensive evaluation of the diary as an historical source was undertaken by Gustav Preller in 1917. Since then a large body of information on Tregardt and his trek, which Preller did not have access to, has emerged. It certainly is time for a re-evaluation of the diary as an historical source. The first issue focused on in this article is the diarist himself, namely Tregardt. Why did he keep the diary? Did he mostly report on events and circumstances in which he himself participated or which he experienced? Did he enter information on a daily basis or long after events about which he wrote? Is the information which he included in the diary of sufficient interest to justify claims that it should be regarded as an important source? The answers to these questions can be summarised as follows: It is not clear why Tregardt kept a diary, but it certainly was not to justify his actions. He reported on what he himself did or witnessed. He wrote almost daily and seldom more than two days after events; and he certainly provides unique and valuable information. Indeed, this evaluation of Tregardt's diary as an historical source is based primarily on an analysis of the variety of issues about which the diary provides information that is not readily available from other sources. In the first place, Tregardt provides detailed information about his own character and views; about relationships within Voortrekker families; about racial prejudices; and about violence. Secondly, the diary highlights the differences between the various types of pioneers who participated in the Great Trek. Thirdly, extensive information is provided on Voortrekker customs and habits, including religious practices, education, death and funerals, clothing, food and drink, disease and medicine. Fourthly, the diary contains extensive information about the world of the Voortrekker. This includes the fauna and flora of the areas where they trekked; the climate and rainfall; the challenges of trekking in areas never before traversed by wheeled vehicles; interaction with indigenous communities as well as cultural practices of those communities; their hunting activities and indiscriminate killing and wounding of game; their wagons and the challenges to keep those wagons going; houses and shelters which the Voortrekkers built; their furniture and their tools; their farming activities and their struggle to move forward with their large herds of cattle and sheep; stock diseases and, finally, their interaction with the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay. In conclusion, the author agrees with Preller that there is no other single document from the Great Trek era that contains such a wealth of information as does Tregardt's diary. In addition, the diary is a literary gem reflecting the early development of the Afrikaans language - an issue not addressed in this article. The only possible conclusion is that the value of Tregardt's diary as an historical source cannot be over-estimated. <![CDATA[<b>A small note about a big difference: Percentage change compared to percentage point change</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300015&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Elke vakgebied het sy eie terminologie, wat dikwels na onnodige haarklowery klink vir diegene wat nie daarin geskool is nie. In die ekonomiese, statistiese en wiskundige wetenskappe is daar 'n groot verskil tussen persentasieverandering en persentasiepuntverandering, wat dikwels nie verstaan word deur persone wat nie in hierdie betrokke dissiplines opgelei is nie. Hierdie nota fokus op hierdie verskille. Statisties is 'n persentasieverandering 'n baie eenvoudige berekening. Dit is bloot 'n vergelyking van die verskil tussen twee waardes, uitgedruk uit 100, en word met die simbool "%" voorgestel. Die interpretasie van hierdie berekening is egter problematies as die verskil in waardes tussen twee persentasies bereken word. As 'n eksamenpunt van 60% na 66% toeneem, word dit dikwels verkeerdelik as 'n toename van 6% beskryf. Inderwaarheid is dit 'n toename van 6 persentasiepunte, maar ook 'n toename van 10%. Onderwysdepartemente is ook verkeerd wanneer hulle tipies teen jaareinde verklaar dat die matriekslaagsyfer met 5% vanaf 65% van die matrikulante tot 70% van die matrikulante toegeneem het. Die korrekte gebruik van die verskil tussen persentasieverandering en persentasiepuntverandering is van kardinale belang wanneer dit in regsdokumente soos kontrakte gebruik word. Opvoeding oor die verskille moet reeds op skoolvlak begin. Daar is nie 'n aanvaarde simbool vir persentasiepunt en persentasiepuntverandering, vergelykbaar met die simbool "%" nie, wat impliseer dat laasgenoemde dikwels verkeerdelik gebruik word. 'n Algemeen aanvaarde simbool vir persenstasiepunt en persentasiepuntverandering as gemaklike skryfwyse moet dus ontwikkel word, en "%p" of "p%", wat afgelei is van die simbool vir persentasie, word aan die hand gedoen om 'n debat oor hierdie onderwerp te stimuleer.<hr/>Each discipline has its own terminology that often looks like an unnecessary complication for people not trained in the discipline. However, in the economic, mathematical and statistical sciences there is a major difference between percentage change and percentage point change. This note focuses on these differences. From a statistical perspective the calculation of a percentage change is quite simple, namely the difference between two values, expressed out of 100. It is calculated (for instance, when a value increases from 60 to 66) as 66-60/60 x 100/1=10%. The accepted symbol for percentage and percentage change is "%" and originates from Italian (originally Latin), per cento. These calculations become more challenging when the difference between two percentages is calculated. If an examination mark increases from 60% to 66%, it is often incorrectly described as an increase of 6%, while it is an increase of 10%, namely (66/60 - 1) x 100. It is also an increase of 6 percentage points. Percentage points comprise basis points, with each percentage point comprising 100 basis points. The symbol for basis points, which has practically fallen into disuse, is 0/000. The differences between percentage, percentage point, per cent change and percentage point change are of crucial importance when used incorrectly in legal documents such as contracts. A case in point is the inaccurate use of this terminology in legal documents of a South African bank. It is incorrectly stated that a promotional discount interest rate of 18,5% (calculated incorrectly in the first instance) will be increased by 3,0% when interest and capital payments are in arrears for four months or more. This implies that the penalty rate should be [18,5/1 + 18,5/1 x 3,0/100)] = 19,055% per annum, but it is incorrectly stated as a rate of 21,5% per annum. Although outside the scope of this note, it would be interesting to challenge this incorrect information in a court of law. The solution to the problem is to improve communication about per cent, per cent change, percentage point and percentage point change and to include training on these differences in the school curriculum. A related problem is the use of an accepted symbol for per cent and percentage change ("%"), and its incorrect use for percentage point and percentage point change. In the latter two instances no accepted symbol has been developed, and it is concluded that the development ofsuch a symbol could go a long way towards the clarification ofdifferences described in this note. Such a symbol could, for instance, be "% p" or "p %", from the symbol for per cent. An alternative could be to derive a symbol from the disused symbol for basis points (" %00"), as percentage points are closer in meaning to basis points than to per cent. However, the symbol º/00 is not a suitable alternative, as it denotes per mille (per thousand) from Latin, although it has fallen into disuse. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512013000300016&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es