Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120110003&lang=es vol. 51 num. 3 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>The reformed-Scholastic view of the relationship between god and the human being in F. Gomarus (1563-1641) and J. Arminius (1560-1609)</b>: <b>a historical-philosophical investigation</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel ondersoek die filosofiese voorveronderstellings wat die grondslag vorm van die Dordtse Leerreëls, wat in 1619 deur die Sinode van Dordt (1618-1619) aanvaar is as antwoord op die leer van Arminius en sy Remonstrante navolgers. (Dit bou voort op ander navorsing van die skrywer in ander tydskrifte, waar die Dordtse Leerreëls reeds in besonderhede geanaliseer is.) Die artikel fokus op die probleem van goddelike soewereiniteit en menslike verantwoordelikheid as 'n kernprobleem by hierdie Sinode (waar dit veral oor goddelike uitverkiesing en verwerping gegaan het). Ter inleiding bied dit 'n karakteristiek van die Gereformeerde-skolastieke sintesedenke van destyds as filosofiese stroming en ook die tipe filosofie wat dit behels het. Wat laasgenoemde betref, het dit 'n hele kompleks van idees ingesluit: 'n besondere wetsidee, suiwer kosmologiese denke, vertikale gedeeltelike universalisme, 'n dualistiese ontologie en 'n digotomistiese antropologie. Hierna volg 'n analise van die denke van twee belangrike figure by Dordt, naamlik F. Gomarus en J. Arminius. Hoewel hulle as verteenwoordigers van die twee opponerende standpunte by Dordt beskou word, blyk dit dat hulle tot 'n groot mate dieselfde skolastiese filosofie gehuldig het. Die enigste verskil kom eers op antropologiese vlak na vore: Gomarus was 'n semi-mistieke denker en Arminius 'n Platoniese empiris. Hierdie filosofiese verskil het egter groot teologiese implikasies gehad. Net so verrassend is die feit dat hierdie twee Christendenkers se filosofie presies dieselfde was as die filosofiese konsepsies wat die voor-Christelike denker, Aristoteles, gedurende twee van die laaste fases van sy ontwikkelingsgang gehuldig het. Hierdie "filosofiese mynveër" van die onbybelse "landmyne" onder die teologiese oppervlakte van Dordt lewer dus die volgende gevolgtrekking: Die botsing by Dordt was nie primêr tussen die Bybelse visie (van die Gereformeerdes) en 'n onbybelse dwaalleer (van die Remonstrante) nie. Dit was ten diepste 'n stryd tussen twee verskillende Aristoteliese filosofieë, wat in die Skrif ingelees en só as Bybels gesanksioneer is.<hr/>The question about the relationship between God and the human being is as old as the history of humanity. This may also be regarded as a central issue at the Synod of Dordt (1618-1619), as well as the decisions of the Synod formulated in the Canons of Dordt (1619). These Canons are today still accepted as one of the official confessions of Reformed Churches in different parts of the world. However, it gradually transpired that the Canons did not reach an altogether satisfactory solution. Reformed theologians from the previous and present century became aware of the fact that not everything in the Canons matched up. Some of them only wrote about unevenness or irregularities and attempted to solve the problem by means of a distinction between the form (wording), which could be incorrect, while the basic contents of the Canons may not be queried. Other theologians, however, did look a little closer and called attention to the use of an Aristotelian doctrine of causality, influencing basic arguments in the Canons. Such biblically-foreign ideas also distorted the Canons' view of the relationship between divine sovereignty and human responsibility. This contribution (continuing previous contributions elsewhere) takes as point of departure that merely rejecting Aristotelian causality is insufficient. A much broader and deeper look should be taken at the whole philosophy or view of reality behind the Canons. Apart from a philosophical analysis of the Canons themselves (to be published soon), it may also be helpful to analyse the theology and its philosophical presuppositions of two of the influential viewpoints at the Synod, viz. that of the Reformed theologian F. Gomarus (1563-1641) and his Arminian opponent, J. Arminius (1560-1609). The investigation develops through the following stages. As background a general philosophical characterization of Reformed Scholastic thinking is provided. From a normative (directional) perspective it is described as synthesis philosophy. It combined biblical revelation with extra-biblical ideas from Greek and Hellenistic philosophy. This synthesis was facilitated through two methods. Firstly through eisegesis-exegesis, according to which pre-Christian ideas were read into parts of Scripture (eisegesis) and afterwards - with the sanction of the Scriptures - explained from the Bible (exegesis). Secondly, synthesis was achieved by way of a nature-grace dualism, which in turn resulted in a distinction between reason and faith, philosophy and theology. Apart from its synthetic direction, Reformed Scholasticism's type of philosophy is also explained: its specific idea of law, purely cosmological thinking, ontological dualism, vertical partial universalism, anthropological dichotomy and semi-mysticism. This characterisation (according to the problem-historical method of philosophical historiography) simultaneously implies a foundational critique of Reformed Scholasticism. Against this background the second main section of the essay investigates and compares the theological and underlying philosophical viewpoints of Gomarus and Arminius.The surprising result of the investigation can be summarised as follows. From a philosophical perspective it becomes evident how little these two representatives of the clashing Reformed and Arminian viewpoints actually differed from each other. They both adhered to a purely cosmological, dualistic and vertical partial universalistic philosophy. However, they were proponents of different anthropologies: Gomarus was an intellectualist and Arminius an empiricist. Arminius' viewpoint was furthermore different from that of Pelagianism (a heresy ascribed to by the Remonstrant followers of Arminius), because he was not a consistent empiricist (like Pelagius), but advocated non-consistent empiricism. An added difference was that both Gomarus and Arminius accepted certain ideas of Aristotle, and can therefore be described as Aristotelians, but that Arminius was more Plato-oriented and therefore regarded the human will as of more importance than was the case with intellectualists like Gomarus. These philosophical anthropological differences resulted in different theological views on the relationship between God and mankind. The final result of the "mine sweeping" to detect unbiblical "land-mines" underneath the theological soil of Dordt is the following: The conflict between the Reformed and Arminian positions was not primarily a clash between what the Bible taught (the Reformed side) and unbiblical heresy (the Arminians), but a clash between two different forms of especially Aristotelian influenced philosophies which were superimposed onto the Scriptures. If the Synod of Dordt was aware of this, the sad history of ecclesiastical divisions - up to the present day - could have been avoided At the same time these results call for further reflection. Firstly, exactly how Aristotle's ideas of God and causality (which influenced Dordt) could be defined. Secondly, how should the relationship between God and mankind be viewed according to a philosophy based on Scripture instead of on Aristotle's ideas? Answers to these questions will be dealt with in a follow-up article in this journal. <![CDATA[<b>The intralingual translation or rewording of a Bible text into non-standard Afrikaans</b>: <b>the artistic and creative aspects behind it</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die oorsetting van 'n teks (soos 'n Bybelgedeelte) na Niestandaardafrikaans moet beskou word as 'n transponering (intratalige vertaling) daarvan en nie as 'n getroue en presiese vertaling (intertalige vertaling) of ook nie 'n aanpassing (intersemiotiese vertaling) nie, omdat die term transponering erkenning gee aan die kunssinnige- en kreatiwiteitsaspekte van die oorsetting. Hierdie uitgangspunt is vanuit drie gesigspunte benader: vanuit Jakobson se teorie, vanuit Du Plessis (2006) se beskouing van transponering en vanuit 'n eie transponering van die outeur waarmee sekere kunssinnige- en kreatiwiteitsbeginsels geïllustreer kon word. Na 'n kort teoretiestegniese bespreking word 'n transponering van 'n Bybelgedeelte uit Standaardafrikaans na Tsotsi-Afrikaans aangebied. Daarna vind 'n bespreking van die kreatiwiteits-, tegniese en kunsaspekte van die betrokke transponering plaas.<hr/>People who are proficient in a language to the extent that they can communicate confi dently and comfortably in it, are not always aware of the technical points and artistic aspects which need to be considered when translating/interpreting/transmutating from one language into another. These manifest in the following situations: (a) texts of which the original has been recorded in Standard Afrikaans, but which should be received by the variety user in his or her own dialect/code in order to be better understood; and the reverse, (b) original texts of the variety user which exist as spoken texts in the source language/code/dialect only, and have to be translated into the standard language so that other speakers of this language can also access them. It is sometimes thought that anybody who is proficient in a specific language, be it the standard language or a variety thereof, can translate from one into the other. In this process, however, a treasure of creativity, art and knowledge is overlooked, thus diminishing the enjoyment of reading a text. If, on the contrary, the art behind the translation of a text is comprehended, enjoyment when reading the translation is enhanced. Because language is descriptive, the reader who is exposed to a translation of the text will be introduced to the idiomatic use of the source language and thus obtain a view into the world, culture, habits and traditions of the variety user. The research reported in this article was directed by the following: the translation of a part of the Bible into Non-standard Afrikaans should be considered a rewording (intralingual translation) and not a translation (interlingual translation) or adaptation (intersemiotic translation). Intralingual translation recognizes the aspects of creativity and art to introduce and discuss the defence of this claim to the broader academic society. If a text cannot be identified as an intralingual translation the artistic and creative elements underpinning it cannot be recognized or appreciated. Intralingual translation attempts to give configuration to the creativity and verbal art of the original variety of e.g. Afrikaans, even though it has never been recorded before. Something of the creativity and artistic principles involved in intralingual translation manifests in the attempts of the translater to transpose the text from Standard Afrikaans into the variety. It requires an artistic approach to transpose a text from Standard Afrikaans into a code of Afrikaans in such a way that it will read as a text with which the varietal speaker will be able to identify. According to Munday (2004: 24) it is essential that the transposer has the ability to use both codes of a language like a mother tongue speaker, with knowledge of and insight into the cultural background, humour and customs of both codes. With knowledge of both codes the transposer does not merely reset the text into readable format, but also recreates those elements that are not apparent in words. The claim made above has been approached from three points of view, viz. the reality that very few texts have been recorded in Non-standard Afrikaans, Jakobson's theory that the signs in the source text must be replaced with signs of equivalent value or meaning in the target text; and some findings by Du Plessis (2006) that it is important that the intralingual translation takes place on three levels, namely: the language level, the geographic level and the religious level. After a short theoretical-technical discussion, an intralingual translation of a part from the Bible in Standard Afrikaans into Tsotsi-Afrikaans is presented. This is followed by a discussion of the creative, technical and artistic aspects involved in the specific intralingual translation. <![CDATA[<b>South African immigration to Australia</b>: <b>an interdisciplinary narrative study</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In hierdie studie is geluister na die narratiewe van Suid-Afrikaans gebore immigrante, wat hulself in Brisbane, Australië gevestig het. Die plaaslike konteks word in die gereformeerde gemeente, die "Mansfield Christian Reformed Church" gevind en die ontwikkeling van diensbare leierskap word beskryf as deel van die kultuur van die gemeente wat fokus op die nood van immigrante. Die navorsing het plaasgevind vanuit 'n epistemologie wat uit 'n narratiewe benadering vloei. Die postfundamentele teologiese posisionering inkorporeer transversale rasionalisasie, met die doel om 'n dieper verstaan van die narratiewe navorsing te bewerkstellig. Die ontwikkeling van diensbare leierskap word as 'n natuurlike uitvloeisel van die immigrasieproses bespreek. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat diensbare leierskap as 'n integrale deel van gelowige immigrasie en globalisering verstaan word en dat dit intensioneel deel vorm van die leierskapkultuur in 'n immigrant-vriendelike gemeente. Die voorstel wat hieruit voortvloei, is dat verskillende gemeentes en kerkverbande van Suid-Afrika en Australië kan baat by die aanwending van diensbare leierskap binne die konteks van immigrasie en globalisering.<hr/>In this study narratives of immigrants are presented from a spiritual and psychological perspective. The local context is described as the faith community of the Mansfield Christian Reformed Church in Brisbane, Australia. The development of servant leadership is an integral part of the culture of the congregation. The congregation of Mansfield focuses on the needs of immigrants and they see themselves as a migrant-friendly church. The narratives of two South African born immigrants were listened to, whofind themselves in the context of the Mansfield Christian Reformed Church. The research approach in this studyflows from an epistemology based on a narrative theory. The postfoundational approach incorporates the social context of immigrants as part of the process in exploring a deeper meaning of the stories told by co-researchers (immigrants). Within this framework of postfoundational practical theology, the praxis is therefore the starting point of research. This consists of local knowledge, described and interpreted by the co-researchers and informed by traditions of interpretation. The experiences of co-researchers are interpreted on a second level with the appointment of four interdisciplinary respondents. The respondents take part in an interdisciplinary conversation and they each contribute from theirfield of experience in psychology and theology. This is done by using transversal rationality and the in-context experiences are thickened through interdisciplinary investigation. Furthermore, a study of relevant literature is introduced and added to the conversation. The research process is therefore developed from a postfoundational theological positioning with the aim of describing immigration narratives and interpreting these narratives in order to facilitate a deeper knowledge and insight into the immigration process. The in-context experiences of immigrants serve as the primary narrative and their interpretations of experiences will be studied. The interpretations of the co-researchers are used as discussion points in follow up conversations and their narratives are therefore allowed into a process of growth. Their language which points to their experience, as well as their language used in the process of immigration, is listened to. Servant leadership is discussed as a vital part of immigration for believers. The stories of the co-researchers reveal servant leadership in different forms as part of the culture of the congregation in Mansfield. The narratives show the co-researchers becoming part of the ministry of servant leadership in a migration-friendly congregation. Co-researchers experience the influence of servant leadership in their lives and tell stories of how the needs of immigrants are met by the servant leaders in the congregation of the Mansfield Christian Reformed Church. The conclusion of this study at the end of the research process, points to some suggestions and alternative interpretations regarding immigration and globalisation beyond the local context. The outcome of the study shows servant leadership as an important part of immigration and globalisation. The intentional focus is on how a culture of servant hood will benefit an immigrationfriendly congregation. The subsequent proposal is to engage other congregations and churches, both in South Africa and Australia, in a conversation on the effect of implementing servant leadership within the context of immigration and globalisation. <![CDATA[<b>Ludwig Feuerbach the anthropologist</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Ludwig Feuerbach het in die negentiende eeu die mensdom se perspektiewe oor die godsdiens, en veral oor Christenskap, behoorlik op sy kop gekeer. Hy het die standpunt gehandhaaf dat die mens as gevolg van innerlike behoeftes en verwagtings vir homself 'n god skep en dat God nie die mens geskape het soos dit in die Bybel staan nie. Feuerbach word vanweë sy filosofie as die vader van sekularisme beskou. Met sekularisme word bedoel dat die wêreld totalitêr afgerond word tot 'n oorsigtelike en geslote geheel, waarin daar geen sprake meer van probleme is wat nie vanuit die wêreld (die mens) self opgelos kan word nie. Professor Lawrence Schlemmer het op 5 Desember 2010 op die voorblad van Rapport verklaar dat Afrikaanse mense in die laaste tyd baie meer sekulêr geword het. Hy het voorts gesê dat: "... diegene wat nog wel glo, hul geloof vanuit 'n postmoderne perspektief bedryf, waar persoonlike behoeftes en 'n verbruikerskultuur die essensie van hul geloofsbasis vorm". Hierdie artikel fokus op die filosofiese denke van Feuerbach, terwyl daar ook aangetoon word in welke mate Feuerbach se denke vandag nog inslag in die moderne sekulêre samelewing vind.<hr/>Ludwig Feuerbach was one of thefirst philosophers to arrive at the insight that religion had its origins in the human psyche and that religion ought to be nothing but anthropology. Feuerbach (as quoted directly in Kamenka 1979:46-49) argued that religion and reason are concurrent and that religious belief had established itself in people's inward visualizations and in representations that became elevated as the only truth. He said further that the representational world of religion revolved around individuals, their needs and their desires, yes, around their blissfulness and immortality. This abstract takes us to a quote by Joseph Koterski (1993:15) whereby he had responded to Christopher Dawson's "Religion and Culture" (1944) and "Religion and the Rise of Western Culture" (1950): "Religion", says Dawson, "is the key of history". In contrast to the academic tendency to reduce religion to an epiphenomenon, a product of various material and psychic forces (the recipe depending for the most part on how much Marxism and how much Freudianism one likes to mix in the intoxicated conversations at Ivy League faculty clubs), Dawson insists on the need to understand a society's religion if one wants to understand the original formation and the successive transformations of any human culture: In all ages thefirst creative works of a culture are due to a religious inspiration and dedicated to a religious end. The temples of the gods are the most enduring works of man. Religion stands at the threshold of all the great literatures of the world. Philosophy is its offspring and is a child which constantly returns to its parent. And the same is true of social institutions. Kingship and law are religious institutions and even today they have not entirely divested themselves of their numinous character, as we can see in the English coronation rite and in the formulas of our law courts. All the institutions of family and marriage and kingship havea religious background and have been maintained and are still maintained by formidable social sanctions. Feuerbach makes a distinction between religion and theology. According to him, the former is not without value, but the latter should be resisted and regarded with contempt since it was fabricated and misused by a particular society. Religion, says Feuerbach, can still be excused in a certain sense, since it comes into being involuntarily and unconsciously. He adds that religion, in fact, is merely an illusion and a fantasy, since it comprises a person's relationship with his own being (Engels 1886:4). Theology, in contrast, is a myth, which derives its origins from anthropology. In The Essence of Christianity (1841), Ludwig Feuerbach described God thus: "God as a morally perfect being is nothing else than the realized idea, the fulfilled law of morality, the moral nature of man posited as the absolute being". In other words, God is a projection of the human moral idea. He is our idea of what the perfectly moral person would be like, freed from all the limitations that apply to individual human beings: "God is the self-consciousness of man freed from all discordant elements". All genuine individuals and societies are limited, so they can never completely exemplify the ideals and hopes we have of them. (In a way, this reflects Plato's theory that individual things are pale, imperfect copies of an eternal "form" or idea.) But we still have hopes and aspirations for something perfect. Feuerbach argued that God was a projection of those ideals. To believe in him, was to believe in a moral order freed from all conflicts and limitations. He is a way of describing the highest aspirations of our own self-consciousness. In the nineteenth century, such thoughts were regarded as threatening and unacceptable to many, thus Feuerbach effectively ended his academic career at the age of 26, when hefirst challenged the belief in personal immortality and a conviction in a transcendent God. Feuerbach argued that the natural world, known by way of the senses, is the sum total of reality. Hence "God" is seen as part of that world only by being a projection of an aspect of humanity. In this sense, religion becomes a feature of humanity that should be studied by anthropologists - a phenomenon like any other. This did not imply that religion had not played an important part in human self-awareness, since it was by way of religion that a sense of the world as a whole and humanity's part in it had been developed. However, Feuerbach argued that it had already performed that task. The phenomenon should now be recognized as a projection of ideals, that should give way to a humanism which would allow those ideals to be developed in this world, rather than projected out into another realm. He accepted the need for human spirituality, and saw the benefits of celebrating human and natural qualities, but argued against these being associated with supernatural beliefs. In other words, for Feuerbach, people created gods to express the spiritual significance of life, just as the artist creates a work of art in order to express his or her awareness of beauty. But for Feuerbach, it was better to celebrate life directly, as was encountered in his world. In his philosophical reflections, Feuerbach (Bakker et al. 1972:63) points out that religion comprises the underlying foundation of every phase of mankind's cultural history. He therefore alleges that each change in the history of culture is brought about by prior changes in the domain of religion. This article focuses primarily on Ludwig Feuerbach's philosophy of religion. Religion, according to him, is not something external to an individual that has been poured into him from above, and stands apart from the totality of his person. As information that has its origins and continuation in the godly initiative, religion is fulfilled in the psychical functions. Religion forms part of the totality of the human experience and is irrevocably tied to an individual's life history. Religion is not isolated data. In religion the initiative of God has moved by means of people, and everything that people undergo comprises an aspect of experience, psychology and culture. <![CDATA[<b>An unequal harvest</b>: <b>the French Huguenots and Early Cape wine-making</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Wynvervaardiging was een van die eerste industrieë wat aan die Kaap gevestig is. Kwalitatiewe bronne lewer teenstrydige getuienis oor die impak wat die aankoms van Franse Hugenote aan die Kaap in 1688/89 op die wynindustrie gehad het. Deur van kwantitatiewe produksiedata oor 75 jaar van Europese vestiging aan die Kaap gebruik te maak, verklaar ons hoekom spesifieke Hugenote - dié wat van wynproduserende streke in Frankryk afkomstig was - beduidend meer produktief was as die ander setlaars. Standaard produksiefaktore verklaar nie die verskil nie: die Hugenote se wynkennis, - vermoëns en - geheime het verseker dat duursame wyn geproduseer is, wat onontbeerlik was vir verbygaande skepe. Hierdie geheimenisse van wynvervaardiging is oor generasies heen binne families bewaar, sodat hierdie families byna 'n eeu na hul aankoms steeds beter wynmakers was as die ander Europese afstammelinge.<hr/>There is as yet little understanding of the impact of the arrival of French Huguenots during 1688/1689 on the Cape wine industry in the Dutch Cape Colony. Van Riebeeck already produced thefirst wine at the Cape in 1659. Under Company officials, notably Simon and Willem Adriaan van der Stel, production expanded rapidly until, at the turn of the 17th century, the Lords XVII in Amsterdam limited private farm ownership by Company officials and paved the way for free farmers to take up viticulture. These included the 159 French Huguenots that had arrived a decade earlier to augment the free European population at the Cape by at least a third. Not all farmers were instantly successful, however, and, after rapid early adoption, wine production increased piecemeal over the course of the eighteenth century. Most of this activity was restricted to the areas west of thefirst mountain ranges. We posit that the skills, knowledge and secrets of wine-making the French Huguenots possessed at their arrival allowed them to produce better quality wines more productively than the non-French settlers. By using quantitative production data - the opgaafrolle were collected for the purposes of taxation - over more than seven decades of European settlement, we show that the Huguenots produced significantly more wine and did so more productively than the other settlers. The dataset allows for a number of control variables, including inputs (vines and wheat reaped, which also acts as a proxy for land), other capital (slaves, horses and cattle) and labour (knechts, or European labourers). But the standard factors of production (land, capital and labour) do not explain the difference: the "additional advantage" of the Huguenots remain despite these controls. The only plausible alternative hypothesis is that the knowledge, skills and secrets of viticulture allowed these Huguenots to produce quality wine, an invaluable asset in thefight against scurvy on the long ship voyages between Europe and the East. We test this hypothesis by splitting the sample into two groups: those that originate from wine-producing provinces in France and those that originate from non-wine producing provinces. Using only this subsample (and thus eliminatingthe possibility of institutional differences between the French Huguenots and the other settlers), we show that the Huguenots from wine-producing regions are more adept at making quality wine than their Huguenot compatriots who originate from non-wine producing regions. The skills, knowledge or "secrets" of producing quality wine brought with them from France gave these Huguenots a competitive advantage, which allowed them to consistently secure a market for their produce and thus expand production. <![CDATA[<b>A comparative analysis of ethical managerial perceptions between the management and employees of the production department in a multinational agricultural company</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel het ten doel om die etiese profiele vir werknemers in die bestuursafdeling en werknemers in die produksie-afdeling van 'n multinasionale saadmaatskappy te ontleed, en om te bepaal of daar enige verskille ten opsigte van etiese persepsies in dié twee groepe is. Dit is vermag deur van 'n vraelys wat verskillende scenario's wat as potensieel korrup geklassifiseer kan word, gebruik te maak, en waarvan die ingesteldheid van die respondente ten opsigte van hierdie scenario's dan gemeet is. Beskrywende statistiek is gebruik om die etiese profiele te ontleed, terwyl praktiese betekenisvolheid, oftewel die effekgrootte, gebruik is om die verskille tussen die twee groepe respondente te identifiseer. Die resultate het getoon dat werknemers in beide die bestuurs- en die produksie-afdeling in die maatskappy sterk etiese profiele ten opsigte van die scenario's wat individuele gedrag meet, geopenbaar het. Aangaande scenario's wat die gedrag van maatskappye meet, is daar gevind dat beide bestuur en werknemers in die produksie-afdeling 'n aantal van hierdie scenario's as aanvaarbaar geïdentifiseer het. Wat egter opmerklik is, is dat hierdie scenario's as "grysgebiede" of sagte onderwerpe geklassifiseer kan word, waar daar nie duidelike riglyne ten opsigte van wat reg of verkeerd is, bestaan nie. Prakties betekenisvolle verskille is waargeneem vir vyf van die veertien scenario's tussen hierdie twee groepe, alhoewel werknemers in beide groepe steeds etiesgeneigde profiele ten opsigte van maatskappygedrag getoon het. Daar is tot die slotsom gekom dat werknemers in die maatskappy wel oor hoë etiese standaarde beskik, gebaseer op die etiese profiele van beide bestuurslede en werknemers in die produksieafdeling.<hr/>The importance of business ethics and ethical conduct in business dealings has taken on new interest in recent times. Universal codes of conduct have been drafted by many multinational organisations to provide a uniform set of guidelines for ethical conduct expected from employees in companies. Often, when such codes are complied with, they do not consider the environment in which affiliates of the companies operate, which may cause codes of conduct to become nothing more than ideas merely written on paper. The aim of this study was to develop ethical profiles for management and the production employees within a multinational seed production company in South Africa, and to determine whether there were any differences regarding ethical perceptions within and between these groups. This company serves as an excellent case study where a code of conduct on ethical behaviour was formulated and strategically managed. Data were collected by means of a questionnaire presenting different scenarios measuring the attitudes of participants towards business practices that may be viewed as potentially corrupt. Descriptive statistics were used to develop ethical profiles for each of the different groups, while practical significance or effect sizes were used to identify practical significant differences between the groups. Results indicated that employees in both the management and production departments at the company showed ethical profiles that had strong ethical inclinations. There were no significant differences observed between the two groups concerning the scenarios depicting behaviour of individuals. Regarding the behaviour of the company, it was found that both management and employees in production found a number of these scenarios acceptable. However, these scenarios could be classified as the "grey areas" or soft issues, where there are no clear guidelines, rules or laws assisting the individual as to what can be considered right or wrong. Practical significant differences were observed between the two groups forfive of the fourteen scenarios. However, it was found that employees in both groups still showed ethically inclined profiles with regard to company behaviour. It was concluded that employees at the company do indeed possess substantial levels of ethical standards, based on the ethical profiles of both management and the employees in production. However, room for improvement on ethical behaviour, specifically with regard to the perceptions of company behaviour, was identified. <![CDATA[<b>A reflection on technology in public administration</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel handel oor die vraag of die Publieke Administrasie-diskoers 'n kritiese besinning oor die tegniese apparaat en tegniese aktiwiteite insluit in soverre dit publieke administrasie behels. 'n Oorsig van die teenwoordigheid van tegnologie in die ontwikkeling van Publieke Administrasie in Europa, Brittanje en die Verenigde State van Amerika, toon aan dat Publieke Administrasie as 'n aparte vak ontstaan het as gevolg van 'n groeiende behoefte aan 'n korpus van tegnieke vir die uitvoering van openbare funksies. Trouens, die vak Publieke Administrasie beliggaam die tegnologie vir publieke administrasie. Publieke Administrasie moet dus in die toepassingskonteks die tegnieke wat relevant is vir die lewering van openbare dienste bestudeer. Die insluiting van 'n studie van die tegnieke wat verband hou met die gebruik van die rekenaar in publieke administrasie is dus 'n logiese gevolg van Publieke Administrasie, wat die tegnologie is van 'n immer veranderende publieke administrasie.<hr/>The emotional value attached to poor public services in South Africa is evident from the recent violent protests by citizens in the South African Mpumalanga Province against the perceived lack of proper service delivery by the government. Bearing in mind the expectations for service delivery after the election of new public representatives in the national and provincial spheres during 2009, it is appropriate to critically reflect on the how and the means (sometimes referred to as "technology") applied by public institutions to transform political policy into practical programmes. This critical reflection is usually expected to be the result of the influence of the academic subject Public Administration. This article is thus concerned with whether Public Administration discourse has included a critical reflection on technical apparatus and technical activities in the domain of the technical insofar as it concerns public administration. Various scholars have in the last few decades written extensively about the application of technology by government in rendering public services. However, the question can be asked whether technology is only of recent relevance to Public Administration or whether the early scholars such as White (1926) and Gullick (1937) perhaps have paved the way during the 1920s and 1930s for a Public Administration reflection on the use of technology today. This article reflects on the historical and current place of technology in Public Administration, specifically with regard to improving public service delivery. This reflection is based on a comprehensive review of relevant books and journal articles. It starts with an analysis of the concepts technique and technology, followed by an assessment of the role of technology in Public Administration and proceeds with a discussion of not only the place of technology in the subject of Public Administration, but also the relevance of public administration technology for improving service delivery. For the purpose of this article the concept technology refers to the critical reflection on the technical, while the concept technique refers to the domain of the technical where technical objects (tools) are used in technical activities. Consequently, technique and technology in Public Administration are studied in terms of three broad traditions of the discipline, namely the European tradition, the British tradition andthe American tradition. The article argues that Public Administration, the academic subject reflecting critically on the practice of public administration, has developed since the sixteenth century Cameralist Germany and Austria as a result of a growing need for administrative techniques necessary to carry out public functions, into the technology of public administration. The content of Public Administration has been strongly influenced by changes in the social order in the broadest sense of the word. Subsequently the technical tools and activities used by general society have not only been applied in public administration, but became part of the domain of Public Administration. Public Administration thus has to study the techniques relevant to public service delivery. These techniques may include those related to the use of the computer (the socalled information technology) in an ever changing public administration. The development of Public Administration as a subjectfield can be summarised as a gradual movement from a public administration dominated by politics and generalists to public administration rendering services to societies with diverse and specialised needs by means of ever changing techniques. Public Administration seems to develop as a result of a growing need for a body of techniques for executing public functions. The result of the application of these techniques in public administration is inevitably reflected in the quality of the government services rendered to the public. Public Administration, the technology of public administration, has to take cognisance of communities' dissatisfaction with public service delivery, and critically investigate the techniques responsible for the inappropriate public services in order to improve the applied techniques. <![CDATA[<b>A school-based socio-emotional programme as strategy against crime and violence</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Misdaad en geweld is 'n ernstige probleem in Suid-Afrikaanse skole. Die studie waarop hierdie artikel gebaseer is, het gepoog om te bepaal watter elemente 'n sosiaal-emosionele intervensieprogram by 'n skool behoort te bevat om die voorkoming van geweld en misdaad in die skool te verseker. Met die vertrekpunt dat emosionele-intelligensie-onderrigmetodes in die klaskamer van groot waarde kan wees wat geweld-intervensies by skole betref, het die studie dit ten doel gehad om vas te stel of emosionele vaardighede in die komplekse atmosfeer van 'n skool aangeleer kan word. Die rol van onderwysers in die ontwikkeling van emosionele intelligensie by leerders is ook ondersoek. 'n Skoolgebaseerde sosiaal-emosionele intervensieprogram as strategie teen geweld is op die beginsel gebaseer dat onderrig bewustheid kan verander, dat kennis en onderrigmetodes prososiale gedrag kan bevorder, en dat dit leerders kan bemagtig. Die basiese aanname van 'n skoolgebaseerde geweld-intervensieprogram is dat, indien geweld aangeleer is, dit weer afgeleer kan word en leerders alternatiewe kan kies wat nie geweld insluit nie. Benewens kognitiewe en emosionele rypheid moet adolessente ook sosiale rypheid bereik. 'n Adolessent-gesentreerde onderrigbenadering sal adolessente se vermoë om 'n sosiaalaanvaarbare lewensfilosofie te ontwikkel, bevorder. Adolessentleer word bevorder wanneer individuele verskille erken, gerespekteer en geakkommodeer word; wanneer die leerders gemotiveer word deur uitdaging, relevansie, keuse, en 'n gevoel van suksesbereiking, en wanneer hulle gemaklik voel om hulleself uit te druk, skeppend, ondersoekend en eksperimenterend te wees, risiko's te neem en foute te maak.<hr/>The point of departure of this article is that crime and violence is a serious problem in South African schools. School violence can be understood as any behaviour that violates a school's educational mission or climate of respect, or jeopardises the intent of the school to be free of aggression against persons or property, drugs, weapons, disruptions and disorder. There is talk of a "violence continuum" that stretches from insults, criticising, hate speech, threats, bullying and shoving around, to more violent behaviour. As one type of behaviour leads to another, it increases the level of violence offighting, sexual harassment, theft, the use of alcohol and drugs, the use of weapons, vandalism, hate, gang-related involvement, the detention of hostages and rape, to murder and suicide. Attempts to prevent school violence should address average behavioural problems. To prevent a shooting incident at school the insulting and belittling behaviour of children towards each other on the playground must be addressed at the outset. Conflict amongst learners evokes aggression, opposition and violent behaviour. This type of behaviour is not conducive to the learning environment and is associated with ensuing behavioural problems, substance abuse and poor scholastic achievement. In short, it means that all school violence intervention efforts must concentrate on a broader definition and fundamental understanding of what school violence entails. It follows that a different approach is required - for this reason, the change from a controland-punishment approach to an approach of positive behavioural support which will promote an emotional supportive environment in the classroom is propagated The role of the teacher is not limited to the provision of intellectual support to the learners. Tuition offers the opportunity to develop more verbal skills, which will enable the learners to express their emotions and resolve conflict by means of negotiation, for example verbally instead of violently. While aggressive and violent (antisocial) behaviour can be associated with problems at school, pro-social behaviour (for example empathy and socially responsible behaviour) can be linked to achievement at school, peer acceptance and a peaceful school environment. A school-based socio-emotional intervention programme used as a strategy against violence is rooted in the fact that education can change awareness, that knowledge and teaching methods can promote pro-social behaviour, and that it can empower learners. The primary qualitative study on which this article is based therefore endeavoured to determine which elements a socioemotional intervention programme ought to include to prevent violence and crime in schools. The point of departure is that teaching emotional intelligence (EI) in the classroom can be of great value as an intervention against violence in schools. This study further aimed to determine whether emotional skills can be mastered in the complex atmosphere of a school. Management of the classroom climate is difficult as teachers should be sensitive to the behaviour of learners and understand them as individuals, and therefore adapt their own behaviour accordingly. A teacher's behavioural sensitivity can make a marked difference in the lives of learners. A secondary research question was to ascertain what role teachers can play in the development of EI in learners. As teachers are important role models to learners it is important for them to display EI to the learners by way of their example. The behaviour of teachers that reflects EI promotes emotional skills, generates a positive attitude and motivates the learners. Democratic school management practices and EI in the classroom can have the impact that especially an external locus of control in learners (as a result of certain events in their lives) change to an inner locus of control. Apart from cognitive and emotional maturity adolescents must also reach social maturity. An adolescent-centred teaching approach will develop adolescents'ability to acquire a socially acceptable philosophy of life. Adolescent-centred practices confirm that various personal (emotional), intellectual (cognitive) and social variables interact in the classroom situation and influence adolescents' learning processes. Adolescents' learning is promoted when individuals admit differences, are respected and accommodated; when the learners are motivated by challenge, relevance, choice and a feeling of achieving success, and when they feel comfortable to express themselves, to be creative, explorative and experimental, to take risks, and to make mistakes, which are all components of EI. <![CDATA[<b>Voices from the ranks of the South African teachers union on discipline</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Ongedissiplineerde leerdergedrag het betrekking op gedrag wat die ordelike verloop van die onderrigsituasie versteur. Dit is veral lae-impak-ongedissiplineerde gedrag soos tussenin praat, rondloop in die klas en taakvermyding wat die meeste frustrasie en stres by onderwysers veroorsaak. Hierdie artikel weerspieël onderwysers van bepaalde skole se sienings oor die oorsake van ongedissiplineerde leerdergedrag, asook hulle sienings oor die handhawing van dissipline in die skool. 'n Vraelys is elektronies aan skole gestuur en die resultate is sowel kwantitatief as kwalitatief ontleed. Hierdie artikel doen egter slegs verslag oor die bevindinge van die kwalitatiewe gedeelte van die vraelys. Streng, konsekwente asook regverdige dissipline en deeglike lesvoorbereiding wat leerderbetrokkenheid insluit, word beskou as die effektiefste maniere om dissipline te handhaaf. Uit die resultate van hierdie navorsing is dit duidelik dat die handhawing van dissipline in skole talle rolspelers impliseer, 'n groot verskeidenheid aspekte behels en geen maklike taak is nie.<hr/>Undisciplined behaviour refers to learner behaviour that disturbs the orderly course of the teaching situation. It is low impact, undisciplined behaviour in particular, such as interruptive chatting in class, wandering about the classroom, and task avoidance, that cause the most frustration and stress in teachers. This article reflects teachers' views on the causes of undisciplined learner behaviour, as well as on the maintenance of discipline in the school. A mixed research method of investigation was used and a questionnaire was sent electronically to schools for teachers to complete, the results of which were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively. Information obtained from a pilot study was used to compile the questionnaire, which contained structured and unstructured questions, in order to collect information on teachers' views on undisciplined learner behaviour. The questionnaire that was developed was suitably tested and then sent electronically by the Suid-Afrikaanse Onderwysersunie (SAOU) (South African Teachers Union) to 335 schools in all nine the provinces in South Africa. Urban and rural multi-cultural English, Afrikaans, parallel medium and dual-medium high schools and primary schools were involved and the research included ordinary, special, extraordinary, technical and agricultural schools. Inclusive factors for participation in the research were the following: some of the staff members of the school had to be members of SAOU, teachers had to have a full command of the Afrikaans language and the school had to have the facilities necessary to download the questionnaire electronically and to return the completed questionnaire electronically. The questions in the questionnaire concerning teachers' views of the causes of disciplinary problems and the maintenance of discipline in schools were identified and analysed qualitatively using an interpretive phenomenological analysis method in order to identify categories and themes, and thefindings are reflected in this article. Descriptive statistics and narrative discussion are used in the presentation of the results. In addition, frequencies and qualitative information are provided on teachers' views of disciplinary problems and the maintenance of discipline in schools. The study found that many respondents experience a feeling of powerlessness with regard to the handling of undisciplined behaviour in schools and reactive discipline, such as detention, is generally in use. The permissive atmosphere at home and inadequate proof of parental authority were indicated by most respondents as the main causes of undisciplined learner behaviour. Participants were of the opinion that the decline in parental authority and the growing lack of values and norms as well as an undisciplined community have a negative influence on learners' attitudes towards authority and manifest in undisciplined behaviour. Ineffective punishment methods for repeated offences and inadequate disciplinary measures were also indicated as challenges that teachers have to deal with. Strict, consistent and fair discipline, and thorough lesson preparation that includes learner involvement, were regarded by nearly half of the participants as the most effective ways to maintain discipline. In addition to the principal and the parents, every learner in the school, as well as the community, is regarded as important role players in the maintenance of discipline. Respondents appeared to be satisfied with the support that they received from the principals and management bodies, but referred to inadequate support from parents and the various education departments. From the results of this research it is clear that maintaining discipline implies many role players, encompasses a large variety of aspects and is not an easy task. Codes of conduct can be a valuable aid in reflecting the ethos and culture of a school. Parents and teachers should decide together on the content of a code of conduct and be empowered not only to act as role models but also to purposefully guide learners to self-discipline. Learners should be supported to make choices and to accept the consequences of their choices. By consolidating and applying values, learners learn and grow, and self-discipline and responsible decision making and choices that are of value not only for the self but also for the whole school community, are promoted. <![CDATA[<b>A general typology of lexicographical labels</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000300010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel stel 'n tipologie van leksikografiese etikette met die fokus op standaard tweetalige woordeboeke voor. Hoewel 'n aantal tipologieë in die literatuur voorkom wat op die oppervlak grootliks ooreenstem, is daar onenigheid ten opsigte van die dieper klassifikasies. Die literatuur toon dat hierdie stand van sake die gevolg is van algemene verwarring en 'n gebrek aan konsensus oor die gebruik van leksikografiese etikette en die pragmatiese parameters wat hulle verteenwoordig, wat veroorsaak word deur die afwesigheid van 'n teoretiese basis vir hulle klassifikasie en standaardisering. Die doel van hierdie artikel is juis om sodanige teoretiese basis te skep op grond waarvan 'n tipologie ontwikkel kan word.<hr/>This article develops and presents a typology of lexicographical labels with the focus on standard bilingual dictionaries. Generally, a lexicographical label can be described as a meta-entry in a dictionary article which indicates to the dictionary user that the entry it is addressed to represents an element of some form of marked language usage, for example informal language, jargon, geographical variation and temporal variation. Lexicographical labels contextualise their addresses in terms of actual language usage and therefore provide important pragmatic guidance to the dictionary user, thereby promoting communicative success. They have a long history and have not only become a lexicographical tradition, but also an indispensable instrument of description for the lexicographer. This article takes cognisance of an initial definition of lexicographical labels, the fact that a number of typologies of lexicographical labels have been proposed and the concept ofmarkedness as it pertains to language usage. With regard to existing typologies, it is noted that while they are more or less similar at the superficial level, there are significant differences in deeper classificationsand subclassifications. The literature suggests that this is the result of general confusion and a lack of consensus about the use of lexicographical labels and the pragmatic parameters that they represent, which is in turn caused by the absence of a theoretical basis for their classification and standardisation. Hence, the initial definition and the concept of markedness represents the point of departure for developing precisely such a theoretical basis. The concept of markedness is extended to lexicographical markedness, since what is regarded as linguistically marked is not necessarily marked for lexicographical purposes. A different set of norms have to be applied when deciding if a source or target language entry should be labelled. This implies that the linguistic markedness of a lexical item does not presuppose its labelling in a dictionary. The norms which should be applied to determine lexicographical markedness, and as such define lexicographical labels, include (i) the dictionary type, as a product of the purpose, function(s), typical usage situation and target user profile of the dictionary, which includes referential equivalence and translingually transposed lexicographical markedness in the case of a bilingual dictionary; (ii) certain linguistic criteria that apply to linguistic markedness, like usage restrictions pertaining to specific domains as well as relevant formal and stylistic criteria; (iii) the dictionary-specific context. Based on these norms, the following typology of lexicographical labels is proposed: Lexicographical labels Main class 1: Domain labels, which indicate that specific source and target language elements belong to a specific domain 1(a): Geographical labels, which indicate spatial distribution, for example British English 1(b): Temporal labels, which indicate marked temporal status 1(b)(i): Periodicising labels, which indicate specific source and target language elements' marked usage relative to contemporary language usage, for example archaic, old and neologism. 1(b)(ii): Historical labels, which mark specific source and target language elements that refer to referents which existed earlier but currently do not exist any longer, for example historical. 1(c): Frequency labels, which indicate marked usage frequency 1(c)(i): Absolute frequency labels, like rare 1(c)(ii): Relative frequency labels, like less frequently used 1(d): Technical labels, which indicate specific source and target language elements' term status in particular specialisation areas, for example medical and soccer 1(e): Cultural labels, which indicate the culture-specificity of particular source and target language elements, for example German cultural tradition Main class 2: Linguistic labels, which indicate specific source and target language elements' linguistic exceptionality in terms of the dictionary type Main class 3: Stylistic labels, which indicate specific source and target language elements' stylistic markedness 3(a): Register labels, which mark specific source and target language elements that belong to a specific situation or set of circumstances, for example journalese and poetic 3(b): Socio-stylistic labels, which indicate the suitability of specific source or target language elements at a specific style level, for example formal and vulgar 3(c): Stylistic-functional labels, which indicate the marked and deliberate conversational implicatures that specific source and target language elements can represent, for example euphemism and racist It is emphasised that the proposed typology is not necessarily exhaustive, nor should it be regarded as prescriptive or rigoristic. All identified classes are open classes, meaning that new elements can be added as knowledge about labels and pragmatic data in dictionaries expands. Rather, the typology should be seen as a functional product of scientific description. Regardless of the typology or the typological framework that a dictionary's editorial team may select for any planned dictionary, one requirement remains constant for a user-friendly dictionary, namely that the target user should be empowered, through the user guide (and other dictionary components, where appropriate), to functionally interpret any label that might appear in the dictionary. Aligning these features to the purpose and function(s) that have been identified for a dictionary in the planning stages as part of the dictionary plan would ensure communicative equivalence in the dictionary and result in successful lingual communication. Although the typology has been developed with the focus on standard bilingual dictionaries, it can ideally be utilised for any dictionary type.