Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120110002&lang=en vol. 51 num. 2 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Ideological considerations in the Afrikaans translation of Anne Frank's diary, <i>Het Achterhuis</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In hierdie artikel word ondersoek ingestel na die ideologiese motiverings agter die besluitneming in die vertaling van Anne Frank se dagboek, Het Achterhuis uit Nederlands in Afrikaans (Die Agterhuis). Daar word gekyk na die besluitneming ten opsigte van die oorkoepelende vertaalstrategie, asook die hantering van ideologiese verwysings in die dagboek. Die dagboek is sedert die eerste Nederlandse uitgawe in 1947 in meer as 60 tale vertaal. Vanweë die verskillende vertalings en verwerkings van die dagboek word die vraag gevra wie die régte Anne Frank is, aangesien die outentisiteit van die dagboek dikwels ingeboet is en die stem en styl van die dagboekskrywer nie altyd getrou weergegee is nie. Die beeld van Anne en haar dagboek is dus dikwels ideologies gemanipuleer en gefalsifiseer en as antwoord hierop, besluit Spies om hoofsaaklik van 'n vervreemdingsbenadering (Venuti 1995) gebruik te maak en besonder naby die bronteks te bly in haar Afrikaanse vertaling van die dagboek. Daar word telkens dermate vervreem dat ouer Afrikaanse en Nederlandistiese uitdrukkings dikwels in die Afrikaanse doelteks voorkom. Die doelteks word wel toeganklik vir die doelteksleser gemaak deurdat die dagboek origens in idiomatiese Afrikaans vertaal word en deur middel van die vertaler se uitgebreide funksionele gebruik van die parateks (Spies 2011). Deur middel van hierdie vervreemdingsbenadering slaag die vertaler daarin om die stem en styl van Anne in die Afrikaanse teks behoue te laat bly en so 'n getroue beeld van Anne weer te gee en die outentisiteit van die dagboek te behou. Hierdie benadering verhoog die literêre waarde van die doelteks en dra by tot die aanvaarbaarheid daarvan in die doeltekskultuur en sodoende die geslaagdheid van die Afrikaanse vertaling van die dagboek van Anne Frank.<hr/>This article investigates the ideological considerations in the decision making process of the translation of Anne Frank's diary, Het Achterhuis, into Afrikaans, Die Agterhuis. It analyses how the translator succeeds in rendering a translation which is authentic to the source text by remaining faithful to it and by conveying the voice and style of the original author into Afrikaans. In 2008, more than 60 years after Anne Frank's diary, Het Achterhuis, was first published in Dutch (1947), Lina Spies translated it into Afrikaans, with the title, Die Agterhuis. For the first time this famous diary was made available in Afrikaans. This diary has been rewritten and republished in Dutch a number of times as well as translated into over 60 languages. It has also been reworked into different genres, such as musicals and plays. Quite a number of these rewrites and translations rendered versions of the diary that were adapted and manipulated to such an extent that the resulting target texts can be regarded as unfaithful to the original/source text. These manipulations are mostly ideological in nature and mainly entail omitting and/or down toning entries in the diary which are of a strong ideological nature. In his adaptation of the diary, Anne's father, Otto Frank, for example omits entries where Anne depicted her mother in a bad light. Quite a number of the rewrites and translations omit the entries where Anne wrote from a feministic viewpoint about the emancipation of women (Lefevere 1992:64). Especially in German translations the entries where Anne wrote about the severity of the war and the Holocaust, which put the Nazis and Gestapo in a bad light, were rewritten to come across as less severe than they really were. An example of this is Anne's description of the German police on how to kill hostages: "zet de Gestapo doodgewoon een stuk of 5 gijzelaars tegen de muur" (the Gestapo simply puts 5 hostages or so against the wall) which was translated into German as: "dann hat man einen Grund, eine Anzahl dieser Geiseln zu erschiessen" (one then has a reason to shoot a number of these hostages). Lefevere (1992:68) argues that by using the word "man" (one) instead of specifically "Gestapo", the description is less explicit. The link between the severe deed and the German Gestapo is non-existent. Furthermore, the deed is justified in the target text because it is mentioned "das man einen Grund [hat]" to do it. Lefevere (1992:68) also mentions that by using merely "erschiessen" (shoot) instead of conveying the idea of the people being lined up against a wall, makes the deed less shocking. The inhumanity of the act which is conveyed in the Dutch source text is therefore lost in the ideologically manipulated German target text. Because the diary of Anne Frank is an ego document/autobiographical work (in the form of a diary) where the thoughts and feelings of a real person are portrayed, as well as a text which serves as a type of documentation of the Holocaust, it is of great importance that rewrites and translations of the diary be as faithful as possible to the source text. The manipulated versions of the diary led to the falsification of the voice of the author, Anne Frank, which Lefevere (1992) refers to as "the construction of different Anne Franks". The translator, Spies, as an agent of power in the translation process, believes that the nature of an autobiographical work and a documentation of The Second World War and the Holocaust call for authenticity and that the translator of these genres is therefore compelled to be subservient, to an extent, to the authority of the source text and the source text author. Spies therefore tries to remain as close to the source text as possible, whilst translating it into idiomatic Afrikaans (Spies 2008a:14). According to Spies (2007:10) the purpose of her Afrikaans translation is to serve as a reaction against the manipulated versions of the diary, which led to the falsification thereof and the falsely constructed image of Anne presented to the world. In order to render a target text which is authentic to the source text and reflects the voice and writing style of the source text author, the overall approach Spies followed in the Afrikaans translation in terms of culture and ideology is one of foreignization (Venuti 1995). This approach entails that a target text is produced by purposefully breaking conventions of both the target text language and culture to retain a part of the strangeness of the source text in the target text (Venuti 1995). All pragmatic and contextual references, such as cultural, political and religious references in the source text are therefore preserved in the target text and rendered as faithfully as possible. Translation strategies such as calques and cultural borrowing are applied and the translator makes use of older or Netherlandistic Afrikaans expressions, words and idioms in order to convey the voice and style of the author. The purpose is to make the target text seem as if it were written by the original author, but in Afrikaans. Because the target text is mainly foreignized, Spies frequently made use of paratext (the introduction, footnotes, epilogue and afterword) which accompany the diary entries to provide background information on the source text and author, in order to justify certain decisions made during the translation process and to clarify or explain some references in the target text which the target text readership will most likely not understand or be familiar with (Spies 2011). The combination of foreignization and paratext makes the target text more faithful to the source text, whilst rendering it acceptable, accessible and comprehensible to the target text readership. The ideological considerations in the translation of Het Achterhuis in Afrikaans are mainly aimed at rendering an authentic and faithful translation. By means of the Afrikaans translation of the diary, Anne's original work becomes accessible to the Afrikaans speaking, South African, target text readership. Justice is done to the diary and to the voice of Anne Frank - the face of the six million Jews who died during the Holocaust. <![CDATA[<b>Conditional constructions with "indien" (if), as used in scientific journals (Part 1: Basic constructions)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die beskrywing van die gebruike van voorwaardelike konstruksies met indien, soos wat dit in artikels in wetenskaplike tydskrifte voorkom, word vanweë die omvang daarvan in twee dele verdeel. Hierdie artikel vorm die eerste deel en handel oor basiese indien-konstruksies. In 'n basiese konstruksie bestaan die saamgestelde sin uit 'n bysin wat deur die onderskikker indien ingelei word en 'n hoofsin. Sintakties beskou is die indien-sin 'n adjunk in die hoofsin en die samestellende sinne bind hipotakties. Semanties gesproke gaan dit om twee stande van sake waarvan die een (uitgedruk in die protasis) die ander een (uitgedruk in die apodosis) tot gevolg het. In basiese indien-konstruksies gaan die protasis (p) die apodosis (q) vooraf. Uit 'n verskeidenheid moontlike parameters is die mate van waarskynlikheid dat 'n stand van sake gerealiseer sal word as rigtinggewer gekies om die gebruike van die indien-konstruksies in die data te klassifiseer. Vier breë kategorieë word bespreek, te wete mededelings oor die verlede, mededelings in teenwoordigetydvorm, voorspellende stellings en hipotetiese stellings. Geen duidelike grense bestaan tussen die kategorieë en subkategorieë nie en betekenisnuanses kan deur die interaksie tussen verskillende parameters verklaar word. Daar word aangetoon dat die ondersoek van outentieke taaldata onverwagte patrone blootlê.<hr/>The Afrikaans subordinate conjunction "indien" (if) is used to introduce a conditional or hypothetical clause or phrase. It is used in a more formal style than "as" (if), another Afrikaans subordinate conjunction with similar meaning. Examples of constructions with "indien" in written language are taken from papers published in accredited scientific journals where Afrikaans is used in a higher function and the papers have been refereed and presumably language edited. Relationships between form and meaning are investigated, keeping in mind that syntactic and semantic categories do not have sharp boundaries. Following Construction Grammar, we accept that not only words and morphemes, but also grammatical constructions on the level of syntax are coupled with semantic and pragmatic aspects of meaning. The role of the conjunction is described using the Mental Spaces Theory of Dancygier and Sweetser. Ten accredited South African scientifi c journals from 2001 onwards were used. This corpus contained 1159 papers and 2009 sentences containing "indien" were identified. The analysis is qualitative, concentrating on the different functions of the conditional, rather than on the frequency of its occurrence. Conditional constructions using "indien" can be divided into two broad classes, i.e. those starting with the subordinate clause, followed by the main clause and those that do not have this order. In the latter constructions the subordinate clause either follows the main clause or is incorporated in it. In this paper (part 1 of a two-part analysis) only those constructions where the conditional clause (the protasis, sometimes designated as p) precedes the main clause (the apodosis, sometimes designated as q) are analysed. The constructions with the reverse order will be discussed in part 2. The order (p,q) is described in the literature as the "natural", "normal" or "prototypical" form. We prefer the term "basic", because the terms mentioned above imply certain usage frequencies. A construction is termed basic if: (1) both the subordinate clause and the main clause are complete sentences; (2) the conjunction "indien" is explicitly stated; (3) the clause order is (p,q), i.e. the subordinate clause precedes the main clause and (4) the clauses are bound hypotactically. Conditional constructions can be further classified according to several parameters. Among these are the probability of the state of affairs in the protasis, syntactic pattern and tenses, the type of mental space being built and the binding between the protasis and apodosis. This paper uses the probability of the state of affairs in the protasis, ranging from factuality to non-factuality. Using the parameter, "indien" mentioned above, constructions are classified as: • Reports on state of affairs in the past This type of construction is nearest to the factual pole of the continuum. The verbs of both clauses are in the past tense and reference is made to the results of a research process that is already completed. Similarities with the narrative use of the temporal conjunction "wanneer" (when) are noted. • Assertions in present tense form In this wide category several sub-categories are distinguished: These sub-categories share the same verb tense pattern, i.e. present - present. Despite the verb tenses the events are not necessarily linked to the present. A generic time is expressed. The subcategories include Definitions; Advice, regulations and prescriptions; Possibilities; Explanations and inferences in an epistemic space; Logical consequences; and Scientific communications. Rare cases of an exception to the verb pattern were noted with inferences in an epistemic space where the combination present - past was noted for back reasoning. This type of conditional is not included in the calculus of Xrakovskij. • Predictive statements In this category the subordinate clause with "indien" constructs a mental space in which a prediction is made, expressed by the main clause. The state of affairs in both clauses is further from factuality. Not only has the state of affairs in the apodosis not yet materialised, but neither has the state of affairs in the protasis. The verb pattern is present - future, where a present form stands for a future event, a situation which is known as "tense backshifting". The sub-categories include Predictions and Suggestions, plans and intentions. • Hypothetical statements Different degrees of improbability can be expressed in the protasis and apodosis. Several examples are given ranging from plausible to downright false. Combinations of past tense verb forms are used in both clauses with "sou" (would), the past tense of "sal" (will), figuring most prominently. A different type of usage is found when "indien" is used with questions and commands in the apodosis. There is a correlate "dan" (then) that is often used with "indien". "Dan" is mostly used as an anaphoric adverb to refer back to the protasis. Usage of "dan" improves readability and refocuses the reader on the protasis in the case of complex sentences. The paper concludes that the probability of the state of affairs in the protasis is an effective parameter for the classification of "indien" constructions. Through the usage of examples from actual published papers unexpected constructions were discovered that are not covered in the calculus of Xrakovskij and not often found in the examples of other authors. <![CDATA[<b>The problematic nature and joint control of immigrants in the European Union</b>: <b>lessons for South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Internasionale migrasie is 'n uitvloeisel van globalisering en deel van 'n transnasionale tendens wat gemeenskappe, kulturele interaksie sowel as sosio-ekonomiese regeerprosesse in ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende state permanent beïnvloed (Harris 2009:4). Volgens Solomon (1996:1) is een uit elke honderd en veertien mense wêreldwyd 'n uitgewekene. Die redes vir veral onwettige immigrasie word volgens Angenendt (2008:1) universeel verbind met pogings van mense om aan politieke geweld en onderdrukking te ontkom. 'n Gebrek aan ekonomiese vooruitsigte in die land van herkoms is dikwels ook 'n rede vir vertrek uit die eie staat van herkoms. Binne die EU is die grootste groepe onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede byvoorbeeld afkomstig uit Turkye, Marokko, Albanië, Algerië en Serwië (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) is onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede afkomstig uit Meksiko, Kuba en ander Suid-Amerikaanse state. In Suid-Afrika is hulle veral afkomstig uit Zimbabwe, Mosambiek en Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migrasie is 'n multidimensionele en komplekse konsep wat verband hou met 'n verskeidenheid interpretasies en betekenisse. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie navorsing word die omvang en hantering van die immigrasieproblematiek binne Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (met 'n kort verwysing na Nederland as 'n gevallestudie) beperk tot 'n bespreking van die problematiek van onwettige immigrasie en die daarmee verbandhoudende gebrekkige integrasie van minderhede in die "doelstaat". Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het onlangs inisiatiewe van stapel gestuur ten einde onwettige immigrasie, veral uit ander Afrikastate, beter te beheer en selfs te ontmoedig. In breë trekke behels hierdie inisiatiewe die ontplooiing van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) op die grense, die verskerping van binnelandse prosesseringsmaatreëls en deporteringsprosedures. In hierdie artikel word 'n vergelyking getref tussen die immigrasie- en die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek van die EU en die wyse waarop veral onwettige immigrasie tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Die primêre aanname is dat daar steeds leemtes in die Suid-Afrikaanse hanteringswyse is, en dat daar lesse te leer is uit die EU-ondervinding. Dit is juis hierdie lesse wat in die artikel uitgelig word. Eerstens word kernagtig ingegaan op die impak van morele verpligtinge as belangrike rasionaal onderliggend aan die wyse waarop die onwettige immigrasie en die niegevestigede minderheidsproblematiek tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Hier is die fokus spesifiek op misdaad, werkloosheid en vreemdelingehaat as uitvloeisels van onwettige immigrasie. Die fokus word tweedens ter vergelyking vernou tot die persepsie en wyse waarop die immigrasie en niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU hanteer en ervaar word. In hierdie verband word die klem spesifiek op die persepsie van nasionale eiebelang van individuele EU-lidstate as rasionaal vir die hantering van die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU gelê. Hierdie vergelyking dien as riglyn vir die identifisering van uitdagings wat deur die Suid-Afrikaanse owerhede oorkom moet word. Dit is dan moontlik om aanbevelings te maak vir relevante beleidsformulering en die implementering daarvan in Suid-Afrika.<hr/>International migration is a consequence of globalisation and part of a transnational trend which permanently influences communities, cultural interaction and socio-economic governance in developed and developing states (Harris 2009:4). According to Solomon (1996:1) one out of every hundred and fourteen people in the world can be regarded as displaced. Angenendt (2008:1) is of the opinion that the reasons for illegal immigration in particular can be universally linked to the attempt to fl ee from political violence and oppression or a lack of economic prospects in the country of origin. In the European Union (EU) the largest group of immigrants, for example, come from Turkey, Morocco, Albania and Serbia (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In the United States of America (USA) illegal immigrants and non-established minorities are mostly from Mexico, Cuba and other South American states. In South Africa the abovementioned groups mainly come from Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migration is a multidimensional and complex concept relating to a variety of interpretations and meanings. For the purposes of this article the research will be narrowed down to illegal immigration and insufficient integration and marginalisation of non-established minorities in South Africa and the European Union (with a brief reference to the Netherlands as a case study). The key concepts can be summarised as follows: a) Non-established minorities: Smit (2009:8) views non-established minorities as individuals or a group that enter a receiver state legally or illegally. These individuals or groups find it difficult to integrate on social, cultural and economic levels in the receiver state. Non- established minorities tend to live in groups, develop their own community structures and tend to retain their own language, culture and religion. This means that they are unable to integrate into the structure and culture of the society that they have entered. They therefore tend to function and live in isolation. In many respects their traditions and way of life are being viewed as strange and regarded with suspicion. The consequence is that non-established minorities are often subjected to socio-economic marginalisation and even discrimination; b) Illegal immigration: In brief terms an illegal or undocumented immigrant can be described as a person that enters a state without formal permission. An illegal immigrant therefore enters a state outside the legislative migration framework of that state. Illegal immigration usually takes place through people-trafficking organisations, overstaying on a tourist or study visa or forging a visa (Offe 2011:4). The South African government has recently launched initiatives to improve immigration control and limit illegal immigration from other African states. In broad terms these initiatives consist of the redeployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the South African borders, as well as improved internal processing arrangements and deportation procedures. In the light of the foregoing actions, this article undertakes a holistic comparative analysis of the immigration and non-established minority challenges facing the EU and the way in which illegal immigration is managed in South Africa. The primary assumption is that there are managerial shortcomings and certain lessons to be learnt from the EU experience. It is the main objective of this article to highlight these lessons. Firstly, the article focuses on the impact of moral obligations as an important rationale for the extent of, and manner in which the South African authorities currently manage illegal immigration and the problem of non-established minority groups. Here an emphasis is placed on crime, unemployment and xenophobia as perceived consequences of illegal immigration. Secondly, as the main focus, the article is narrowed down to the perception of, and manner in which illegal immigration and non-established minorities are currently being dealt with within the EU. In this regard there is a specific emphasis on the perception of the national interest of individual states as rationale behind the management of illegal immigration and non-established minorities in the EU. This comparison serves as a guideline to identify the challenges that must be overcome by the South African authorities and provide recommendations for relevant policy formulation and the implementation thereof. <![CDATA[<b>The use of the USA dollar as international key currency and its benefits to the USA</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die VSA dollar as sleutelvaluta het die afgelope sestig jaar en meer die internasionale monetêre en ekonomiese toneel oorheers. Die dollar se rol as 'n sleutelvaluta word nie deur ander mededingende valutas bedreig nie. Ander geldeenhede kan nie naastenby met die dollar meeding nie, terwyl die dollar al die verlangde funksies van 'n sleutelvaluta vervul. Hieruit spruit buitengewone voordele vir die VSA, wat die fokuspunt van die artikel uitmaak. Die VSA bekom naamlik 'n uiters gunstige en soepel posisie om sy lopende rekening-tekorte op 'n goedkoop wyse te finansier. Verder investeer die VSA hierdie lae rente-draende buitelandse dollarverpligtinge in buitelandse bates wat beduidend hoër opbrengste as die koste van die buitelandse verpligtinge het. Die VSA omskep die korttermyn geleende fondse na langtermyn bates met 'n hoër opbrengs en word dus 'n winsgewende waagkapitalis. Laasgenoemde verskans die VSA se netto internasionale inkomsteposisie en versag ook die nadelige gevolge van 'n depresiasie in die wisselkoers van sy eie geldeenheid. Sodoende onttrek die VSA enorme voordele uit die globale ekonomie wat ander lande nie beskore is nie. Die artikel toon dat die VSA die buitengewone voorreg het om 'n lewenstandaard ver bó verdienste te geniet en dat die gewilligheid van ander lande om die VSA goedkoop te finansier hom toegang gee tot 'n spandabelrige lewenswyse. Boonop voorsien die oorheersing van die dollar die VSA van die middele om buitelandse militêre operasies, diplomatieke sendings en maatskaplike hulpverlening te finansier met voordele wat vanaf ander lande na die VSA oorgedra word.<hr/>The US dollar occupied a supreme position during the past sixty years and more amongst all other international currency units. At no stage could any other international currency of repute, not even the euro, closely match the prominence of the dollar. The dollar evolved into the common global exchange medium that facilitates international trade and investment in a relatively safe environment. The mutually beneficial interaction between its functions of medium of exchange, unit of account and store of value in both private and public capacity ensured its uncontested and almost monopolistic position. This was supported by the US's unsurpassable economic, strategic, diplomatic and political position and its acknowledgement by other countries as the world's economic locomotive and political leader. These were also confirmed by the fact that the dollar satisfi ed the required underlying determinants for acquiring key currency status better than any other currency. Of particular importance are the US's global dominance in world gross domestic product (GDP); world trade; currency confidence and stability; foreign direct investment fl ows; global capital flows and its unmatched deep, broad, liquid and resilient financial markets. Moreover, the dollar's key monetary functions and the US's economic and political milieu roles were in a mutually beneficial interaction. Similar to its predecessor, Britain, the US's global dominance bestowed on it the power to apply its political power to enhance and broaden its economic reign, and vice versa. Its political dominance opened the way for US financial and industrial enterprises to follow the flag, which in turn procured the financial means with which to finance and expand its political presence. The foregoing economic driving forces were and are still powerfully complemented by structural factors such as network externalities and inertia. The former stems from the lowering of transaction cost and the increase in liquidity caused by the increased use of the dollar as key currency, which subsequently draws in more and more users. This becomes a self-enhancing feature of the increase in its use. These network externalities sideline other contesting currencies aspiring for key currency status and in so doing introduce an almost monopolistic tendency in the key currency status of the dollar. The conservativeness of central banks in their management of international reserves together with the vested interests and tradition-bound attitudes of private and public key currency holders also contribute to a substantial inertia in key currency holdings. Becoming a key currency is therefore more difficult than remaining one. This perpetuates the dominance of the dollar. The paper attests that the supreme position of the dollar in the global currency arena brings substantial benefits and privileges to the US. Dollar hegemony bestows on the US a much greater flexibility in managing its current account deficits. Countries that hold dollars and dollar denominated assets as the main component of their international reserves do not withdraw their dollar-based investments, thus cheaply providing short- term funds to the US with which to finance its current account and budget deficits. This allows the US not only to borrow short and lend long, but also enables it to invest the low-cost foreign funds in high-yielding foreign assets. Empirical studies show that in so doing the US reaps a considerable net international gain despite its growing international indebtedness and deficits. The foregoing enables the US during various occasions to prevent a major deterioration in its net international investment position despite the fact that its foreign liabilities increasingly exceed its foreign assets. Moreover, the US is not seriously affected by a depreciation in the exchange rate of the dollar since the majority of its foreign liabilities are in its own currency and are thus not affected, whereas its foreign assets are largely in other currencies that yield a valuation gain when the exchange rate of the dollar depreciates. This benevolent situation together with the seigniorage benefits generated from dollar notes circulating outside the US, allow the US to live significantly above its means. Despite the indebtedness of the US to Far Eastern countries and its reliance on them for its fi nancing needs, the US still acquires a higher welfare level than it would otherwise have obtained. It also assists the US in funding its foreign diplomatic and military ventures. The latter in turn feeds back into promoting fi nancial and economic ventures that benefit the US financial markets. <![CDATA[<b>Land and transformation: historical context and outline of the process of land reform, 1994-2010</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Grond bly 'n omstrede kwessie in Suid-Afrika. Die gebeure in Zimbabwe en die beoogde onteieningswetgewing het onrustigheid oor grondhervorming by kommersiële boere en die georganiseerde landbou veroorsaak. 'n Teiken van 30% van Suid-Afrika se grond in swart besit teen 2014 is deur die ANC-regering gestel. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die historiese proses van 'n ongelyke verdeling van grond op 'n rassegrondslag in Suid-Afrika, wat teen die einde van die apartheidsera grondhervorming genoodsaak het ten einde inkomste, sosiale status en politieke mag meer eweredig te versprei. 'n Oorsig van grondhervorming tussen 1994 en 2010, bestaande uit restitusie van grondregte, 'n herverdeling van grond en wysigings aan die grondbesitstelsel, word verskaf. Grondeise is nog nie afgehandel nie en dit is onmoontlik om die uiteindelike uitkomste van die proses te voorspel. Grondhervorming tans, net soos gebiedskeiding en tuislandkonsolidasie in die verlede, is op 'n rasgedrewe ideologie gebaseer, wat 'n algemeen aanvaarbare oplossing van die grondkwessie belemmer. Rolspelers moet egter nie die ideaal van 'n billike, nie-rassige en produktiewe stelsel van grondregte uit die oog verloor nie.<hr/>Land reform is a topical issue in South Africa. The ANC government has set a target of 30 per cent black land ownership by 2014. In the light of the manner in which land reform in Zimbabwe has been handled and the expropriation bill that was tabled in Parliament and then withdrawn, there is unease about the future of land reform among commercial farmers and agricultural unions. The first section of this article investigates the historical process of the allocation of land in South Africa, which resulted in gross inequalities on the basis of race. The consequences of the 1913 and 1936 land acts are discussed. Approximately 13 per cent of the land surface of South Africa was reserved for blacks, who constituted 70 per cent of the total population in 1936. Despite the findings of commissions of enquiry that more land was needed for the proper socio-economic development of rural blacks, the homelands policy in the apartheid period (1948-1994) was still based on the 1936 act (the Native Trust and Land Act). The approximately 17 million hectares of land allocated to the ten homelands, on which the different black ethnic groups were meant to develop into fully-fledged nations in independent states, were consolidated into 24 blocks of land. Despite sharp criticism the Vorster government in the 1970s refused to increase the size of the homelands. During the Botha government in the 1980s only minor additions were made to the land area of the homelands. The unwillingness of the apartheid governments to reopen the land issue and redistribute land on a more equitable basis destroyed the potential of the homelands to become economically viable and politically independent territories. This jeopardised the credibility of the idea of separate but equal development. In the second section of the article the urgent need for proper land reform by 1994 is expounded. Without land reform a more equitable distribution of income, social status and political power in South Africa would not be achievable. Therefore land reform was an integral component of the negotiations for a new political dispensation in the early 1990s. A firm commitment to a process of land reform, based on the restitution of land rights that had been alienated since the 1913 land act, was included in the Interim Constitution. An outline of the process of land reform from 1994 to 2010 is given in section three. Different options were available, but the new government decided to steer a middle course. The formulation of the land issue in the 1996 Constitution amounted to an ideal of a balance between existing property rights and the guarantee of land reform. The 1994 Restitution of Land Rights Act provided for the restitution of land rights and the establishment of a Commission on Restitution of Land Rights and a Land Claims Court. A land reform programme, consisting of restitution, redistribution of land, and the reform of the land tenure system, was launched. More than 79,000 land claims were submitted, of which about 75,000, involving more than a million people, had been resolved by the end of 2010. Land reform is a continuing process of which the final outcomes are unpredictable. The final section deals with the prospects of a generally acceptable solution to the land issue. A major challenge is to transform the occupation, ownership and use of land without destroying the environment and agricultural productivity. Land reform today, just like territorial segregation and homeland consolidation in the past, is still driven by an ideology based on race. As long as the race card is deemed necessary to get political support the race factor will impede land reform. Despite all stumbling blocks stakeholders should not lose sight of the ideal of a system of land rights which is equitable, non-racial and productive. <![CDATA[<b>Understanding, trust and authority in education</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel reflekteer oor drie sentrale teoretiese konstrukte in die werk van WA Landman. Die konstrukte begrip, vertroue en gesag, wat as pedagogiese verhoudingstrukture deur Landman gekonseptualiseer is, word ondersoek deur dit in verband te bring met hedendaagse studies oor dieselfde konstrukte - ten einde die relevansie daarvan vir vandag se opvoedkundige fenomene te beskou. In die artikel word drie sentrale argumente voorgehou. Ek argumenteer dat i) die begryping van die drie konstrukte breër as die individuele volwassene-kind verhouding beskou moet word, dat ii) die intrinsieke verbande tussen die drie konstrukte egter behoue moet bly soos wat die konseptualisering daarvan uitbrei, en dat iii) ons meer sistemiese kompleksiteite in ons teoretiese begryping van die drie konstrukte insluit. Hierdie werkswyse lei tot die hipotese dat die toepaslikheid en relevansie van Landman se teorie rakende pedagogiese verhoudingstrukture inderdaad kan verhoog vir die komplekse onderrig-en-leer kontekste van vandag.<hr/>In this article I reflect on three central theoretical constructs in the work of W.A. Landman. I unpack the constructs of understanding, trust and authority, conceptualized as pedagogical relationship structures by Landman, by connecting them with more recent studies focusing on the same constructs. I do this in order to assess the relevance of Landman's constructs to educational phenomena today. The article postulates three central tenets: I argue that i) understandings of these three constructs be expanded beyond the individual adult-child educational relationship, ii) the intrinsic associations between the three constructs still be retained as we expand their utility, and that iii) we include more systemic complexities in our theoretical understanding of the constructs understanding, trust and authority. In this manner, I hypothesize that Landman's theory on pedagogical relationships-structures can increase its applicability and relevance in today's complex teaching and learning contexts. The article sets out to revisit the notions of understanding, trust and authority as it was defined by Landman and his colleagues in their educational work from 1960 - 1980. It is evident that all of these constructs are defined in terms of relationships between adults and children. The constructs are strongly connected to one another in the ways in which they are theorized. The cogitations of the concepts furthermore foreground significant equality between adults and children, even though the responsibility for leading the child to independent adulthood rests upon the shoulders of the adult. "Understanding" is conceptualized in terms of the responsibility of the adult to fully understand the nature of the child - in order to create fruitful teaching and learning situations. The definition of "trust" connects the need to venture into the unknown, the importance of full acceptance and appropriate expectations, security, love and warmth. Landman defi nes "authority" by stressing the importance of good example and the need for children to participate in decisionmaking. He stresses that deep and mutual understanding and authentic trust are prerequisites for authority within the adult-child relationship. Throughout the article, I mirror the reflections about Landman's work by pointing towards the key precepts of good theories, e.g. the fact that good theories consist of simple elementary theoretical constructs (such as understanding, trust and authority), that they explain observable phenomena in the natural world, they are logical, they connect certain constructs and they are descriptive in nature. Several contemporary studies on understanding, trust and authority are connected to Landman's work. The studies quoted straddle a variety of scientific disciplines. The studies which explore "understanding" show the links between the words we use to describe the world and our understanding of it. It also shows how "understanding" is viewed beyond an individual personal relationship. Studies in this fi eld also seem to have become strongly systemically inclined. When it comes to studies on "trust" the nuanced view of trust becomes evident. I foreground the fact that there are various types of trust as well as various degrees of trust identifi ed in recent studies. The need to conceptualize trust on a systemic level emerges again from current studies. The anti-authoritarian intellectual discourse has changed the way in which "authority" is being conceptualized today - of the three constructs under discussion here, perhaps the most signifi cantly. While Landman has been consistent in warning about the penurious effect of defi ning authority without trust and understanding, current studies have a stronger focus on the links between authority, power and knowledge production, the need for non-aggressive authority and the connections between prosperity and power. Based on these observations, the article concludes with the three arguments stated in the first paragraph of this summary, e.g. a proposal to expand Landman's conceptualizations beyond the individual adult-child educational relationship, ii) retaining the intrinsic associations between the three constructs, and iii) including systemic complexities with regard to understanding, trust and authority in Education. <![CDATA[<b>Indicators for a social work intervention plan for street children</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die artikel beskou die straatkindverskynsel vanuit 'n ekologiese perspektief ten einde indika tore daar te stel wat vir 'n intervensieplan met straatkinders belangrik is. Die ekologie se raam werk bied 'n holistiese en sistemiese perspektief wat die totaliteit van die straat kind in ag neem aangesien die verskynsel op die mikro-, meso-, ekso- en makro vlak bestudeer word. Die indikatore vir die intervensieplan wat daargestel word, is dus omvattend ten op sigte van elke aspek van die straatkind se leefwêreld. Die artikel beskryf die konseptuele raamwerk van die studie, sowel as die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe ondersoeke waarby ses straatkinders en tien organisasies wat dienste aan straatkinders lewer, betrek is. Daarna word die geïdentifiseerde indikatore vir 'n intervensieplan uiteengesit en aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe dit in die praktyk geïmplementeer kan word. Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking geraak dat die grootste behoeftes ten opsigte van die mikrosisteem die behoef tes van versorging, genesing, bou van verhoudinge en ont wikkeling van die straatkind is. Die mesovlak word gekenmerk deur die sterk behoefte van die straatkind om te behoort. Hier speel die gesin/familie, skool, opleiding en die portuurgroep 'n belangrike rol in die kind se ontwikkeling. Die straatkind se grootste behoeftes op die eksovlak is dié van hoop en ontwikkeling, terwyl die makrosisteem die funksie van beskerming asook ontwikkeling het.<hr/>ABSTRACT This article examines the street child phenomenon from an ecological perspective in order to obtain indicators which are important for an intervention plan for street children. The eco logical perspective is utilised as a framework for the investigation since it provides a complete holistic and systematic framework and does not proceed in a linear dimension of merely cause and effect. The advantage of this perspective is that the street child can be considered holistically and that a comp rehensive intervention plan, including every aspect of the child, could be compiled. The literature study focused on four different levels of the ecological perspective, namely the micro, meso, exo and macro-levels, although a detailed discussion of these levels is not included in this article. The empirical investigation exploited quantitative and qualitative research methods. Organisations currently delivering services to street children completed questionnaires that focused on the content of their particular programs. These programs were evaluated against the background of the conceptual framework. Only 21.3% of the organisations returned their responses. The researchers undertook six case studies using qualitative research. In order to ensure that these children were not traumatised through the process of gathering information for the case studies, measures were put in place to provide sufficient support to the participants. Approval for the study was also acquired. The micro-system is based on physiological aspects, cognition, social and emotional aspects, and personality. The street child has usually been exposed to severe trauma and losses. The child is deprived of "normal" family life and interventions are required in order to provide the child with care, healing, development of self, and the building of relationships. In the meso-system, the systems closest to the street child are included, viz. the family, school, and peer group. In this system, it was found that the children had suffered many losses. In particular, there are no family structures in the world of the street child. The school, an important system for the development of the child and for training her/him for the labour market, does not play a role because the street children do not attend school. The peer group has taken over this important role in the child's bonding and support on the street. It was found that the child should receive specific interventions which will stimulate his/her feeling of belonging and will also address education as well as the development of life skills. Regarding the exo-system, specific attention was given to the community, the public, the police services, health, social services, religious institutions, business, and habitat. It was found that this system does not provide sufficient support to the street child. A support system should thus be created as part of the intervention in order to stimulate and support the child's development. The macro-system is, for the purpose of this study, represented by legislation/policies, culture, politics, and religion. In South Africa, the macro-system is directed towards the protection and development of structures and policy with respect to children. The execution of this policy is hampered by deficient manpower and finances. The macro-system must be applied in such a manner that the street child is protected and her/his development facilitated. When analysing the final product it can be concluded that the intervention with the street child ren should be handled by a specialist team, as well as by members of the community. In the micro-system, the interventions should be directed specifically at the micro-system, i.e. care, healing, bond ing with other systems, and the development of the child. Regarding the meso-system, focus should be on development of the feeling of belonging, training, and further develop ment of life skills. Regarding the exo-system, the interventions should be handled by means of a multidisciplinary team as well as community members and resources, all directed to support. The development of the support system will then contribute to creating hope in the child. In the macrosystem the intervention is directed at safeguarding the street child and developing systems and policies which would be advantageous to the street child. The ecological perspective offers a comprehensive framework within which the street child may be treated holistically. <![CDATA[<b>Reader and context</b>: <b>a reception study of Afrikaans romance readers</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel wys op die winste van ander literatuurstudiebenaderings as teksanalise. Na 'n kort opsomming van navorsingsperspektiewe wat op die omgang van die leser met die teks fokus, word die opset en bevindinge van 'n leserstudie onder Afrikaanse lesers van romanses beskryf. 'n Vergelyking met ander studies oor dieselfde genre dui op ooreenkomste, soos dat die genre lesers help om aan die werklikheid te ontsnap en ontvlug, maar ook op verrassende verskille. Ten spyte van die patriargale omgewing waarin die Afrikaanse romanseleser lewe, word dit - anders as in ander studies - verswyg as rede vir ontvlugting. Die studie wys op die noue verbintenis tussen teks, leser en konteks wanneer die Afrikaanse romanselesers ontvlugting van misdaad as die werklikheid waarvan hulle wil ontvlug, aandui.<hr/>This article highlights the gains of approaches other than that of text analysis to the study of literature. The romance is a literary genre that developed in Western culture mainly in English speaking countries. Romantic love is the essence of romantic fi ction and romances focus primarily on the love and romantic relationship between a man and a woman and have optimistic and emotionally satisfying endings. Until quite recently the idea of reading a romance often evoked derision, and there was a general assumption that the novels were read by less educated and less sophisticated women. However, romance publishing is big business in the West and also in South Africa and the question thus arises as to why this genre is singled out for ridicule. This article, which is based on a readership study of Afrikaans readers of romance novels, seeks to understand this phenomenon. After a short overview of research perspectives that focus on the association of the reader with the text, the context and results of the readership study are discussed. The study was undertaken on behalf of a South African publishing house and focuses on the demography of Afrikaans speaking romance readers, their overall reading practices and the reasons for reading romances. The investigation was loosely based on Radway's seminal study on readers of romances as discussed in her book Reading the Romance (1983). Questionnaires were included in a consignment of romances sent to members of romance book clubs. The questionnaires included, inter alia, the questions of why the respondents read romances and why these novels are preferred, or are felt to be "better" to read, than other books. One of the main themes that emerged from the responses was the women's need to escape from the unsatisfactory realities of everyday life. This corresponds directly with results obtained from other studies of the genre. However, a surprising difference with existing studies also emerged when the responses regarding what respondents were escaping from were analysed. In spite of the patriarchal environment in which Afrikaans speaking women in South Africa fi nd themselves, this was not, as was predominant in other studies, mentioned as a reason/factor from which to escape. Instead, the South African women overwhelmingly indicated that they read romance novels to escape from the realities of rampant crime and violence touching upon their everyday lives. The main contribution of this readership study therefore, in which Afrikaans romance readers indicate that through their reading of romance novels they manage to escape from an unsatisfactory, crime-ridden reality, is that it clearly shows the close relationship between reader, text and sociohistorical realities. It furthermore demonstrates that literature can also be studied for the role it plays in the life of the reader and how the reader, by means of romance texts, may cope with such contexts and/or realities. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512011000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en