Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> vol. 56 num. 2-1 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> <![CDATA[<b>Redakteursnota</b>]]> <![CDATA[<b>Oor monnemente gepraat - Afrikaans se eerste neëntig jaar</b>]]> <![CDATA[<b>The Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument in Paarl: 40 years later</b>]]> In hierdie artikel word die rol en waarde van die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument in die Paarl geëvalueer in die lig van die veertigste herdenking van die inwyding van die Monument. Die inwyding het op 10 Oktober 1975 plaasgevind. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie tot dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die Museum word gehuisves in die destydse woonhuis van Gideon Malherbe, waar die Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners (GRA) op 14 Augustus 1875 gestig is. Inisiatiewe om n Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl op te rig, kan teruggevoer word tot so ver terug as September 1942, toe 'n komitee op die been gebring is om fondse daarvoor in te samel. Die Monument is uiteindelik meer as 30 jaar later ingewy. Die Monument het vanaf die eerste oomblik wat die idee posgevat het, gelei tot kritiek en tweespalt. Hierdie artikel ondersoek elke tipe kritiek wat destyds teen die Monument uitgespreek is, naamlik die wenslikheid, ligging, voorkoms, aard of funksie, simboliek en ideologie, en evalueer terugskouend die geldigheid daarvan al dan nie.<hr/>This paper reports on the background and history of the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument in Paarl and examines the relevance of the entity in the South Africa of today. The Afrikaanse Taalmonument (Afrikaans Language Monument), erected on the foothills of Paarl Mountain, is a well-known tourist destination attracting a considerable number of visitors each year. Although the Monument has a high profile, it is not generally known that there is also a museum for the Afrikaans Language in Paarl, situated in the centre of town. The Museum was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the Genootskap vir Regte Afrikaners (GRA, or Society for Real Afrikaners), which took place in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity, the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM). The first initiative for the erection of a language monument in Paarl dates back to 14 August 1942, at a commemoration of the historical founding of the GRA. At a subsequent public meeting in the Paarl Town Hall in September 1942 an Afrikaans monument committee (ATMK, or Die Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee - Afrikaans Language Monument Committee) was established with the aim of taking forward the initiative. It took more than three decades for the vision ofthat initial group to be realised. Fund-raising and awareness drives were held nationally, and various issues such as the location of the monument and the form it should take were hotly debated. Eventually, in 1964, twelve architects were invited to take part in a competition to design the monument. The competition was won by architect Jan van Wijk. Van Wijk's design was a purely symbolic, non-functional structure with strong architectural lines, richly imbued with meaning. He had used the writings of two well-known Afrikaans authors to inspire his design.¹ Among the aspects debated before, during and after the erection of the Monument, the most important were issues of location, aesthetics, function, symbolism and ideology. The very fact of building a tangible structure such as a monument for intangible heritage, namely language, was questioned in terms of the necessity, practicality and advisability of such an undertaking. These concerns were addressed and answered by the then Prime Minister, adv. BJ Vorster, in his inaugural speech of the Monument. According to him (own translation and abridgement): If your mother were just a woman, and your flag just a piece of cloth, your national anthem just a poem, and your language just a means of communication; then for you this monument will be a lifeless structure of concrete and granite. Afrikaans had to prove itself against overwhelming odds, and has done so admirably, and that is the reason why a monument has been erected in its honour. Regarding location, the general opinion initially was that the monument should be located in the centre of town, where a core of buildings intimately linked to the history and development of Afrikaans are to be found. The lobby for greater visibility and therefore greater public consciousness won the day and the Monument was erected on the mountainside where it can be seen from all directions from a distance of up to 50 kilometres. The location still draws comments from visitors today; mostly favourable. The panoramic views are one of the great drawcards of the site. As for aesthetic appeal, the visitor comments reflect a spectrum of opinions, from the very favourable to descriptions such as "bizarre and definitely ugly". This proves the validity of the saying "beauty is in the eye of the beholder". That it is undoubtedly a striking structure, is upheld by the fact that the Monument has been included in a book on the 500 most iconic architectural structures in the world (Cattermole 2008:383), the only South African building to receive that honour. At the time of erection, many of the comments reflecting unfavourably on the appearance were in fact aired by protestors against the perceived ideology the Monument portrayed, rendering the criticism worthless in terms of aesthetic considerations. References to the so-called phallic appearance abounded, and are still occasionally heard today; a clear attempt at discrediting and reduction to an object of ridicule without any objective basis. Regarding functionality, the initial idea was to erect a functional building where the language could be practically promoted and showcased, amongst others by offering language training and creating a reference library of rare Africana books and documents. By the time the invitation went out to the architects, the idea had radically evolved into the concept of a symbolic, non-functional structure, albeit situated in afunctional landscape conducive to family recreation. With the acquisition of the Museum, however, part of the initial vision of the Committee was realised, and today the Museum boasts research facilities such as a dedicated reading room, an extensive Africana collection and the services of a qualified researcher. Various courses geared towards the promotion of language in the wider sense of the word are also offered by the ATM, among others courses in Mandarin presented by a lecturer from the University of Stellenbosch. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument, and especially the way in which Van Wijk expressed it architecturally, was met with an overwhelmingly positive response from the Committee, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans engendered strong opposition from a small faction led by the previous chairman of the Committee. Theyfelt that such references were "historically incorrect". The disagreement led to bitter arguments, intensive lobbying, petitions, and eventually a total schism. Sanity, however, prevailed and the symbolism as initially visualised by Van Wijk was accepted unchanged. In keeping with current ideas about symbolism and meaning-making, and the offering of an official interpretation or not, the architect envisaged a monument imbued with very rich symbolism, which spoke for itself, as it were, and leaves onlookers to find specific meaning according to the viewpoints held by each individual. Afrikaans and its relationship to the other languages of South Africa is a so-called site of contestation, which by implication makes the Monument one as well (Simos 2012:1; Smith 2013:135). The Monument was erected in the heyday of the Apartheid government, and many critics maintained that the government of the day had openly "hijacked" the Monument as a powerful symbol of Afrikaner Nationalism. This was brought about in part by the project having been heavily sponsored by the state. Another factor which led to bitter politically inspired clashes was that, initially, few Coloured people were intended to take part in or be invited to the inauguration. This was despite extensive use of Afrikaans in the Coloured community, and sent the message of White exclusivity and elitism. A storm brewed in the media, which eventually led to the inclusion in the program and invitation to the event of a significant number of people from other races. However, for many anti-apartheid activists it was a case of too little, too late, and they still refused to attend the proceedings. Political viewpoints were, and still are, the leading cause of criticism levelled at the Monument. Although the country today is a transformed, multiracial, multicultural society, many South Africans are still deeply suspicious, and view the efforts of the ATM to transform their events, exhibitions and educational programs to attract people from across the entire spectrum of the population, as mere window-dressing. It remains an uphill battle for the entity to reposition itself as a cultural rather than political icon in the eyes of the world, but great inroads to this effect have been made in the past number of years. <![CDATA[<b>The development of Afrikaans technical language: Past, present and future</b>]]> Die vertrekpunt van vaktaalontwikkeling is die konsepte onderliggend aan 'n bepaalde vakgebied. Unieke, veeltematiese vaktaalprodukte word benodig vir bepaalde teikengebruikersgroepe met spesifieke belange by bepaalde vakgebiede en tale. Vaktaalontwikkeling in Suid-Afrika geskied binne die konteks van die taalbeleid van die regering. Ten spyte van magtigende wetgewing, en ook die nasionale Grondwet, wat die talebestel beskerm en die bevordering van die amptelike tale behoort te bevorder, is dit vir die ander amptelike tale uiters moeilik om aan die hegemonie van Engels te ontkom. Primêre termskepping geskied in Engels, en termekwivalente word deur sekondêre termskepping in Afrikaans en die Afrikatale bygevoeg. Ondanks die bestaan van verskeie koördinerende vaktaalliggame, was en is daar steeds duplisering van vaktaalprojekte. Die mandaat van die nasionale terminologiekantoor verskil van dié van sy voorgangers, en die kantoor gee slegs aandag aan staatsprojekte. Daarbenewens dokumenteer verskeie taalkantore, sentra, uitgewers en individue terminologie, en is fondse deur die Departement van Hoër Onderwys bewillig om 'n veeltalige oop termbank vir hoër onderwys te vestig, aangesien vaktaalontwikkeling vir sowel taal- as vakgerigte departemente by tersiêre instansies belangrik is. n Verskeidenheid van datavasleggingsprogrammatuur word gebruik, en indien hierdie programmatuur versoenbaar is, kan data maklik uitgeruil en gedissemineer word. Data behoort gedigitaliseer en oop te wees vir vrye toegang en algemene gebruik. Indiens- en tersiêre opleiding in die teoretiese en praktiese begronding van terminologie/ terminografie is noodsaaklik. Die kundigheid van akademici, vakkundiges en taalpraktisyns (ook afgetredenes) behoort by vaktaalontwikkeling benut te word om meertalige en veeltematiese terminologie te ontwikkel. Hierdie medewerkers behoort vir hul werk vergoed te word. Sonder vaktaal kan daar nie sprake wees van behoorlike vakkommunikasie nie.<hr/>Terminology development is an interdisciplinary activity that takes as its point of departure the concepts related to a certain subject area. Terminography practice depends on language development and lexicographical principles and practice. Unique, polythematic terminology products are needed for target user groups that have a specific interest in specific subject areas in different languages, and the needs of such groups should be taken into consideration when terminology is developed. All occupations andfields of knowledge need terms for exact subject-related communication, which explains the slogan of the international terminology organisation TermNet: There is no Knowledge without Terminology. Terminology development occurs in the framework of the language policy of the government of a country. South Africa has excellent legislation aimed at safeguarding the official languages and developing them into fully functional languages. Although this article focuses on Afrikaans, it is important not to deal with Afrikaans in isolation - all terminology-related activities should (where possible) take place in all the official languages, not only for the sake of individual languages, but especially for the sake of (specialised) communication. The development of the indigenous languages took place in consecutive phases. Afrikaans developed from a subservient so-called "kitchen language" to a high-function language that can be used in any field of knowledge. Currently, Afrikaans should be in a maintenance phase, but the language has (again) been relegated to a struggle for survival. At the same time, the African languages are not being properly developed as full-fledged academic languages, despite their official status. English remains the language ofpreference for many South Africans, and the other official languages are subjected to the hegemony of English. It is important to realise that a functional language is a language with a future. The political change in 1994 provided a legislative context for transformation and the redress of imbalances resulting from the previous dispensation. Language, among other issues, is seen as critical in fostering transformation in higher education and in society. Historically, the development of terminology in South Africa was a long and difficult process, but, at the same time, judged from the number of technical dictionaries published, terminology development has been extremely successful. Many technical dictionaries are currently out of print. There were (and still are) many duplications ofterminology projects, despite the existence ofseveral coordinating bodies. The mandate of the national terminology office, i.e. the Terminology Coordination Section, differs from that of its predecessors. In the past, bilingual technical dictionaries were compiled, but currently the mandate of the office requires the compilation of terminology products in all official languages. The office mainly tends to government-related terminology needs. Legislation dictates that government departments, with a view to communicating with the country's citizens, develop the terminology related to their core business in all official languages (at the national level) and, at the provincial and local levels, in at least the three major languages used in the province concerned. The private sector ought to be part of this strategy, seeing that it is an end-user of terminology as well. A recent audit has shown that various language bureaux collect terminology for internal use. Although this invaluable terminology work is being done in various subject areas, the terms are not readily available, the bilingual or multilingual polythematic terminology being available to the relevant institution only. Funds have recently been made available by the Department of Higher Education for the development of terminology at tertiary institutions. The aim is to develop a multilingual open term bank for higher education, with the primary beneficiaries first-year university students with an African language (including Afrikaans) as their mother tongue. The tertiary institutions that are currently actively involved in terminology development should collaborate to avoid duplication; however, the audit has shown that already several projects are being duplicated. Furthermore, terminological research should be made available online for learning and teaching purposes. The terminology should be of a high standard and its effectiveness should be measured frequently. Also, systems should be put in place to make it possible to comment on terminological data and revise and update data. Currently, different institutions keep term data bases, and a variety of data capturing software is used, which, ideally, should be compatible, so as to facilitate sharing terminological data. All available terminology (even out-of-print terminological products) should be accumulated in a central database, and/or a node with links to terminology databases should be established to promote the dissemination of terminology. Data should be digitalised and open-sourced to enable free access. Proper training in the principles and practice of terminography is needed. Currently no in-house terminology training is provided, and at tertiary institutions terminography mainly forms part of lexicography, linguistics, translation or interpreting courses. Tertiary institutions could assist the terminography practice by presenting proper terminology courses and appropriating funds for terminology development at all subject-related faculties. Terminology development is important for both language-related and subject-related departments at tertiary institutions. Collaboration among tertiary institutions should be encouraged, and new terms (neologisms) arisingfrom recent research should be documented and disseminated. It is important to take note of terminology activities by individuals and institutions. Academics, subject specialists and language practitioners (including those who have retired) could provide valuable assistance in defining concepts, and when translations are needed. A list should be kept of all role-players and collaborators (potentially) involved in terminology-related work. Although the publication of technical dictionaries is not regarded as a profitable business, publishing custom-made technical dictionaries aimed at different target groups, such as subject specialists and lay people, should be negotiated with media houses and publishers. Project leaders and the technical committee members currently doing the physical documentation of terminology should be compensated for their work. Grants should be invested, and the proceeds should be used to finance terminology projects. Significant progress would only be possible if terminography projects were properlyfinanced. It is important to realise that trained terminologists and enthusiastic/inspired subject specialists, academics and students are needed to develop multilingual polythematic terminology. Without terminology, exact subject-related communication would not be possible. <![CDATA[<b>N. P. van Wyk Louw's views on language movements and the maintenance of Afrikaans</b>]]> Die digter N.P. van Wyk Louw het hom in verskeie opstelle en praatjies uitgelaat oor klein volke en tale, taalbewegings, taalstryde en nasionalisme en die voortbestaan van Afrikaans. In hierdie artikel word op grond van sy siening van taalbewegings en sy opvattings oor nasionalisme gelet op die faktore wat bydra tot die welslae van 'n taalbeweging. Hy betoog met voorbeelde dat 'n taalbeweging slegs kan begin wanneer histories bewuste intellektuele bekommerd is oor die taal en die taalgemeenskap en planne maak om die taal te behou en die gemeenskap op te hef. 'n Taalbeweging het 'n kans op welslae wanneer dit 'n "staatkundige stut" kan bekom en dus nie polities so magteloos is dat dit nie regeringsbesluite kan beïnvloed nie. Volgens Louw is 'n taalbeweging se kans op welslae die beste wanneer die beweging dit kan regkry om die strewe na die bevordering van die taal te verbind met die bemagtiging van die minder bevoorregte lede van die gemeenskap. Hy illustreer laasgenoemde stelling met 'n oortuigende verwysing na die vordering van Afrikaans in die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu. Sonder om na enige taal te verwys meen hy ook dat dit noodlottige gevolge vir 'n klein gemeenskap kan hê om in 'n meertalige land onregverdig teenoor ander groepe op te tree.<hr/>In several essays and talks, the Afrikaans poet N. P. van Wyk Louw spoke about small nations and languages, language movements, language struggles and nationalism, and the survival of Afrikaans. The factors contributing to the success of a language movement are discussed in the current article, as based on Louw's view of language movements and his views on nationalism. According to Louw, nationalism does not involve the glorification of the nation and language; self-glorification is a feature of chauvinism, the black angel of nationalism and actually its archenemy. In fact, a man "does not love his nation because it is worthy and the best nation on earth; he loves it for its misery. " Louw denied that nationalism is a form of limitation, narrowness, and selfishness. He argued his denial by referring to national rights. An example of a national right is the right to receive your intellectual development, in short your education, in a language that you understand. "When you see the value of national rights not only as rights your own group deserve, but as universal human rights, then you're already out of the limitations of your own group, and you will not only claim these rights for your own group". He distinguishes between the imperialist and aggressive nationalism of the great nations on the one hand, and the nationalism of the people who rebel against this type of nationalism on the other. The two kinds of nationalism lead to two kinds of language movements. Louw described the defensive language movements of the communities that react against imperialist nationalisms. A language movement can only start when historically conscious intellectuals are concerned about a "crisis of despair" in a nation or language community, and plan to retain the language, to uplift (or empower) the community and thus ensure the survival of the people or language community. Such a crisis occurs when a large number of community members question whether it is worthwhile to retain the language and continue as a language community. The first agent used by communities in language movements are organizations and institutions established by the community. A language movement has a great chance of success if it has political support and is therefore not politically so powerless that it cannot influence government decisions. A language movement cannot succeed without political means. The loss of political support in a multilingual country can seriously harm a minority language. A language movement's chances of success in a multilingual country are best when the movement can succeed in connecting the struggle for the promotion of the language with the empowerment of a disadvantaged community. This factor was the key in the Afrikaans language movement in the early twentieth century in South Africa. Afrikaans was the language of the largest groups of voters in the country, white and coloured. It was also the language of mainly poor groups - "those who felt as oppressed, those who wanted to uplift themselves, those who wanted to upturn the economic conditions before 1900 with a kind of revolution. And in this weakness lay power. " The recognition of this "material base" does not undermine the national value of the movement. This proves that it was not simply a case of playing with phrases and ideals, but "a piece of the full Afrikaans social reality". One could say: the Afrikaans language movement was the socialism of the poor Afrikaans people. The movement succeeded because it was the bearer of crucial needs - even economic needs. In this lay its strength. It can have fatal consequences for a small nation and, by implication, a small language community, to have a small language group act unfairly against other groups in a multilingual country. Louw pointed out that a national movement can be so blinded by national rights that it may commit injustice by keeping individual rights from other ethnic groups. It is because of this crisis that Louw made his famous statement: "I believe that in a strange way this is the crisis from which a nation can be reborn, young, creatively, it may appear, this 'dark night of the soul' in which the nation said: I would rather perish than persist through injustice." In 1960, Louw criticized the National Party (NP) government's policy towards the coloured people. This he did in the preface to a startling case for white-coloured integration by D.P. Botha in Die opkoms van ons derde stand (The emergence of our third estate). In the preface, Louw rejected the NP policy towards coloured people. According to him, Afrikaner and South African nationalists spontaneously said: "We have done evil against the coloured people; we neglected and discarded them." This is according to Louw "a remarkable piece of national psychology". What furthermore made this preface significant is that Louw alters his view of a people by declaring that he had a "sincere desire - no, an ardent wish" that "my people, white and coloured, and the language we speak, continue to exist in this country". He hoped that white and coloured would cease to look to the past and blame each other. One explanation for the growing apart of the two groups could be: "There was a time when the white Afrikaner had to fight so desperately to keep alive at least a core of his own indigenous, South African conviction, that he could not always see clearly." Do Louw's views have value in this crisis in which Afrikaans and Afrikaners find themselves today? At least three of his beliefs can serve as clues. The first is the possibility to become the language of a group of people who are economically disadvantaged. The second is the development of the culture and the creation of institutions that can appreciate the culture, protect it and disseminate it. The third is to use the language out of self-respect and solidarity with the community. <![CDATA[<b>A few lesser known Afrikaans dictionary monuments</b>]]> Woordeboeke weerspieël nie net die woordeskat van 'n taal nie, maar dra ook by tot die standaardisering van 'n taal. Dit geld sowel woordeboeke waarin algemene taal as dié waarin die vaktaal bewerk word. Die Afrikaanse leksikografiese praktyk vertoon 'n uitgebreide tipologiese verskeidenheid, wat bekende en minder bekende woordeboeke en woordeboeksoorte insluit. Elke woordeboek kan aanspraak maak op monumentstatus, alhoewel talle woordeboeke se rol in die leksikografiese ontwikkeling van Afrikaans nie genoegsaam erken word nie. In hierdie artikel is die fokus op enkele minder bekende woordeboeke wat wel monumente van en vir Afrikaans is. Daar word aandag gegee aan woordeboeke wat gemeenskapsgedrewe produkte is en onder meer blyke gee van die kreatiewe woordskeppingskrag van die Afrikaanse taalgemeenskap. Daarbenewens word daar ook gewys op vernuwende leksikografiese produkte wat saamgestel is om aan spesifieke leksikografiese behoeftes van hulle teikengebruikers te voldoen.<hr/>Dictionaries reflect the actual use of a given language, they also contribute to the documentation and eventual standardisation of the language. This applies to dictionaries that have the language for general purposes as its subject matter, but also to dictionaries that focus on different languages for special purposes. The lexicographic practice of Afrikaans displays a comprehensive collection of dictionaries that represent a broad typological spectrum. This collection includes both better and lesser known dictionaries and dictionary types. As a container of knowledge, each dictionary can be regarded as a monument of the language treated in that dictionary. However, many dictionaries do not receive the recognition they deserve as practical language instruments, because their typological category puts them beyond the day to day dictionary experience of the majority of people. This paper pays attention to products from both the lexicographic practice and the field of dictionary research, also known as metalexicography, that have become monuments within the broad field of lexicography. Metalexicographic publications receive only scant attention. The primary discussion is directed at the lexicographic practice, with the main focus on the contribution of a few lesser known Afrikaans dictionaries. In this regard, two major classes are distinguished, i.e. community projects and innovative products. Within the first category, the attention is focused on a dictionary that displays the creativeness of members of the Afrikaans language community in the formation of neologisms. It is shown that although these neologisms may not become part of the standard variety of the language, they do emphasise the creative nature of Afrikaans - and this dictionary gives evidence of this wordformation products. A second dictionary in this category represents a product with the genuine purpose to make people aware of a language that is becoming extinct and to reflect something of the people and the culture of this language. This community-driven dictionary has an innovative, genuine purpose, showing how members of the Ju\ 'hoan speech community, as well as people from the English and Afrikaans speech communities, compiled a selection of core vocabulary items from the Ju\ 'hoan lexicon, arranged in thematic categories that reflect important aspects from their daily life. The use ofpictorial illustrations as guiding elements of the articles results in an interesting article structure and allows access from picture to word. The members of the speech community were not only involved in the planning and compilation of the dictionary, but their artists created the pictorial illustrations that reflect something of the world view of the community. In the second category, a few dictionaries are mentioned because of their innovative approach. One dictionary is discussed in more detail, i.e. a bilingual dictionary with Afrikaans and English as language pair, but which was compiled specifically for English speaking users who want to learn Afrikaans. The target user and the genuine purpose of the dictionary were identified in an unambiguous way. This dictionary adheres to an integrated approach that sees a creative use of a frame structure with a variety of outer texts. It successfully negotiates a transtextual functional approach to outer texts, and supplies the envisaged target users with data from which information can be retrieved to satisfy both communicative and cognitive needs. The selection of outer texts adds to the comprehensive knowledge transfer made available in this dictionary. Thispolyfunctional dictionary was planned in such a way that dictionary and grammar are integrated into a single source. The lexicographers clearly identified the needs and reference skills of their target users, and the outer texts complement the lexicographic treatment and enhance the nature and extent of information retrieval in this dictionary. Although the focus in this article remains on lexicographic practice, the discussion is done within a theoretical framework, i.e. the general theory of lexicography, which looks at dictionary structures, and function theory, emphasising the importance that the compilation of any dictionary needs to be preceded by an identification of the function(s) the dictionary has to address. <![CDATA[<b>The role of the Afrikaans Wikipedia in the growth of Afrikaans</b>]]> Afrikaans het in sy eerste 90 jaar as amptelike taal van Suid-Afrika van 'n sogenaamde kombuistaal tot 'n volledige onderwys-, wetenskaps- en kultuurtaal ontwikkel. Tog is Afrikaans in die fisiese ruimte waarin sy sprekers hulle bevind, toenemend onder druk en word sy amptelike gebruik weereens bedreig. Vanweë die tegnologiese voortuitgang op die gebied van telekommunikasie en rekenaarnetwerke, die Internet en die Wêreldwye Web het daar in die afgelope 15 jaar 'n digitale ruimte (kuberruimte) ontstaan waarbinne ook Afrikaanssprekendes toenemend leef. Hierdie artikel beskou die posisie van Afrikaans in hierdie digitale ruimte. Onlangse gesaghebbende navorsing deur András Kornai (2013) het aangetoon dat die bestaan van 'n groot, hoëgehalte-, groeiende Wikipedia n noodsaaklike voorwaarde is vir die digitale groeikrag van n taal. In hierdie artikel word die Afrikaanse Wikipedia van nader beskou. Ons toon aan dat dit nog nie omvangryk genoeg is om Afrikaans volledig in die digitale ruimte te vestig nie. Die rol van die Afrikaanse Wikipedia, beide as enorme oop en vrye aanlynensiklopedie en as spilpunt van die Semantiese Web en web-skaal taalhulpbronne en taaltegnologie, word uiteengesit. Praktiese riglyne vir hoe elke Afrikaans-sprekende betrokke kan raak by die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse Wikipedia, word kortliks bespreek. Die artikel kom tot die slotsom dat n soort digitale taalbeweging met die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse Wikipedia as fokus nodig is om die posisie van Afrikaans in die digitale ruimte te verseker en vol te hou.<hr/>In 2015, Afrikaans celebrated its 90th birthday as an official language of South Africa. In the course of these 90 years, Afrikaans progressed in the physical space from a so-called kitchen and domestic language to a mature, fully developed language, suitable and extensively used in all walks of life, including the church, school, university, science, sports, culture, law and economics. From being considered as "language of the oppressor", Afrikaans grew into a model for the other South African languages; into a language of hope (Langner 2015). Influential writers refer to the electricity, the wonder, the triumph, but also the tragedy of Afrikaans (Steyn 2014; McLachlan 2010) due to the recently increasing pressure towards terminating the use of Afrikaans in secondary and higher education, and the work place. By 2015 it was clear that the efforts towards advancing Afrikaans were by no means a matter of the past. Now, in its 91st year, Afrikaans is confronted with the #AfrikaansMustFall movement, which has manifested itself in both the physical and digital space (often also referred to as cyberspace). Here we consider digital space as the non-physical space within which we communicate by means of telecommunication and computer networks, more specifically the Internet, and the World Wide Web. In terms of the role that digital space and specifically the social media are playing in this movement, it resembles what has become known as the "Arab spring", a movement that has radically changed the world. Similarly, the position of Afrikaans has been changed irrevocably by #AfrikaansMustFall. This raises the question of how to address this issue, also in the context of language planning. The past 15 years have been characterised by an increasing migration of Afrikaans speakers into the digital space - a space that offers exciting new opportunities for Afrikaans. In order to make a constructive contribution to the growth of Afrikaans, this article posits the following: • that the focus until recently has been on the use and growth of Afrikaans in the physical space, but • that the space in which (Afrikaans) speakers live has been radically changed by the advent of modern (personal) computers, mobile technology and ever-increasing and faster electronic networks, which has resulted in a shift towards life in the digital space; • that every aspect of the Afrikaans speaker's existence, also his/her communication and language, has been affected by this shift; • that this trend is of key importance for future language diversity, and therefore also for Afrikaans; • that the vitality of Afrikaans will be determined increasingly by its use in the digital space; and • that the Afrikaans Wikipedia is a prerequisite for Afrikaans to ascend andflourish in the digital space. It is shown that language resources and language technology are central to this endeavour. In particular, it is explicated how the Afrikaans Wikipedia plays a pivotal role in the digital vitality of Afrikaans and that a high-quality, growing Wikipedia is a prerequisite for Afrikaans and also any other language to ascend in the digital realm. We also discuss various possibilities for Afrikaans speakers to contribute to the Afrikaans Wikipedia. The structure of the article is as follows: Following the introduction, Section 2 discusses the notion of language growth in the physical space. We consider various frameworks for studying language vitality, focussing on the conceptual similarities between these frameworks. In Section 3 we explore the concepts of the digital space, the Internet and the World Wide Web, paying specific attention to the essential components of successful web search. In Section 4 we explore the extent to which South Africans live in the digital space. By means of an example, we illustrate the difference between the English and Afrikaans web search experience and the related significance of the size of the respective Wikipedias. We then briefly emphasise the ground-breaking work of András Kornai (2013), which shows that the existence of a large, high-quality, growing Wikipedia is a necessary condition for the digital ascent of a language. Section 5 is devoted to a brief summary of those language resources and language technologies that are necessary for the digital ascent and vitality of a language. The situation of Afrikaans is described in this regard. Section 6 discusses Wikipedia, the largest, multilingual, open and free online-encyclopaedia on the Web, with its more than 36 million articles, 292 languages and almost 500 million unique visitors per month. We briefly explainwhat Wikipedia is and how it plays a key role in the so-called Semantic Web, the intelligent machine-processable web. Section 7 focuses on the Afrikaans Wikipedia, provides short guidelines on how to contribute to a "digital language movement", and concludes that the Afrikaans Wikipedia should play a vital role in the growth of Afrikaans in the digital space. <![CDATA[<b>The DBAL: An unknown digital language museum</b>]]> Die Digitale Bibliografie van die Afrikaanse Taalkunde (DBAT) is 'n omvattende databasis van Afrikaanse taalkundebronne. Meer as 17 000 bronne is hierop gekatalogiseer, en die voltekste van ongeveer 9 500 bronne is beskikbaar. Verder word daar vir ongeveer 1 500 bronne skakels na die volteks aangebied. Uit 'n ondersoek na die gebruikerspatrone van die DBAT word ons vermoede bevestig dat hierdie databasis nie gereeld genoeg besoek word nie en dat die ryk argief wat die DBAT aanbied, nie genoegsaam deur potensiële gebruikers ontgin word nie. Uit 'n meningsopname onder bestaande en potensiële gebruikers, is dit egter duidelik dat die DBAT n handige en nuttige navorsingshulpmiddel is, en dat n groter poging aangewend behoort te word om die databasis bekend te stel en te bemark onder alle moontlike gebruikers, veral onder taalkundestudente. Daar moet ook meer moeite gedoen word om verskeie rolspelers, soos Afrikaanse taalkundiges en taalkundedosente, as medewerkers te betrek.<hr/>The Digital Bibliography of Afrikaans Linguistics (DBAL) is a comprehensive database of Afrikaans linguistics and language-related sources. This database includes more than 16 000 sources, of which 9 500 are available in full-text format. In addition, 1 500 links to external full-text sources are also listed. This article reports on research on the usage patterns of the DBAL. In this regard, the assumption that the extensive archive provided by the DBAL is not used sufficiently by potential users is confirmed. The DBAL was based on the Bibliografie Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde (BNTL) or Bibliography of Dutch Linguistics and Literature. In terms of the establishment of the DBAL, it was important that the database not only includes lists of sources but also provides an archive of digitalised sources. From the start of the development of the database in 1993 up to its official launch in 2010, the database now includes not only articles from academic journals, books, dissertations and theses, but also reviews, newspaper articles and online material. A process of digitalisation of out-of-print books on Afrikaans linguistics was also initiated. After acquiring the necessary rights from authors, publishers or families of deceased authors, a number of key historical works on Afrikaans linguistics and related fields were scanned and added to the database. The entries in the database cover 193 different categories. The majority of sources in the database are listed under "Diachronic linguistics and language history", followed by "Education and teaching", "Language practice and the study of language in use", "Language politics" and "Lexicography". Usage statistics indicate that from June 2010 up to December 2015 a total of 6 672 searches were conducted on the DBAL. This included searches from 1 038 individual devices. Most of the visitors are from South Africa; however, a fair number of visitors from Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany were also noted. A survey was conducted among current and prospective users of the DBAL. Most of the respondents were university lecturers, researchers or students. However, a small number of language practitioners and journalists were also part of the research population. Most of the respondents indicated that they work in the fields of sociolinguistics, descriptive linguistics, language history or language practice. The majority of respondents are associated with universities in South Africa; however, a small number of international universities were also represented. The responses indicate the importance of word of mouth in terms of the marketing of the database. Most respondents who are already users of the database noted that they use the database at least once a month. From the survey it is clear that the DBAL is regarded as a useful research resource. It is also clear that more should be done towards marketing the database among potential users and especially linguistics students. Furthermore, greater co-operation from role-players such as Afrikaans linguists and linguistics lecturers is needed. A future expansion to the DBAL would be multilingual interfaces, as well as the inclusion of even more international materials. In addition, the DBAL can clearly act as a prototype for similar projects in relatedfields andfor other South African languages. As a research resource the DBAL clearly has an important role to play. The DBAL has established itself as a digital monument of the Afrikaans language. The groundwork has been laid for the development of the DBAL from an archive of digitalised material to the basis of a dynamic open-source knowledge community of Afrikaans linguists. <![CDATA[<b>The Virtual Institute for Afrikaans and the Afrikaans community's market needs</b>]]> Die Virtuele Instituut vir Afrikaans (VivA) is 'n navorsingsinstituut en diensverskaffer vir Afrikaans in digitale kontekste. Ten einde verantwoorde keuses met betrekking tot VivA se produk- en diensaanbod te maak, is kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe navorsing gedoen om tekortkominge in die Afrikaanse mark van digitale taalprodukte te bepaal. Sewe temas is uit die fokusgroepgesprek geïdentifiseer. Een van die belangrikste bevindinge is dat 'n groot deel van die Afrikaanse gebruikers in hierdie steekproef nie geweet het van die Afrikaanse Wiktionary en Wikipedia nie. Dit het duidelik geblyk dat Afrikaanse gebruikers veral n behoefte het aan vier elektroniese Afrikaanse hulpmiddels, te wete 'n aanlyn/mobiele weergawe van Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls; 'n Afrikaanse grammatikatoetser; 'n terminologiebank; en outomatiese vertaalhulpmiddels. Ofskoon die meerderheid respondente n redelik negatiewe belewenis met betrekking tot outomatiese vertaalhulp gehad het, is bevind dat n beduidende aantal tog positief daaroor is en n sterk behoefte aan so n hoëkwaliteitproduk het. Op grond van hierdie navorsing is die markbehoeftes van die Afrikaanse gemeenskap bepaal en verskeie produkte en dienste is voorgestel. Ten einde aan die geïdentifiseerde markbehoeftes te voldoen, sluit VivA se aanvangsprodukte en -dienste onder andere die volgende in: Woordeboekportaal; Taalportaal; Adviesportaal; Korpusportaal; en Inligtingsportaal.<hr/>The Virtual Institute for Afrikaans (VivA) is a research institute and service provider for Afrikaans in digital contexts. It is a registered non-profit company, with the Afrikaanse Taal- en Kultuurvereniging (ATKV), North-West University (NWU), Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns (SAAWK), and Trust vir Afrikaanse Onderwys (TAO) as itsfounding members. In order to make informed choices regarding VivA's product and service offering, mixed method research was conducted to determine shortcomings in the Afrikaans offering of digital language products. For purposes of the quantitative research, an online questionnaire was completed by 319 respondents (demographic representation of mostly white, mother-tongue speakers of Afrikaans between the ages of 30 and 65), while a focus group with ten respondents (mostly white, mother-tongue speakers of Afrikaans between 15 and 62) was used to gather qualitative information. The focus group session was recorded, transcribed, coded and then analysed to derive seven key themes that are associated with VivA. One of the key findings is that a large part of the Afrikaans users in this sample did not know of the existence of the Afrikaans Wiktionary and Wikipedia. Thisfinding directed VivA's priorities in other directions, although it will keep on exploring ideas and methods to change this perception. It was also clear that Afrikaans users have a need for four specific Afrikaans electronic aids, namely an online/mobile version of the Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls (Afrikaans Word-list and Spelling Rules); an Afrikaans grammar checker; a terminology bank; and automatic translation tools. Despite the fact that the majority of respondents had a fairly negative experience with regard to automatic translation assistance, it was found that a significant number of respondents are still positive about it, and have a strong need for such a high-quality product. On the basis of this research, the needs of the Afrikaans community related to language products and services were determined, and various products and services were introduced in order to meet these identified needs. Hence, VivA's initial products and services offering includes: a dictionary portal (where users can access various free and commercial dictionaries online, as well as via an online and offline Android and iOS app); grammar portal (where users, especially international researchers, can access extensive information about the phonology, morphology and syntax of Afrikaans, presented comparatively with Dutch and Frisian as part of the international Taalportaal project); language advice portal (where users can get telephonic and online answers to language-related questions from a professional language advisor); corpus portal (where users can do online corpus queries in a large and growing collection of written and transcribed spoken Afrikaans corpora); and information portal (with access to a blog, competitions, etcetera). The article concludes with an overview of potential future research and development topics, including a motivation for the need for regular technology audits. <![CDATA[<b>An orthographic bridge between Japanese and Afrikaans - the choice of a roman transliteration system</b>]]> By die saamstel van vertalende woordeboeke tussen tale wat tipologies (en genealogies) verwant is, het die leksikograaf reeds te doen met 'n meerdoelige gebruiksinstrument wat, benewens semantiese ekwivalensie en 'n verskeidenheid ander linguistiese faktore, die pragmatiese behoeftes van die waarskynlike gebruikers in ag moet neem. In die geval van twee tale wat verskillende ortografieë gebruik, word daar 'n verdere dimensie toegevoeg, deurdat toegang tot die klanke en betekenisse van die vertaalekwivalent afgeskerm word deur n sisteem van simbole wat eers baasgeraak moet word. Om die "vreemde" taal meer toeganklik te maak, word 'n sisteem van transliterasie van die teikentaal in die ortografie van die bekende taal dan gebruik, sodat die noodsaaklikheid om die inheemse ortografie te bemeester, voorlopig uitgestel word. In hierdie artikel word die benutting van die romeinse ortografie in 'n Afrikaans-Japannese woordeboek onder die loep geneem, waardeur ook pragmatiese en linguistiese aspekte 'n rol speel. As agtergrond word 'n kort oorsig gegee van die inheemse skryfwyses van Japannees, te wete kanji,¹ hiragana en katakana, asook die historiese aanloop tot die ontwikkeling van 'n romeinse transliterasiestelsel (roomaji), waarvan daar verskillende variante bestaan. Die Hepburn-sisteem, een van die roomaji-variante, is afgestem op, en word verkies deur, buitelandse leerders van Japannees, deurdat dit spesifiek leiding gee op die vlak van die uitspraak. Maar ook die Hepburn-sisteem word aangepas by die behoeftes van verskillende gebruikersgroepe, ten einde die interpretasie van die teks fonologies en grammatikaal vir die leser te vergemaklik. Op grond van tipologiese, grammatikale, en veral fonologiese verskille tussen Japannees en Afrikaans is daar sekere keuses gemaak ten opsigte van spelling (veral by lang vokale) en skryfwyse (bv. die gebruik van koppeltekens), wat deur 'n aantal gebruiksvoorbeelde gemotiveer word. Wat die prosodiese verskille betref, het die keuse, op grond van leesbaarheidsoorwegings, geval op die gebruik van klankgrepe van uitspraak deur 'n moedertaalspreker wat by wyse van 'n hiperskakel vir elke woord wat deur n lemma voorgestel word, gehoor kan word.<hr/>In this article the focus is on the linguistic, and more particularly the orthographic, aspect of a translating dictionary between Afrikaans and Japanese to be published shortly. The orthographic aspect specifically relates to the transliteration of the indigenous Japanese script in the roman alphabet and the linguistic considerations which influenced the choice of particular forms. The fact that the two languages are typologically, genealogically and geographically as far apart as is possible on this planet, brings about certain challenges to ensure optimal accessibility to the other language, and in particular to Japanese. These challenges led to decisions regarding the representation of Japanese words written in the roman alphabet - this forms the basis of the article. Japanese utilises various systems of writing, but the most general and default form is the logographic writing system, which is based on Chinese. This fact makes it extremely difficult for the average Western learner of Japanese to master simultaneously the orthography, the pronunciation and grammar of the language. Unlike Chinese, Japanese utilises, in addition to the logographic system (kanji), also a phonetic system of 46 basic syllabic symbols (hiragana), mainly to represent grammatical words and affixes, but also as pronunciation guidance for words written in kanji. A parallel phonetic system (also 46 symbols), to wit katakana, which is a mirror image of hiragana, is used for loan words, to express emphasis, for onomatopoeic words, terminology and some names of Japanese companies and products. In addition to the abovementioned writing systems, Japanese is also written in the roman alphabet. Three comparable writing systems exist, namely the so-called Hepburn-system (or Hebon-shiki), Kunrei-shiki, and Nihon-shiki. In Japanese, the systems are collectively known as roomaji [ro:madhi], and all Japanese already learn at primary school level to use one of the systems, in particular Kunrei-shiki. (In translating dictionaries a choice for a specific system is normally done, mostly for Hebon-shiki, or adapted versions, for reasons to be discussed shortly.) In short, romanised Japanese is used predominantly to make texts accessible to non-Japanese foreigners, while the logographic-cum-syllabic system is used by Japanese among themselves. As an introduction, an outline is given of the historical development of roomaji from the first Japanese-Portuguese dictionary in 1603 to the present-day situation. One of the functionally most important reasons for the use of roomaji in handbooks and dictionaries for foreigners is that it enables the learner to concentrate from the outset on the grammar and pronunciation of the language - a much simpler task than first having to learn to read and write logographically. Unlike in the case of inflecting languages, the grammar of Japanese is also relatively uncomplicated. One would hence be able to regard the use of a roomaji orthography as a bridging facility, until such time as the learner of Japanese has become conversant with the indigenous writing system(s). A further contributing factor is the fact that logographic-syllabic writing does not utilise spaces between words, so that syntactic and morphological categories in Japanese operate invisibly at the level of orthography. In Afrikaans, spacing of words is naturally of importance, because it is one of the ways to distinguish between affixes and independent grammatical words. By way of example: 私{講演{|}}}|}|{提示|Ë{|{ Ek gebruik ’n Powerpoint-aanbieding vir my voordrag. (I use a PowerPoint presentation for my address.) In this sentence, all kanji symbols are black, katakana (for loanwords from Western languages) blue, and hiragana (for affixes and particles) red. If the Japanese sentence is romanised, the orthographic parsing becomes visible: Watashi wa kooen de pawaapointo no teeji o tsukaimasu. 私 { 講演 { |}'—}|}| z{ 提示 | Ë{|{ ek (theme) voordrag by Powerpoint se aanbieding (object) gebruik (form. suffix) I (theme) lecture at Powerpoint 's presentation (object) (form. suffix)Although orthographical differences form the most important category, the spectrum of differences can be divided as follows: (a) Typological (Japanese as agglutinating language, as against the semi-inflecting, analytical nature of Afrikaans) (b) Grammatical (a corollary of typological differences) (c) Phonological (opposite complexities as regards the vocalism compared to the consonantism) (d) Orthographical (an alphabetic-phonological system in Afrikaans, as against a combination of an ideo- or logogrammatical and a syllabic-moraic system in the case of Japanese) As regards typological differences, the combination with indigenous agglutinating languages is not unusual for Afrikaans - a facilitating factor being that (especially as regards the Nguni languages) a mutual orthography is used, which simplifies access to both languages considerably. In the case of Japanese, however, it is a crucial factor, as is demonstrated in the article. Grammatical differences of importance are found in particular at the level of morphology, such as the processes of word formation and derivation. As far as phonological differences are concerned, the most important difference regarding the roman systems of writing is the fact that the length of both Japanese vowels and consonants is reflected in the spelling in terms of the number of morae. In Afrikaans, vowel length and the doubling of consonants (at least as they are reflected in the orthography) have differentfunctions, as will be indicated below. Regarding Japanese, the doubling of a vowel mora (or lengthening of a vowel) could be indicated in roomaji by: (a) doubling the vowel letter kankyoo (environment) seesan (production) shoyuu (posession) (b) adding an i or u to the relevant syllabic single vowel, as is done also in the hiragana syllabarium (also in Nihon-shiki and Kunrei-shiki) kankyou -Óz|{|{ seisan z{|( or (c) by placing a macron on the relevant vowel letter (as in Hebon-shiki), particularly o and u As regards consonants, the roomaji character is always doubled, and the pronunciation of the consonant also lasts two counts, as in the sentence: Ame ga futte imasu 雨{降{{{|{ (It is raining.) Vowel length in Afrikaans is only semantically distinctive in the case of one vowel, namely /a/ as against /a:/, (for instance mat [mat] versus maat [ma:t]), and a long /a:/ is also written as one letter in open syllables, for example in mate. The doubling of consonants, on the other hand, unlike Japanese, determines the nature of the vowel in the preceding closed syllable (as in wette [vεts] / wete [vets], bosse [b∂ss∂ / bose [bu∂s∂]). In view of these differences (as well as some grammatical considerations explicated in the article), some of the choices made at the various levels of description will now be highlighted. Firstly, to express a double vowel mora, the doubling of vowel letters was preferred above the addition of u or i, because the combination of o+u and e+i in both cases represent diphtongs in Afrikaans, and could hence be misleading to learners attempting to interpret the pronunciation. gier n. (~e) ryuukoo 流行 Jongmense volg altyd die jongste gier. Wakai hito wa itsumo saishin no ryuukoo o ou. 若{É{{{|最新{流行|追{ (Young people always follow the latest craze.) Naturally, when u and i introduce a new syllable, as in ou above and omou, the sequence is written as such, since the second vowel in the sequence represents the sound which occurs in the diphthong. An example from the text: beskou v. form. (het ~)öz{( omou sug¹ n. (~te) {|ö(tameiki In some dictionaries attempts are made to reflect the prosody (for instance tone accent) in the roomaji orthography to assist the learner. An investigation of such attempts led to the conclusion that the result would render the text more cumbersome and have restricted utility only. Furthermore, the kana orthography, which does not contain such prosodic indicators, is more transparent, without the encumbrance of diacritic symbols, in reflecting individual speech sounds from a segmental perspective. For this reason it was decided not to use prosodic markers, but to supplement the orthographic representation of all Japanese lemmas, as in the case of Afrikaans, by means of a sound bite accessible via a hyperlink in the text, in which the lemma is pronounced by a mother tongue speaker. As far as the morphology is concerned: Because Japanese verb forms which are derived by means of the verb suru (meaning do or make) from nouns, and sometimes adjectives, are mostly translated as a single word in Afrikaans, the Japanese verb in roomaji is also written as a single compound verb (by means of a hyphen). aanbeveel v. (het ~) suisen-suru 推薦{|( (recommend) If adjectival or adverbial derivations are formed in Japanese by means of the addition of the suffixes na or ni, such derivations are also written as hyphenated words, as in: absoluut ad. (..lute) (1) kanzen (na/-ni)êÐ{ Die eksperiment was 'n absolute mislukking. Jikken wa kanzen-ni shippai datta. ê験{êÐ{ä敗{{{z (The experiment was an absolute failure.) However, when such items fulfil the function of a postposition, the word is separated from the lexical items with which it combines, similar to the use of prepositions in Afrikaans: algemeen1n. (~) ippan Ç般 Oor die ~ werk Japanners te hard. Ippan ni Nihonjin wa hataraki suigimasu.Ç般{日本É{Î{過{|{ (In general, Japanese work too hard.) In the case of compounds, the principle is likewise applied that such items, when not linked by means of the genitive particle no, represent single words, mostly written with a hyphen, especially when word length could represent an obstacle: A last morphological consideration is the use of honorific prefixes before nouns, which are an unusual morpheme for Afrikaans learners of Japanese, and would thus require the use ofa hyphen, as in the case of o- (prefix to tanjoobi 'birthday): geluk³tw. omedetoo {|{{{ Baie ~ met jou verjaardag. O-tanjoobi omedetoo gozaimasu. {誕生日{|{{{{{{|{z (Congratulations on your birthday.) The list of directives is obviously not exhaustive. By scrutinising some selected categories, an element of academic precision (and accountability) could be applied in the process of compiling a dictionary in which a common orthography is used with a view to bridge a gap and facilitate mutual access to Afrikaans and Japanese for speakers of the two languages. <![CDATA[<b>The earliest Khoi Afrikaans</b>]]> Die vroegste Khoi-Afrikaans verwys na die Khoi-Khoin se aanleerderstaal gedurende die eerste helfte van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie taal, wat tydens kontak met besoekende seelui ontstaan het, kan heelwat Afrikaans gevind word en dit kan as die eerste periode in Afrikaans se geskiedenis beskou word. Die data wat hier bespreek word, is gedokumenteer tussen 1595 en 1652. Die databasis vir hierdie studie bestaan uit 54 optekenings wat ooreenkomste vertoon met Afrikaans. 'n Ondersoek na hierdie vroegste boustene van Afrikaans behels nie net 'n analise van die versamelde skraps data nie (in opvolging van verskeie publikasies van Den Besten en Nienaber), maar wys ook op die voorkoms van aanleerdersvorme wat steeds nie heeltemal verafrikaans het nie, selfs nie 'n paar honderd jaar ná die eerste optekenings daarvan nie. In dié opsig vind hierdie studie aansluiting by werk van Bergs (2012) en Janda en Joseph (2003), wat gegewens oor skraps data, en die lang lewe daarvan, by taalgeskiedenisse integreer.<hr/>The earliest Khoi Afrikaans is a study about the variety Khoi Afrikaans as the first form of Afrikaans. A traditional view has it that Khoi influenced Afrikaans in some way or another. With Khoi Afrikaans as the original form of Afrikaans, this cannot be the case: Khoi Afrikaans was already Afrikaans. Khoi Afrikaans refers to the new language of the Khoi-Khoin at the Cape in the course of the first half of the seventeenth century. This language originated from contact between the Khoi-Khoin and visiting seafarers, especially from the Netherlands, which started with the visit from De Houtman in 1595. In this learner's variety, the first building blocks of the latter-day Afrikaans can be found. This was the earliest Afrikaans, which originated between 1595 and 1652, the first period in the history of Afrikaans. The database of this first period consists of 54 items, accumulated from Khoi word lists, as well as other sources, and it is distinguishable by the features of Afrikaans that they exhibit. The interpretation of this material pursues earlier work done by H. Den Besten and G. S. Nienaber. These data conform to the field of "bad" data that Janda and Joseph (2003) distinguish, but contribute, nevertheless, to language forms that are not usually considered in the debate on the earliest forms of Afrikaans. Elements from a collection of bad data, as is shown here, survived steadily in the history of Afrikaans, which accentuates the importance of recognizing the role of the Afrikaans dialects in construing its history, in accordance with the view of Bergs (2012). Words for bread that were recorded before 1652, still survive, perhaps surprisingly so, in present-day varieties of Afrikaans where words like pereb conserved their Khoi Afrikaans origin, and did not become familiar Afrikaans words. They are used in diglossic situations beside words that later became Afrikaans words, like brood (bread), that lost most of their Khoi morphological trimmings (such as the word final [+ masculine] -b/p). The word ghe-me (give + verbal suffix) is such an example, as well as Afrikaans rug (back), which was recorded as rena The -n- of rena constitutes Khoi-Khoi interchangeability between -n- and -g- and the -a is a case ending. The Khoi Afrikaans vowels were recorded in various ways. Interestingly, the meaning of this word was given as shoulder. Could it be that the informant, in trying to demonstrate the meaning of rena, could only reach his shoulder, and not his back? Khoi speakers, trying to acquire the word for pipe (for smoking tobacco), were confronted by an interesting language conflict. They could easily pronounce the Dutch word, pyp, but were prevented by morphological laws from doing so. A wordfinal -p denoted masculine gender, and this word should be treated as feminine. The result? The illegible Khoi Afrikaans word pe-s (originally written down as pesche). Some Khoi Afrikaans words were pronounced without the wordfinal -r, as was the case with the adverb for here (Dutch hier): hie. Even English words were pronounced in this way: nosie was recorded in 1652 for no sir. The hier pronunciation of the Dutch sailors was heard concurrently with hie. In the Afrikaans variety of the Cape Town region, up to the present time, there are many speakers who still do not use -r at word endings. Some words were used by well-known Khoi-Khoi characters like Herry, and were thought to be instances of the learner language of the Khoi, from which some information could be gleaned about Khoi Afrikaans. The word goo illustrates such an instance. Goo was interpreted by the leader of that expedition as meaning "go" (away), and was seen as an attempt to use the English word go. This was not the case. The Khoi verb gu, was used, meaning "cease" (your excessive talking). It was not written down carefully, and explained inaccurately. <![CDATA[<b>Standard Afrikaans, standard spelling and the Afrikaans word list and spelling rules (AWS)</b>]]> Die standaardisering van Afrikaans tot die Standaardafrikaans wat ons vandag ken, is 'n komplekse en dikwels omstrede saak. Die hedendaagse omstredenheid van en kritiek teen Standaardafrikaans kom nie in hierdie artikel aan bod nie. Sonder om verder daarop in te gaan, word aanvaar dat daar in die loop van min of meer 'n eeu 'n standaardvorm ontwikkel is uit die vroeë Afrikaans-Hollandse taalvorme wat hier te lande gebesig is en dat dié standaardisering geslaagd was omdat Standaardafrikaans hom vir die grootste deel van 'n eeu doeltreffend naas Engels kon handhaaf in die hoër funksies van n taal, soos die staatsbestel, die regspleging, die (hoër) onderwys, die wetenskap en die letterkunde. Vir hierdie artikel word eweneens aanvaar dat die standaardvariëteit van n taal kwalik suksesvol kan funksioneer sonder 'n doeltreffende ortografie en dat die standaardisering van die Standaardafrikaanse ortografie daarom 'n wesenlike rol in die proses van die standaardisering van Afrikaans gespeel het. Die ortografiese standaardiseringsproses word beskou aan die hand van die tien uitgawes van die gesaghebbende Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls (AWS). Daar word aangetoon dat die grondbeginsels van die Afrikaanse spelling, wat deur al tien AWS'e inhoudelik dieselfde gebly het, enersyds gehelp het om die verafrikaansing van "vreemde woorde" te rig en te vestig, en andersyds n merkwaardig stabiele spellingsisteem tot stand gebring het. Die ontwikkeling van die AWS - by name die deurlopende presisering en verfyning van die spelreëls, en die bydrae daarvan tot die standaardisering van Afrikaans - word aan die hand van die tien uitgawes aangetoon.<hr/>The standardisation of Afrikaans - which term includes all the varieties and lects used at the Cape during the 18th and 19th centuries, as well as modern varieties - is a complex and often contentious matter. The present-day criticism levelled at Standard Afrikaans is not discussed in this article. Instead, it is accepted that, in the course of more or less a century, a standard variety has been developed out of the Afrikaans-Dutch vernaculars spoken in this southern part of Africa and that this standardisation has been successful. No attempt is made to prove this statement, except to say that it is accepted as a fact because Standard Afrikaans has been, for the greater part of a century, able to hold its own against English in the higher functions of a language, such as government, the administration of justice, (higher) education, science, literature, and the arts and culture. Likewise, this article accepts that the standard variety of a language can hardly function successfully without an effective orthography and, therefore, that the standardisation of the Standard Afrikaans orthography contributed significantly to the standardisation of Afrikaans. The Suidafrikaanse Akademie vir Taal, Lettere en Kuns1 (an Afrikaans academy for language, literature and arts), which was founded in 1909, became a major driving force in the standardisation process. Initially, there was much disagreement about whether Dutch or Afrikaans should be promoted and, if the latter, whether a highly phoneticised spelling system or one closer to the Dutch tradition should be adopted. At the time, the spelling of written Afrikaans varied greatly. The Akademie initially established two commissions, a spelling commission and a "vocabulary" commission, to regulate the matter. These two commissions later merged into the current Taalkommissie ("language commission"). As a result of their work, the firstformalised spelling rules were compiled and, in September 1915, adopted at an AGM of the Akademie. These, along with a word list that contained words deemed to belong to the received standard (or "cultured" variety) of the emerging standard language or to pose spelling difficulties, were published in 1917 as the first edition of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls (AWS) (that is, "Afrikaans word list and spelling rules"), which, over the decades, has become the authoritative source on Standard Afrikaans spelling issues. Its authority was accepted by the public in general, education authorities, and publishers and the press, and they, in turn, gave invaluable feedback to the committees compiling the AWS. To date, ten editions have been published. The article gives an overview, mostly on the basis of the preface of each edition, of how the AWS developed from the first small edition with a conspicuous nationalistic message aimed at inspiring "the people" to use and build their language and to support Afrikaans mother tongue education, to the current, far more comprehensive publication that applied modern methods of language research such as computerised corpora, meets high lexicographic standards and sets new typographic trends. THEY WERE: In the first edition the spelling commission formulatedfive basic or fundamental principles on which they based the Afrikaans spelling system, and although in later editions these principles were reworded and condensed to three, they have remained essentially the same to this day. : (a) as far as possible, to use one letter for one speech sound, with no "unnecessary" letters; (b) always to spell the same word, pre- and suffix the same; (c) to take history into account only where it is of practical importance; (d) to deviate as little as possible from the Simplified Dutch Spelling; and (e) always to reflect the most commonly used pronunciation In the latest (10th) edition, these principles are rendered as: A. Current spelling and styling of compounds are mostly determined by tradition. [Cf (c) and (d) above.] B. The spelling of Standard Afrikaans is based on its phonology or sound system. [Cf. (a) and (e) above.] C. Form-related structures (words/roots, affixes) are spelled similarly (the principle of similarity). [Cf. (b) above.] The article briefly examines how "foreign words" (mostly words of Romanic descent not in common use or words that have retained much of their French spelling in Dutch) were Afrikaansified. It also indicates how the spelling rules - especially the rules concerning the styling of compounds and hyphen use - were expanded and refined over the years. Finally, a random selection of words as they appear in seven editions of the AWS are compared. This comparison shows, on the one hand, how the spelling of many of such "foreign words" changed over time and that the Afrikaansified spelling became the norm, and, on the other, how stable the spelling of others has been for almost a century. Both the success ofthe Afrikaansification and the stability of Afrikaans spelling can be attributed to the fact that the basic principles devisedfor the first AWS remained essentially unchanged for a century. In stabilising and giving direction to the process of standardising Afrikaans, the ten editions of the AWS can be said to have played a crucial, even decisive role.