Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120160005&lang=es vol. 56 num. 4-1 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Woord vooraf</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es <![CDATA[<b>The nature, essence and role of the South African universities in a developing country</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die studenteproteste aan die begin van 2015 en met die aanvang van die 2016-akademiese jaar het die universiteite tot in hul fondamente geskud. Die outonomie van universiteite is 'n nekslag toegedien toe die voorgestelde klasgeldverhogings tot 0%-verhoging wegonderhandel is. Daar is 'n volgehoue aandrang dat universiteite meer studente en veral meer swart studente moet toelaat. Die staatsbydrae het egter nie met die toename in studentegroei tred gehou nie. Klasgelde moes noodwendig verhoog word. Daar is egter twyfel of klasgelde in die toekoms verhoog sal word. Die universiteite betree dus 'n onsekere toekoms. Sonder drastiese herstrukturering en meer realistiese toelating van studente sal meer geld nie die probleme oplos nie. Die aandrang op transformasie bring groot onsekerheid by personeel en standaarde is ook in gevaar. Akademici moet akademiese vryheid aangryp en hierdie selfvernietigende proses op wetenskaplike wyses teenstaan.<hr/>Student protests, which originated with the Rhodes Must Fall campaign (#RhodesMustFall), spread to Fees Must Fall (#FeesMustFall) and free tertiary education. It highlighted the deficiencies in the current educational system, shaking it at its very foundations. This has altered the institutions forever. Authorities at universities complied with most of the demands in an attempt to halt the vandalism and disruptions, and vice-chancellors made promises of transformation. The required increase of over 10% in tuition fees for the 2016 academic year was "nullified" to 0% by President Zuma, with the undertaking that the government would be accountable for the increase. This promise was not upheld and universities had to contribute R395 million from their trust funds. Another matter - that of insourcing of contract workers - will add an additional burden of several million rand to their remuneration expense. Technically speaking, some of the universities are already bankrupt. As a consequence, a presidential commission was appointed to investigate the financing of universities and the feasibility of free tertiary education. It is possible that tuition fees may never again be increased. Mass higher education is a global phenomenon and universities are struggling to accommodate larger numbers of students with less financial support. The worldwide economic collapse after 2008 forced governments drastically to curtail their financial contributions to higher education. Consequently, universities had to restructure. Realising that universities could not be everything to everyone, the focus need to shift to areas of excellence within a specific region or country. In South Africa mass higher education hit the country like a tsunami: in less than 20 years the student numbers have doubled. The racial composition of student numbers has also changed drastically. The proportion ofwhite students has decreased from 90% in 1960 to 17% at present, whereas the proportion of black students has risen to more than 70%. Because government's funding has not kept up with the rapid growth in student numbers, it necessitated the drastic increase in tuition fees, which now account for 33% of universities' budgets. Sustained pressure is being exerted to accommodate even more students, especially black students. The nature and essence of universities have been seriously affected. Of the South African universities, a number aspire to higher positions on the world ranking; however, high student-lecturer ratios are preventing them from reaching higher scores. In terms of education and research, the focus in developing countries should be primarily on solving local problems. With sustained pressure to admit more students, to operate with less government funding and to comply with transformation demands, universities are facing a very uncertain future. Academics, exercising their right to academic freedom, are encouraged to adopt a scientific approach to resist these destructive processes. <![CDATA[<b>The South African political environment: Strategie perspectives</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie artikel het as fokus die rekonstruksie en interpretasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke omgewing in 2016 en die strategiese implikasies hiervan. Daar is konsensus vanuit talle oorde dat die politieke omgewing in Suid-Afrika tans besig is om meer onstabiel te raak. Daar word selfs van 'n "perfekte storm" gepraat. Uitkomstes van hierdie politieke trajek sluit in patrone van politieke en sosiale onstabiliteit, die sekurokratisering van die staat en 'n postkoloniale dinamika wat homself laat geld met as fokus 'n sterk anti-koloniale en anti-westerste sentiment. Kombinasies van hierdie faktore skep tans 'n omgewing van groot politieke onstabiliteit en onsekerheid met verreikende implikasies vir alle sosiale instellings met inbegrip van hoëronderwysinstellings in die algemeen en universiteite in besonder. Tot onlangs was universiteite slegs op 'n beperkte en soms indirekte wyse blootgestel aan die dinamiese kragte wat hulself in die politieke omgewing begin vestig het. Dit het egter onherroeplik tydens 2015 verander met die #RhodesMustFall en #FeesMustFall veldtogte in samehang met die aandrang op die radikale transformasie van die universiteitsomgewing. Met die finalisering van hierdie artikel het #FeesMustFall 2 begin en is patrone van rewolusionêre geweld besig om drasties te eskaleer en word bykans alle universiteite direk of indirek hierdeur geraak. Verreikende politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale drywers van verandering is tans prominent met as uitkoms n patroon van dinamiese ekwilibrium ("punctuated equilibrium"). Hierdie artikel analiseer die bogenoemde drywers van verandering en die moontlike uitkomstes hiervan. Die implikasies hiervan vir Universiteite word ten slotte toegelig.<hr/>This article is concerned with reconstructing and interpreting the South African political environment in 2016 and the strategic implications thereof. There is currently widespread consensus that the South African political environment is becoming increasingly unstable. Some have even labelled the current political situation "a perfect storm". The resulting outcomes of this state of affairs include patterns of political and social instability, the securocratisation of the state, and a postcolonial dynamic manifesting in anti-colonial and anti-Western sentiments. The manner in which the aforementioned factors interact with each other creates a politically unstable environment with far reaching consequences for public institutions in general, and universities in particular. Until recently, universities were relatively insulated from the dynamic and disruptive political forces in society. This situation changed irrevocably after 2015 with the advent of the #RhodesMustFall and#FeesMustFall campaigns and demands for rapid transformation of the higher education sector. At the time of finalising this paper, a second wave of #FeesMustFall has commenced with revolutionary violence affecting virtually all university campuses across South Africa. Prominent political, economic and social drivers of change currently define a scenario of punctuated equilibrium in the political environment. These drivers, and their possible outcomes, are analysed with specific reference to South African universities. <![CDATA[<b>Radical post-colonialism and universities in South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In hierdie artikel word onlangse studenteprotes gekontekstualiseer teen die agtergrond van politieke tendense in die Suid-Afrikaanse staat en samelewing. Die verstryking van die postapartheidstydperk word oorweeg, tesame met die gelyktydige ontluiking van 'n radikale en postkoloniale sosiopolitiese tydsgees. Laasgenoemde word as vertrekpunt gebruik vir 'n evaluasie van studenteprotes en die eise wat aan hoër onderwys en universiteite in Suid-Afrika gestel word. Gevolglik word die universiteit se funksie en verhouding teenoor staat en samelewing oorweeg en word daar gedemonstreer hoe hierdie verhoudings moontlik sal verander in 'n postkoloniale milieu. Die plek en rol van Afrikaans by universiteite word ook spesifiek bespreek.<hr/>This article concerns the wave of student protests that swept across South African universities during 2015 and 2016. The phenomenon of student protest at universities is approached and analysed against the backdrop of several macro-political trends that are currently emerging in the South African context. It is argued that the most pronounced of these emergent trends is the radicalisation of South African politics and society. Widespread dissatisfaction with service delivery and the rendering of public goods by government have intensified calls for quicker and more radical political solutions to perceived socio-economic hardships. In this regard, the culture of service delivery protest stands out as a significant barometer of social dissatisfaction, despite the strides that have been made since 1994 in the improvement of basic quality of life in South Africa. Furthermore, and related to the aforementioned trend of radicalisation, there has occurred a clear burgeoning of the political left in South African politics. As social dissatisfaction has escalated over the last three to four years, new progressive and radical political actors have emerged in the landscape of institutionalised politics in order to capitalise on the prevalent alienation among citizens. Concurrently, established political parties have also adopted more progressive, and in some cases radical, policy and ideological positions. Together, these developments point towards a political playing field that is "shifting to the left", as it were. Furthermore, the aforementioned developments have taken place during an epochal change in the South African psyche, namely the expiration of the period known as "post-apartheid". The guiding values of tolerance, reconciliation and "rainbow nationalism" that characterised the post-apartheid period and political engagement are now conspicuously absent in South African politics. Instead, racial and economic class tensions have re-emerged and the political climate has become more confrontational and militant. Whereas the post-apartheid period was premised on forgiving the transgressions of apartheid and adopting a prospective orientation of future consolidation, South African society is now engaged in a retrospective re-interrogation of its colonialist past. Because of the confluence of these trends and circumstances, this article argues that it is possible to speak of the emergence of a post-colonial epoch in South Africa's historical trajectory. The notion of post-colonial South Africa is premised on numerous aspects which exist in a dialectical relationship with the history of the state and society. Among the most significant manifestations of this dialectic is the manner in which the post-colonial society engages critically with its institutions in an attempt to change and transform. Thus, as universities have become increasingly subject to such critical engagement by society, but specifically by students, instability and conflict have arisen in the process of change and transformation. Various possible outcomes of such instability and change are considered in the article as universities, and formerly Afrikaans universities in particular, are faced with the challenges of responding to the demands of post-colonial politics and society. These demands include that universities become activist institutions that promote social justice, Africanisation and indigenisation, and the decolonisation of knowledge. In the process, it appears that the utility and value of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction and institutional language is disparaged with the purpose of annihilation, and furthermore that universities may increasingly become domains of ideological, and not intellectual, contestation. The article concludes by positing that the future of the university in a post-colonial local context will require a commensurate reconceptualisation of the role and functions of a university. <![CDATA[<b>Transformation and the University Sector</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es "Transformasie" word nie in wetgewing of die Grondwet omskryf nie, maar die beleids-dokumente van die regering en die ANC beklemtoon dit sterk as doelwit. Die motivering vir transformasie word in die konteks van die "National Democratic Revolution" onverbloemd op grond van Marxisties-Leninistiese denke gemotiveer. Hoewel dit ongetwyfeld nie "polities korrek" is om die voortgesette benutting van die kommunistiese taal waarvan die ANC se beleidsdokumente deurdrenk is, te bevraagteken nie, kan ook nie eenvoudig aanvaar word dat dit maar net 'n leë woordespel is nie. In sowel die 1993- en 1996-weergawes van die Grondwet word edele oogmerke ter ondersteuning van fundamentele sosiale en ekonomiese verandering gestel, wat - indien dit verwerklik sou kon word - die komplekse en gekonflikteerde Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing kan omskep in n stabiele burgery met gemeenskaplike verwagtinge van sosiale geregtigheid en stabiliteit. Die huidige regswetenskaplike behandeling van die transformasiebegrip dra nie veel by tot die verheldering van die betekenis daarvan nie. Die wetgewing en beleidsdokumente waarin daar sprake is van transformasie, voorsien ook nie definisies nie en die howe se vertolking daarvan is nie eenduidig nie. Daardeur is die begrip blootgestel aan misbruik vir ideologiese doeleindes, wat die belofte van mislukking inhou wanneer die oorblywende hulpbronne uitgeput is. Onomskrewe transformasie word ook vir die universiteitswese voorgeskryf, en die jongste wysiging van die betrokke wetgewing beoog om aan die Minister die gesag te gee om eensydig "transformasiedoelwitte" aan universiteite voor te skryf en af te dwing. 'n Verandering van die heersende magspatrone wat bevryding van die NDR kan meebring, kan die behoud en positiewe uitbou van die oorblywende eilande van uitnemendheid in die hoëronderwyssektor meebring.<hr/>"Transformation" is not defined in parliamentary legislation or the Constitution. Nevertheless, the policy documents of the Government and the ANC bestow immense importance on the notion, which bears significant ideological, political, legal and constitutional implications. The dictionary meaning of transformation suggests change, conversion, modification, etc. The ANC (2012:3) has described its "principal task" as being "to mobilise all strata and classes, including the new social forces born out of our democracy, around the national programme of transformation to build a national democratic society". This choice of terminology is no coincidence, because it is based on the organisation's main strategy known as the "National Democratic Revolution" (NDR). Its essential goals are "the liberation of Africans in particular and Blacks in general from political and socioeconomic bondage" and "liberating the white community from the false ideology of racial superiority and the insecurity attached to oppressing others". The history and thrust of the NDR show that it is uncompromisingly founded upon the tenets of Marxism-Leninism. Although it is hardly politically correct to interrogate the continued communist rhetoric with which the ANC's policy documents are infused, one cannot assume that such rhetoric is merely hollow prolixity. Sentiments supportive of fundamental social and economic change can be found in both the 1993 and 1996 Constitutions. No doubt these noble goals, if realised, could embody cornerstones in the transformation of the complex and conflicted South African society towards a stable citizenry with common expectations for social justice. These are, however, not the goals expressed in the NDR. Legal academic discussion of transformation has not contributed much to the clarification of its meaning. A 1998 publication of Karl Klare, a prominent exponent of Critical Legal Studies, has strongly influenced academic and judicial thinking to understand transformation to be a project aimed at comprehensive social change to be brought about by employing the law to effect wholesale egalitarian social transformation beyond mere reform, stopping just short of revolution. From a brief survey of legislation relating to schools, the fisheries industry and labour relations, it is clear that the legal meaning of transformation remains vague and undefined, causing the courts to be similarly ambiguous when called upon to correlate government policies with constitutional injunctions. Using the same vague and elastic term in ideological statements and in the law, provides politicians with the opportunity to pursue revolutionary goals under a cloak of constitutional propriety. Although ideological transformation is useful to offer unspecified political promises of alleviation of past and present suffering, in reality it has thus far mostly promoted the interests of a relatively small black elite. Most of the electoral supporters of the ANC are poor and support the organisation "because of their material dependence on the ANC-controlled state" (Mbeki 2011:9). It is, however, becoming increasingly clear that the failure to build economic capacity among the growing number of poor South Africans through the predatory exhaustion of the means of a small component of society, renders ideological transformation self-destructive. Undefined transformation of the university sector is the aim of higher education legislation, which is to be specifically enhanced by the amendment bill of 2015, by empowering the Minister to unilaterally prescribe "transformation goals" to universities. Government's approach to higher education has been described as a process of implementing the NDR "to erode university autonomy in the name of 'transformation'" (Jeffery 2014:399). Espousing the termination of Afrikaans as academic language is seldom acknowledged officially, but it is obvious that the protection or promotion of the language is at the very least not considered to be desirable measured against the demands for transformation. Transformation is a rich and malleable concept useful for many purposes, both for selective advancement and retribution. The comprehensively beneficial potential of constitutionally sanctioned transformation has unfortunately been warped by the ANC's ideological conceptualisation of the notion and its subsequent implementation in the practice of the governments of the past two decades. Should the transformation of the university sector continue to be pursued according to this pattern, the future of higher education is bleak. Yet, it is not impossible that the political, economic and social configuration of power may change - if the remaining pockets of excellence in higher education could be saved from the ravages of the NDR, this might lead to a balanced process of transformation in the spirit of the Constitution. <![CDATA[<b>Freedom and Idea: Antiphon for the university</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Aan die einde van 2015 het studenteprotes deur Suid-Afrika gespoel - hoër onderwys is té duur. Dit het universiteite in 'n finansiële krisis gelaat. Die indruk is dat een van die grondoorsake van die krisis 'n etos van ekonomistiese dwang is. In die artikel word geargumenteer dat 'n dualistiese dialektiek tussen n natuurnoodwendig-agtige ekonomisering en menslike vryheid nie veel doen om hierdie krisis te ontknoop nie. Vir laasgenoemde sal n veel duideliker raamwerk van die normatiewe soortlikheid van universiteite, of dan die idee van 'n universiteit, weer deel van die openbare gesprek oor die saak moet word.<hr/>The economisation of universities includes processes like the commodification and commercialisation of knowledge as well as the corporatisation of the institutional structure and authority hierarchy of universities. The reasons given for this economisation are that it will make universities major participants in the economic growth of nations or simply enable them to survive financially. The question however, is whether this economisation will indeed serve the economic health of higher education. South Africa, with its 2015 student revolt against tuition fees that are too high, looks like a case in point where economisation had the opposite effect. Moreover, economisation is instrumental in eradicating the definitive distinction between universities and economic institutions, as well as eroding the age-old idea of academic freedom. On a deeper level of evaluation, the economic aspect of universities seems to have become the battle ground for modern ideas about human freedom and compelling forces. Hence the question of this paper: Where is the battle for the soul of the university between the forces of economisation and freedom taking us, and where should we be taken? A first step towards an answer is to get a clearer perspective on the modern idea-polarity between economisation (as a compelling force) and freedom (including academic freedom). Modern ideas about the economy assume free human agency but also a coercive power in the form of a compelling invisible hand. This invisible hand forms an order on which supposedly self-creating human beings should try to impose their agency. Inherent to this (post)modernist "projection theory" is a tension in which the self-creation of human agents is threatened by the coercive force of the economy. The latest (so-called postmodern) version of modernism reacts to this by (again) affirming that all positions and normativity are mere human projection. Postmodernists have a more pessimistic approach than the Enlightenment modernists, who believed in human self-emancipation through reason. Rationalism gave rise to modern ideas about education. However, in the 1960s, this faith was challenged and a shift towards an intense criticism of the ideas of emancipation through reason took place. This shift towards irrationalism, however, did not imply the redundancy of education. The postmodern view is that the younger generation needs to be equipped with especially information technology as well as managerialist skills to compete in the jungle of the market. The undercurrent of assuming a compelling order, lingers. This tension is also visible when the current university is compared to its predecessors. Historicists presuppose that there is no universal and timeless essence for universities (although socio-economic conditions, and change itself, become a kind of constant essence for postmodern historicists). Those who deal in a non-reducing and normative way with the historicity of the university are more cautious: They do not necessarily want rigid and reductionist essentialism for universities, but do not want to succumb to rampant historicism either. The university should at least portray a moment of identity by simultaneously preserving and transforming the idea of a university. The enduring idea of a university that differentiated in the course of history portrays at least three functional dimensions: The first of these, the agogic moment, sees the university as an institution for transferring knowledge to a new generation. The second dimension emphasises the expansion ofthat knowledge. The third aspect is the pragmatic or instrumentalist side, which emphasises the practical relevance of, and context for knowledge. If non-reduction is taken seriously, none of these dimensions will be arbitrarily deified, but it will rather be attempted to weave them into a normative idea of a university. We should therefore not be blackmailed by the dualist model which currently venerates the economic side of the university above freedom ("freedom" being interpreted in a self-creationist and autonomist sense). A non-reducing and normative freedom for the university will rather try to uncover the moments of direction and type into a cohering structure called the idea of a university. This normativity for universities will involve seeing universities as institutions of unity between lecturers and students, where expression is given to the attempt to pass knowledge to a next generation, and thus to also uncover knowledge appropriate for this agogic task. A totalitarian economisation implies enslavement by an instrumentalist element in the idea of a university. According to this kind of rationality "maximum efficiency" is - ironically - a compelling measure of freedom. Accordingly, market forces want to ensure that only the best universities survive, with "best" being defined as those that are cost-effective. The argument for freedom based on a normative type-ness for the university and a definitive decision to move towards the latter will have to be rediscovered in the public discourse on the university. In this discourse, freedom must be a destination, although not a supreme goal. It needs to be a goal next to, or in antiphony (turn-singing) with others, such as "peace", "truth", "justice" and "structure". Thus, the freedom of the university will manifest only if there is antiphony between the salient conditions captured in the idea of a university. <![CDATA[<b>What is the university? Reflections on the community-based university</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In die artikel word uitgegaan van die gedagte dat die toekoms van universitêre Afrikaans toenemend 'n funksie van die Afrikaanse taalgemeenskap self en in die besonder van die sogenaamde gemeenskapsuniversiteit sal wees. Ten diepste fokus die artikel op die vraag na die aard en wese van die gemeenskapsuniversiteit. Ons gaan uit van die standpunt dat die gemeenskapsuniversiteit verstaan moet word teen die agtergrond van die verskille én ooreen-komste daarvan met sowel die moderne Von Humboldt-universiteit as die postmoderne besigheidsuniversiteit. Met sy verbintenis tot Bildung sluit die gemeenskapsuniversiteit by die tradisie van die Von Humboldt-universiteit aan. In die hart van die ideaal van Bildung staan die gedagte dat studente gelei word om insig in die geheel van dinge te verwerf. Maar anders as by die Von Humboldt-universiteit is Bildung binne die konteks van die gemeenskapsuniversiteit nie daarop gefokus om outonome individue binne die konteks van die staatlike orde op te lewer nie. Volgens die gemeenskapsuniversiteit beteken Bildung veel eerder om "burgers" op te voed wat n deelnemende verhouding nie net met die openbare lewe as sodanig nie, maar ook met hulle veelheid van gemeenskappe handhaaf. Soos die postmoderne universiteit word die gemeenskapsuniversiteit "van onder af' moontlik gemaak en deur die werklikhede van die vrye mark bemiddel. Maar anders as die postmoderne besigheidsuniversiteit met sy fokus op die globale markte, gee die gemeenskapsuniversiteit nie sy verbintenis tot plaaslike gemeenskappe, kulture en ekonomieë prys nie. Nog belangriker, anders as die postmoderne universiteit, wat daartoe neig om die universitêre werklikheid uit ekonomiese oorwegings te fragmenteer (nie net tussen die veelheid dissiplines nie, maar ook binne dissiplines self), is die gemeenskaps-universiteit met sy verbintenis tot die moderne universitêre ideaal van Bildung daarop bedag om steeds 'n sin vir die geheel te kultiveer en oor te dra. Kortom, terwyl globale universiteite ingevolge hul naam veronderstel is om 'n blik op die geheel te bied, fragmenteer hulle ons wêreld. Die teenoorgestelde is waar van gemeenskapsuniversiteite. Terwyl hulle in ooreenstemming met hul naam aan die plaaslike vassit, is hulle ironies genoeg forums waarop n lewensbeskoulike blik op die geheel hoegenaamd moontlik is.<hr/>The article is based on the presupposition that the future of Afrikaans as a language of instruction at tertiary level will largely depend on the Afrikaans-speaking community (and not on the state, as was the case during the past century). At the same time the article proposes that such a university, created by the language community itself, be founded on the community-based idea of the university. The aim of the article is to focus on the meaning and essence of the latter, namely the community-based university. In order to give effect to this rather ambitious aim, the article broadly distinguishes between three different (but in some respects overlapping) concepts of what the university as such implies, namely the modern Von Humboldt university, the postmodern business university, and lastly the community-based university. Like the Von Humboldt university, the community-based university is committed to the idea of Bildung as its telos. What features at the very centre of Bildung is the idea that the educational event is characterised by the search for and insight into the whole of being (and not only specialised knowledge of or expertise in the multiplicity of disciplines). But unlike the Von Humboldt university, Bildung in the context of the community-based university does not aim at the realisation of an autonomous individual existence at the service of the modern territorial state. Its aim is rather to educate students to become fully fledged burghers, i.e. balanced and mature participants not only in public affairs generally speaking, but also in the affairs of the many and respective communities to which they belong. In addition, with respect to the so-called business university in postmodern times, some similarities and dissimilarities with the community-based university are identified. Like the postmodern university, the community-based university is made possible "from the bottom up" rather than from "the top down", as is the case with the modern state-centred university. In this regard the free market plays a determining role at both universities. But unlike the postmodern business university, with its typical focus on the supply and demand of students (read "clients") on the global market, the community-based university does not suspend its dependence on and commitment to local communities, cultures and economies. Even more importantly, while for economic reasons the postmodern university tends to fragment the coherence between the different disciplines (not only between but also within the disciplines), the community-based university maintains a commitment to the modern Von Humboldt idea of Bildung and the latter's aim to cultivate an understanding for the whole of being. In short, while the global university is focussed on the whole of being in terms of its self-portrayal, it is in fact fragmenting being. At the foundation of these events at postmodern universities lies not only the central place awarded to the student as hyper-individual consumer, but also the reduction of knowledge to be nothing but exchangeable information. In response it is argued that the community-based university, drawing on the experience and wisdom of tradition and community, can play an important role in restoring the search for the whole as an indispensable part of an education at a tertiary institution. <![CDATA[<b>Perspectives on Afrikaans as a university language</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es In hierdie artikel word gefokus op die "Afrikaanse universiteit" - of eerder die Suid-Afrikaanse universiteit waar Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik word. Hierdie fokus veronderstel egter 'n historiese terugblik enersyds op die universiteit en sy ontwikkeling en andersyds op die situasie betreffende die moderne universiteit in wyer verband. Die Middeleeuse universiteit het sy oorsprong gehad in die kloosterskole waar sogenaamde magisters onderrig gegee het aan uitgesoekte leerlinge; die eksklusiewe aard van hoër onderwys was van meet af aan η gegewe. Die stigting van die Universiteit van Berlyn (1809) deur Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) - na wie die universiteit ook later vernoem is - word allerweë beskou as belangrik omdat dit as model gedien het vir verskeie moderne universiteite wat daarna hul beslag gekry het. Sy ideaal was om die wetenskappe te integreer met navorsing en die verwerwing van algemene geleerdheid en kulturele kennis. Hierdie holistiese strewe na geleerdheid word in Duits "Bildung" genoem. Die moderne negentiende-eeuse universiteit was 'n produk van nasionale state en diensbaar daaraan (ook wat betref die taalmedium). Wanneer na die moderne universiteit gekyk word, ook in Suid-Afrika, is die Bildungsideaal skynbaar steeds springlewen-dig. In Verbrugge & Van Baardewijk (2014) klink daar op verskeie plekke egter 'n klaagsang op oor die gebrek aan Bildung in die moderne universiteit weens publikasiedruk en die toespitsing op navorsing alleen, groeiende studentegetalle en sakebeginsels wat sito-sito op universiteite afgedruk word. Massifikasie van die onderwys vorm inderwaarheid skering en inslag van hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika. Hierdie toestroming van studente het ook didaktiese gevolge soos oorvol klaslokale en die gevolglike onpersoonlikheid van lesings. Afrikaans word dikwels gesien as uitsluitend, maar ook die verhoogde klasgeld is 'n hindernis. Daarom word die twee dinge dikwels geskakel in die hele #FeesMustFall-veldtog. Frantz Fanon (1925-1961), 'n Afro-Karibiese psigiater en filosoof, het in sy geskrifte oor onder andere die psigiese gevolge van kolonialisering 'n belangrike invloed uitgeoefen op postkoloniale studies en Marxisme. As 'n radikale politieke denker het hy geweld as 'n legitieme middel beskou om bevryding van 'n koloniale moondheid te bekom. Jong swart radikales in Suid-Afrika vind groot aanklank by sy denke. Fanon word op bykans elke wetenskapsterrein deur jong, swart intellektueles (her)ontdek, met die gevolg dat reaksionêre optrede deels verklaarbaar is. In 'n samelewing waar migrasie aan die orde van die dag is, is horisontale mobiliteit belangrik en dit noodsaak opleiding in een taal: Engels. Die hedendaagse universiteit word veelal bedryf as sosio-ekonomiese (eerder as akademiese instelling) en rig hom in baie opsigte na die markte en samelewingsbehoeftes/-probleme, wat alles Engels die taal van globalisering en inter-nasionalisering bevoordeel. Ten slotte word die vraag na die reg van Afrikaanse universiteite aan die orde gestel. n Mens kan hierdie vraag uit ten minste drie perspektiewe of fokushoeke bekyk: die demokratiese fokus; die taal-sosiologiese fokus en die pragmatiese fokus. Die artikel word afgesluit met die gevallestudie van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat en met die imperatiewe vir enige universiteit wat wil voortgaan om Afrikaans te benut as onderrigmedium.<hr/>In this article the focus is on the position of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction at South African universities and on its future prospects. This implies investigatory research that cannot be done in isolation, as the South African university has a long tradition which necessitates an overview of the development of the university as an institution. On the other hand, all institutions of higher learning world-wide today face the same problems and challenges, which necessarily entails reference to the current position of the university in a situation where it is deeply influenced inter alia by globalisation, state interference and financial constraints. A point of departure is that the university, since its inception, had been elitist in the sense that selected scholars taught selected students in an enclosed environment. This was the model during the Middle Ages, when the first universities proper were founded in Bologna, Oxford, Cambridge and later in Belgium (the Catholic University of Leuven in 1425) and in the Netherlands (Leiden in 1575). During Medieval times the university was subservient to the Church and its doctrines. Teaching was seen as paramount and it was only in the nineteenth century that research gained importance as a means to gather new knowledge. The founding of the University of Berlin in (1809) by Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) - after whom the University later was named - was seen as an important event. Von Humboldt was a noted man of letters who was a philosopher, linguist and politician and who had a holistic approach to (tertiary) education. His ideal was Bildung, which amounted to the integration of general learning with cultural knowledge and the integration of science with research. Where the Medieval university paid homage to the Church, the University of the nineteenth century -notwithstanding its claim to academic freedom - was a product of national states and thus subservient to them, also as far as the language of instruction was concerned. Therefore one often heard the accusation that the modern university was the lackey of the state. When the modern university is scrutinised, as in South Africa, it is clear that the ideal of Bildung is ostensibly alive and well and universities go to great lengths to implement new courses (like UFS 101 at the University of the Free State) to provide students with the philosophical underpinning of this lofty ideal. In Verbrugge and Van Baardewijk (2014), however, a lamentation can be heard in almost every contribution on the situation of the modern university. Apparently, in this taking stock of especially the Dutch university, the ideal of Bildung is under enormous pressure due to factors like publication pressure, the favouring of research over teaching, massification and its impact on teaching and the implementation of business principles in the management of universities. In this regard they refer to academic counterparts in England who suffer from exhaustion, stress, sleep deprivation and feelings of fear, distress and guilt. In the "brave new world" of the academe only one criterion seems to apply: that of economic viability and outputs. This tendency is of the highest importance regarding the future position of Afrikaans as a language of instruction at universities. Research is often conducted solely in English, as academic journals and conferences favour English. As far as teaching is concerned, handbooks are often available in English only and parallel-medium of instruction erodes time available for research. In discussing the situation of the South African university, the point is made that there never really existed a situation of academic freedom. Initially South African universities only offered tuition in English and later the Nationalist government excluded black students from so-called white universities. Giliomee (2001:30) made the point that the National Plan for Education of the current regime overlaps in many aspects with the recommendations of the Van Wyk de Vries-Commission in 1975: both were politically driven and both do not tolerate deviations or exceptions. In the rest of the article a few salient points with regard to South African universities are successively dealt with. One of these is the issue of accessibility of universities, which has a direct bearing on Afrikaans, as the language is often seen as a way of excluding or marginalising (black) students. At many universities the vendetta against Afrikaans is aligned with protests against increasing student fees. The protesters are deeply influenced by the theories of Frantz Fanon (1925-1961), born in Martinique, an influential Afro-Caribbean psychologist and philosopher who wrote extensively on the psychological effects of colonisation. Fanon was also a political activist who proclaimed the legitimacy of force in counteracting colonisation. A changing (economic) environment often necessitates the so-called horizontal mobility of students, which implies that they should be able to study in one language: English. As in Europe with its Erasmus Programme, English is the preferred language. This preference is not only attributable to pragmatic reasons, but also to globalisation and internationalisation and its effects on universities world-wide. This whole process is enhanced by other factors, for example the increasing demands of the private sector, the state and other institutions on universities with regard to the economic feasibility (and implementation) of research and publications. Against this backdrop, it may be asked why there is a need (or justification) for Afrikaans universities. One can attempt an answer based on three perspectives: the inalienable right of minorities to education in their preferred language (the democratic perspective), the importance of higher functions of language itself (a socio-political perspective) and last, but not least, the contribution that such languages can make to a multi-lingual society (the pragmatic perspective). In the next section of this study the status quo regarding Afrikaans universities (or universities where Afrikaans still is used as a medium of instruction) is investigated, with the situation at the University of the Free State (a former Afrikaans university) as a case study. In conclusion a projection for the future is given in the form of certain imperatives that should be heeded by any university that envisages the continuation of the use of Afrikaans as a language of instruction. <![CDATA[<b>First Language as medium of instruction in higher education: An international perspective</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die doel van hierdie artikel is om die vraagstuk van die eerste taal as medium van onderrig op universiteitsvlak in Suid-Afrika te belig deur middel van internasionale historiese en vergelykende perspektiewe. Min minderheidstale kon tot dusver daarin slaag om te vorder tot op die vlak van medium van universiteitsonderrig. Hierdie toedrag van sake hou verband met die politieke funksie van formele onderwysinstellings. In Suid-Afrika word die handhawing en uitbouing van Afrikaans as medium van universiteitsonderwys nog verder bemoeilik deur die waarde van Engels in die nasionale en internasionale arbeidsmark, en deur die huidige posisie van Engels as lingua franca van die internasionale akademiese wêreld. Beoordeel vanuit die internasionale ondervinding, sal die verlies aan Afrikaans as medium van universiteitsonderwys egter 'n hele reeks nadelige gevolge vir die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap en selfs wyer as net die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap hê. Die artikel sluit af met 'n identifisering vanuit die internasionale ondervinding van riglyne vir die wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap hom kan beywer vir die behoud van Afrikaans as taal van universiteitsonderwys; dog sonder prysgawe van die voordele wat Engels bied as medium van universiteitsonderwys.<hr/>The purpose of this article is to illuminate the issue of home language as a language of learning and teaching (LOLT) at university level in South Africa, in view of international historical and comparative perspectives. According to widely accepted hypotheses, formal educational institutions evolved because of political and economic considerations. Although such views are reductionistic in that they do not paint the full picture, they contain a modicum of truth and provide some insight into the issue of LOLT in educational settings. Central governments have always showed a tendency to use education as an instrument for legitimising their own existence and for maintaining the integrity of the state (in the 18th century, for example). Very few minority languages have so far succeeded in acquiring LOLT status with the approval and support of national governments, despite rhetoric about the importance of multiculturalism and adherence to human rights manifesto's. French in Canada (both within and outside of Quebec) and Afrikaans in South Africa are being considered as exceptions to this rule. English has become the language of government in South Africa due to historical circumstances. This, combined with its status as a powerful international linguistic vehicle in a globalised world economy, makes it a factor to be reckoned with by the users of minority languages in South Africa, such as Afrikaans. The possibility of relinquishing the status of Afrikaans as LOLT at South African universities should be carefully weighed against the negative outcomes that such a move might bring about: loss of learning quality and achievement among Afrikaans-speaking students and the possibility that a dysfunctional school system (especially the inadequate command of English of many school teachers and the fact that subjects at secondary school level are often taught not in English but by means of code switching) will in any case place severe restraints on any equalisation effort regarding the employment of English as an exclusive LOLT at South African universities. Other disadvantages of such a step might be the creation of even more social inequalities, deleterious effects on the Afrikaans-speaking community, the removal of Afrikaans in the few places where it is still being used, and the possible extinction of the language within two or three generations. This article embodies a plea not only for the retention of Afrikaans as an LOLT at university level but also for the inclusion of all the other indigenous minority languages in South Africa. The loss of any language leads to a loss of cognitive possibilities, creativity and innovation - something which can hardly be afforded in times of a growing knowledge economy (that is, an economy in which the production and application of new knowledge have become the main driving forces). The loss of a language will be detrimental to opportunities of its speakers in the labour market. The article culminates in the recommendation that Afrikaans should be retained as an LOLT at universities, though alongside English as a second language with lingua franca status. The teaching and learning of English as a second language should be of the highest quality to ensure that it serves as an effective LOLT for students (learners at all levels). The chances of attaining this ideal through negotiation with government and the Department of Higher Education - although it has remained part of an over-all strategy on the part of the speakers of minority languages - seem to be slim. A more viable strategy might be the mobilisation of the Afrikaans segment of the broad South African civil society in favour of the retention of Afrikaans as an LOLT at universities. In doing so, the Afrikaans-speaking community will have to reckon with the recent vocal and even violent opposition of many students to the retention of Afrikaans as a university LOLT. A strategy will have to be developed to stabilise university campuses and to protect Afrikaans from opportunistic attacks such as those being televised on campuses on a daily basis. <![CDATA[<b>Afrikaans as language of teaching and learning in schools: A "new" approach to an "old" problem</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die Afrikaanse gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika van ongeveer 8.9 miljoen mense vorm 'n beskeie deel van die totale bevolking van meer as 54 miljoen. As gevolg hiervan, maar ook as gevolg van politieke druk van die ander bevolkingsgroepe en van die regering van die dag om toegang tot goeie onderwys vir kinders van alle bevolkingsgroepe te verseker, het die getal van Afrikaansmediumskole verminder van 2 521 in 2010 tot die huidige getal van 2 166. As hierdie neiging voortduur, kan dit meebring dat Afrikaansmediumskole binne die volgende paar dekades mag verdwyn en die gevaar is dat Afrikaans as 'n gesproke taal in Suid-Afrika mag kwyn. Hierdie gevare vir Afrikaans, ook as taal van onderrig en leer in skole en in ander onderwysinstansies, noop die Afrikaanse gemeenskap om 'n ander benadering te volg ten einde die taal te beskerm, bevorder en uit te bou. Daar is aanduidinge dat 'n taalregtebenadering tot die probleem tot dusver nie goeie vrugte afgewerp het nie, onder meer weens 'n onwilligheid en 'n onvermoë aan die kant van die landsowerheid om die taalregte met betrekking tot Afrikaans en die ander nege inheemse tale te beskerm en te bevorder. Hierdie artikel ondersoek derhalwe die gedagte van 'n taalburgerskapsbenadering, wat nie 'n nuwe gedagte is nie, maar hier vanuit 'n minder bekende perspektief benader word. Nuwe lig word op die probleem gewerp deur die situasie van Afrikaans te bekyk deur die lens van die kultuurhistoriese aktiwiteitsteorie. Hierdie heuristiese instrument bring nie slegs nuwe insigte na vore met betrekking tot die probleem nie, maar bied 'n relatief eenvoudige strategiese plan aan die Afrikaanse gemeenskap om die status van Afrikaans vir die toekoms te verseker, onder meer as taal van onderrig en leer in skole, en ook om die behoud van Afrikaansmediumskole en ander Afrikaansmedium-onderwysinstansies te verseker.<hr/>Several authors have recently come to the conclusion that the linguistic human rights approach that has so far been followed in South Africa has largely failed. English has become the dominant language in all spheres of life despite the fact that the South African Constitution recognises 11 languages as having official status. Afrikaans, as the language of one of the minority groups in the country, has so far not enjoyed the same status as English and it is unlikely that it ever will, in view of the recognition which English enjoys as an international language of trade and commerce. Although the South African Constitution provides all the means required to entrench and promote Afrikaans (as well as the other 10 languages) and the rights of their speakers, there seems to be no political will to do so. In view of this, another strategy should be considered to improve the status of Afrikaans as an official language and also as a language of learning and teaching (LOLT) in schools and universities. To do this, the linguistic human rights approach should be relinquished in favour of a linguistic civil rights approach. This is an approach that embodies strategic actions and steps taken at ground level, in their everyday lives, by members of the Afrikaans community for the purpose of promoting the status of Afrikaans in South Africa, particularly as LOLT in schools and other institutions of learning. A linguistic civil rights approach utilises the space offered by the statutory fundamental human rights framework of the country for its strategy, but deviates from a linguistic human rights approach in that it does not look to the government to promote the status of the minority languages, but looks to the community in question (in this case, the Afrikaans community) to take up cudgels for Afrikaans, particularly as LOLT in schools and universities. Put differently, it uses the existing statutory framework as the space within which to work towards the retention and the promotion of Afrikaans as an official language and as LOLT in schools and universities. The purpose of this article is to outline a strategic plan that could be considered for a linguistic civil rights approach. It outlines the plan in terms of the heuristic lens of the cultural-historical activity theory, which revolves around elements that could be construed as strategic steps in the execution of the plan. It portrays a linguistic civil rights strategic plan as an activity consisting of a subject (those envisaged to execute the plan, e.g. leaders in the Afrikaans language community), the object (the problem with which they have to deal, as outlined above, and the challenges associated with the problem), the mediating artefacts that they have at their disposal (such as the social media and the statutory framework), the community or communities involved in the execution of the strategy, the division of labour in the Afrikaans community, the rules that all involved have to follow in executing the plan, and the expected outcomes or result of the plan (the recognition of Afrikaans as an official language of South Africa, growth in the number of Afrikaans schools, and Afrikaans as LOLT wherever this is possible and viable). Execution of this plan requires the mobilisation of the entire Afrikaans community in South Africa. A strategic plan in accordance with the basic tenets of the cultural-historical activity theory implies that the Afrikaans community in future will have to rely less on the national and provincial governments to reinforce the position of Afrikaans as an official language and as LOLT. Members of that community will have to contribute "from the side" and at ground level to promote the status of their language, among others by insisting that their local school retains Afrikaans as LOLT. The execution of this plan is not a simple linear procedure; there are many factors at play in this complex process in which the subjects (the various role players seeking to advance the status of Afrikaans) are often not in control of all the variables and occasionally not even aware of them. Despite all these difficulties, the Afrikaans (-speaking) community in South Africa should do everything in its power to work towards the future existence of Afrikaans schools, schools that insist on offering Afrikaans as a school subject, and schools that prefer Afrikaans as LOLT. If effectively executed, this plan will contribute to the well-being of all in South Africa. Members of the other minorities could then consider a similar plan for enhancing the status of their languages. <![CDATA[<b>The revision of language policy at the University of the Free State, 2003-2015</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500011&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die artikel bied 'n oorsig van taalbeleidshersiening aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) vanaf die inwerkingtreding van die universiteitsraad se 2003-taalbeleid tot en met die aanvaarding van 'n totaal nuwe beleid in Maart 2016. Hierdie oorsig geskied teen die agtergrond van teoretiese insigte oor die rol van die evaluering van beleidsimplementering by beleids-hersiening aan hoëronderwysinstellings. Die onderliggende vraag wat aan die hand van relevante dokumentasie in die openbare ruimte ondersoek word, is waarom die UV nie eerder ag geslaan het op gevaartekens met betrekking tot die toepaslikheid van 'n beleid wat onder ander omstandighede ingestel is nie. Spesifiek die rol van regulatiewe faktore by effektiewe beleidshersiening word oorweeg aan die hand van 'n analise van eksterne kernverslae, wat reeds sover terug as 2006 leemtes aangedui en bepaalde regstellings van die UV verwag het. Die aanloop tot die verrassende 2015-taalbeleidshersiening word in besonderhede nagegaan ten einde die hele hersieningsproses te kon rekonstrueer. Onder meer word bevind dat die UV wel in 2010 en 2012 formeel taalbeleidshersienings aangepak het wat 'n meer pragmatiese benadering tot taalbeleidsimplementering tot gevolg gehad het. Die artikel bevind dat die universiteitsbestuur as gevolg van 'n mate van versuim om meer daadwerklike taalbeleids-wysiginge deur te voer, uiteindelik onkant gevang is deur 'n toenemende aandrang op transformasie. Deur waarskynlik te help skep aan 'n ongunstige denkklimaat oor die posisie van Afrikaans kon die leierskap daarin slaag om sonder enige hersiening die bestaande tweetalige taalbeleid van die tafel te vee en met n grootliks eentalige beleid te vervang.<hr/>The article offers an overview of language policy review at the University of the Free State (UFS), from the inception of the university council's 2003 language policy up to the adoption of an entirely new policy in March 2016. This overview is undertaken against the background of theoretical insights about the role of the evaluation of effective policy implementation in policy review at higher education institutions. Several studies as well as some institutional reports since then have suggested that the UFS language policy needed to be reconsidered in view of drastically changing demographics in particular. The underlying question that is considered in terms of relevant documentation available in the public space is therefore why the UFS did not respond earlier to warnings about the inappropriateness of a policy that had been implemented under completely different conditions back in 2003. Departing from international studies on policy review, the study specifically looks at the role of regulative factors in policy review. This is done in terms of an analysis of external core reports that, as far back as 2006 already, recorded shortcomings requiring corrective actions by the UFS. The role of specifically two reports published during 2008, namely the Higher Education Quality Committee (HEQC) institutional audit report and the Ministerial Committee's report on transformation and social cohesion and the elimination of discrimination in public higher education institutions (the so-called Soudien report), are considered. Incidentally, they are also foregrounded in a transformation report issued by the UFS towards the end of 2014, which turns out to have provided a basis for reinventing language problems that could eventually be used as a rationale for changing the UFS language policy. As these reports have identified a range of shortcomings in the 2003 language policy, the study was specifically interested in how the mentioned transformation report presented these findings and how the UFS responded - aspects the transformation report omits. From publicly available documents, it is clear that the UFS has indeed responded appropriately and even revised aspects of implementing the existing language policy. With the changeover to a new leadership during 2009, these measures were not followed through and not even mentioned at all after 2010. Among others, the study finds that the UFS nevertheless did attempt language policy revisions in 2010 and 2012, which led to instilling a more pragmatic approach to language policy implementation. After the 2010 review, the notion was adopted of a university that (still) used English and Afrikaans as media of instruction, but not necessarily within a framework of absolute parallel-medium teaching and where English was used as a kind of mediating language within multicultural situations. Other policies were revised to reflect this new approach, among them the policy on the UFS's branding identity, employment equity and integration in hostels. After the 2012 revision, the notion was adopted that parallel-medium education will be offered where possible and practicable and that the use of Southern Sotho within the teaching and learning environment will be increased. These measures partly responded to the dwindling number of Afrikaans students that still opted for Afrikaans classes (by 2012 already below 30% of all students). The changes resulting from these two reviews notably went further than the corrective actions undertaken before 2010 under the former management. They were nevertheless not mentioned in the UFS's transformation report, nor did they feature in the 2015 review process. In order to reconstruct the entire 2015 language review process (which is the actual focus of the study), the run-up to the surprising announcement about a language policy review is studied in some detail. Neither the 2014 annual institutional report nor the UFS's 2015-2020 strategic plan (finalised towards the end of 2014) mentions any of the kind of concerns about the institutional language policy that were raised during 2015. On the contrary, this strategic plan in particular still reaffirms the status quo position regarding language. One therefore has to assume that consistent pressure from the Department of Higher Education and Training by means of the mechanisms envisaged by the 2008 Soudien report, the role of the Director of the UFS's Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice and the increased demand for transformation from student quarters as a by-product of the #RhodesMustFall campaign, have all contributed to a change of heart by the university management regarding the language issue. In stark contrast with the position adopted towards the end of 2014, it was subsequently argued that the 2003 language policy was found to be inappropriate to promote "transformation at the institution", a phrase that began to be propagated in official announcements and press releases. The article concludes that, because of a degree of neglect to execute actual language policy revisions (and thereby aligning revisions made in other policies) the university's management was eventually caught off guard by increased demands for transformation from all quarters. By inadvertently creating a hostile intellectual climate about the position of Afrikaans, the leadership could probably succeed - without any policy revision - to remove the existing bilingual language policy and replace it with a predominantly monolingual language policy. One therefore wonders whether Afrikaans became the culprit for the lack of proper and regular evaluation of a range of measures that were implemented at different stages in an attempt to realign the 2003 language policy with the changing circumstances at the UFS. In the end, this case demonstrates the importance of a meta-policy that helps to steer a university such as the UFS through troubled waters within an overall unstable higher education environment. <![CDATA[<b>Investigating the relationship between trust and the diversity climate of a South African tertiary institution</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000500012&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Hierdie studie stel ondersoek in na die verwantskap tussen vertroue en die diversiteitsklimaat binne 'n Suid-Afrikaanse tersiêre inrigting. 'n Kwantitatiewe benadering met behulp van 'n nie-waarskynlikheidsgerieflikheidsteekproef (N=350) is gevolg. Die vraelys wat in die studie gebruik is, maak gebruik van 'n kombinasie van drie vooraf-gevalideerde instrumente. Die resultate dui aan dat die werknemers saamstem dat die instelling bereid is tot diversiteitsbestuur en die uitskakeling van diskriminasie. 'n Korrelasie-analise tussen die dimensies vertroue en diversiteitsklimaat het getoon dat al die vertrouedimensies, met die uitsondering van een - geneigdheid tot vertroue - 'n verwantskap met die belewing van 'n diversiteitsklimaat aantoon. Die resultate het ook verder aangedui dat die groep werknemers wie se opleiding net tot matriek/graad 12 gestrek het, 'n groter geneigdheid tot vertroue gehad het as die groep met 'n diploma of nagraadse kwalifikasie. Geneigdheid tot vertroue en onthullingsgebaseerde vertrouedimensies het die enigste opvallende verskille tussen wit en swart groepe getoon. Daar was geen praktiese betekenisvolheid tussen die diversiteitsklimaatkonstruk as dit kom by geslag, opvoedingsvlak, etnisiteit, werkstatus of vlak van werkstatusgroepe nie, en ons voer dus aan dat hierdie bevinding as n positiewe uitkoms vir die organisasie beskou moet word.<hr/>This study targeted permanently employed staff of a specific business unit (campus) of a South African university to explore the relationship between employees 'perceived levels of trust in their immediate line manager/supervisor and the overall perceptions of the diversity climate within the business unit. South Africa recently celebrated 20 years of democracy. Although racism and discrimination should have no place in our democracy, current widespread unrest on university campuses suggests that big and enduring challenges of transformation are not easily resolved. Clearly, much still remains to be done in order to accelerate transformation in our higher education system. A critical question that arises is how change can be brought about in a cost effective and sustainable way. In view of steadily growing incidents of often violent unrest on university campuses, it therefore seems appropriate that researchers should evaluate how far South Africa has really come by considering the extent to which different business units of universities have been able to contribute towards the creation of a prejudice-free and inclusive society and what factors might have an influence within such an environment. Similar to other organisations, a university's diversity climate is a barometer of the extent to which the university has been able to establish an academic environment free of both prejudice and discrimination. A diversity climate of an institution reflects the psychological perceptions, attitudes and beliefs of individuals that also translate into how different groups - which may include but are not limited to gender, age, racial and ethnic groups - interact within a specific organisational context. These psychological and behavioural indicators of a diversity climate affect both individual and organisational performance in a dramatic way and can be either positive or negative in nature. Some previous research studies in the international arena suggest that, to address the challenge of change, organisations should develop quality relationships -- interpersonally, organisationally and inter-organisationally - and that these can be enhanced by building and developing trust. This is, however, more easily said than done - especially since the historical context is one where trust between diverse groups has repeatedly been fractured and destroyed over time. Despite the fact that effective diversity management to create prejudice-free and inclusive workplace environments is becoming a growing concern, empirical research on diversity climate is still limited. Even fewer studies have examined the possible relationship between diversity climate and trust. In fact, within a South African context, research on the relationship between various forms of trust and its potential influence on the diversity climate of an organisation is extremely rare. This study took on a quantitative approach to explore the relationship between dyadic trust and the diversity climate. A cross-sectional survey (N = 350) was used to collect data. The questionnaire used in the study was a combination of three previously validated instruments. Diversity climate was defined as the employees 'perceptions of the policies and practices that communicate the extent to which fostering diversity and eliminating discrimination are a priority in the organisation. The diversity climate was measured through a previously validated diversity climate assessment instrument that consisted of nine items. The study employed a definition of trust that is widely accepted across disciplines and according to which trust is defined as the willingness of a party to be vulnerable to the actions of another person based on the expectation that the other will perform a particular action important to the trusting party, irrespective of the ability to monitor or control that other party. Because trust is a multi-dimensional, interrelated and complex concept, the dimensions used to measure trust included predictors of trust as well as evidence of actual risk-taking expressed as trusting behaviours. Two previously validated measures of trust were combined in order to measure the trust component in a comprehensive manner. Predictors included eight items to measure the trusting party's propensity, also known as the innate, generalised inclination to trust others, and 16 items were employed to measure perceived trustworthiness as derived from indications of the trusted party's perceived ability (6 items), benevolence (4 items) and integrity (6 items). Trust itself was also measured (4 items) and confirmed by indicators of trusting behaviours such as the willingness to rely on (5 items) and disclose information (5 items) to the trusted party despite the lack of guarantees that one's trust will not be abused. Prior to its operationalisation, the measurement instrument had been translated from English to Afrikaans and Sesotho. Possible errors had been identified and corrected by an independent, professional translator who is fluent in all three languages. Study results indicated that the majority of the employees perceive the diversity climate to be positive and agree that the organisation is committed towards diversity management and eliminating discrimination. A correlation analysis between the dimensions of trust and diversity climate revealed that all of the trust dimensions, except for the propensity towards trust, have some sort of relationship with diversity climate. The results further indicated that the group of employees that only have an education up to matric/grade 12 indicated a higher propensity towards trust compared to the group that has either a diploma or a post-graduate degree. Propensity towards trust and disclosure-based trust dimensions revealed the only noticeable differences between the black and white groups. There was no practical significance within the diversity climate construct for the gender, education, ethnic, employment status or level of employment groups and this should be regarded as a positive result for the institution. The paper concluded with recommendations for future research.