Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120200001&lang=en vol. 60 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Redakteursnota</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>The changing world of Afrikaans drama translations and adaptations: A few remarks</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en n Historiese oorsig van die rol wat vertaling (asook verwerking) binne die Afrikaanse drama-en teatertradisie gespeel het - en nog steeds speel - kan onmoontlik gegee word in die bestek van n enkele artikel. Daarvoor is die omvang van n doktorale studie waarskynlik nodig - of selfs van verskeie studies. In hierdie artikel lig ek slegs enkele aspekte uit wat my opval binne hierdie tradisie: (1) Die groot rol wat dramavertalings gespeel het in die vroegste vestiging van n Europese teater in Suid-Afrika waaruit die Engelse en Afrikaanse toneeltradisies ontstaan en ontwikkel het; (2) Die duidelike verbintenis tussen Afrikaanse dramavertalings en -verwerkings met die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse taal (van sy vroegste jare af tot met sy vestiging as amptelike taal in 1925 en die dekades daarna, asook tydens die hoogbloei van Afrikanernasionalisme in die vyftiger- tot tagtigerjare van die 20ste eeu); en (3) Die skuif binne hierdie toneeltradisie van konvensionele dramavertalings (vanaf aanvanklik binne streng beperkings tot meer vrye vertalings) na die huidige tendens van verwerking, herwerking en herskepping van die bronteks binne n nuwe sosio-kulturele raamwerk tot n nuwe drama- en/of teaterteks in die periode na 1994. In die bespreking word verskeie bekende voorbeelde van dramavertalings en hulle vertalers gegee, terwyl ook uitgewys word dat dit dikwels vertaalde dramas was wat by luisterryke geleenthede (byvoorbeeld die inwyding van teaters - selfs die Pretoria Staatsteater in 1981) opgevoer is. Die gebruik van vertaalde werk is egter nie uniek tot die Suid-Afrikaanse situasie nie en mens vind eintlik regoor die wêreld soortgelyke praktyke. Ook Afrikaanse dramas word vertaal en oorsee opgevoer (byvoorbeeld die werk van Reza de Wet). In elke periode gee ek ook n aanduiding van hoe teaterpraktisyns dramavertalings en -verwerkings benader het. Hierbenewens verwys ek in hierdie besprekings na bepaalde teoretiese insigte van kontemporêre navorsers (onder andere Aaltonen, Mueller-Vollmer en Pavis) in die veld van dramavertaling om te demonstreer hoe elke periode geleidelik die teorie en praktyk van dramavertaling ontwikkel het in Afrikaans.<hr/>This article highlights a few aspects within the Afrikaans theatre tradition ofdrama translations and adaptations. A short historical overview is attemptedfrom the early beginnings of Afrikaans drama and theatre up to the present day - an in-depth discussion not being feasible within the confines of a short article. Three periods are foregrounded, namely (1) the important role played by drama translations during the period of establishing a European theatre in South Africa; (2) the clear link between Afrikaans drama translations and adaptations, and the development of the Afrikaans language (from its official acknowledgement in 1925, the decades following that important milestone, including the heyday flourishing of Afrikaner nationalism during the 1950's to the end of the 1980's), (3) as well as the period after 1994 when we find a change from more conventional translations to a greater use of adaptations and reworkings/recreations of plays within a new socio-cultural context. In my discussion of the first period I refer to the pioneering work done by F.C.L. Bosman in his comprehensive studies of the early days of South African drama and theatre (Drama en Toneel in Suid-Afrika Deel 1: 1652-1855; and Deel 2: 1856-1912). It is clear from his research that the first drama and theatre practitioners had to rely quite heavily on translations of plays to be able to produce theatre productions for the newly established Cape audience. The use of translated works was, however, a general practice during this period in Europe and most people made use of translations from other languages to supplement their own corpus ofplays. A number of well-known translated plays during this period, as well as translators (such as Mrs A.E. Carinus-Holzhausen) are mentioned, while a cursory indication is given of how drama translations were seen and discussed by both practitioners and theatre reviewers. In the second section, the importance of the development and establishment of the Afrikaans language and the link with Afrikaans drama and theatre are foregrounded. During this period (the heyday of Afrikaner nationalism) concerted efforts were made to develop the Afrikaans drama and theatre corpus by means of translations from the world drama and theatre traditions (as for example, reflected in the number of published translations during this period). In the period after 1994 fundamental changes occurred within the South African (and Afrikaans) theatre landscape. The disappearance of the old arts councils (PACT, PACOFS, CAPAB, NAPAC) in South Africa and the establishment of arts festivals (inter alia KKNK, AARDKLOP, TOYOTA US WOORDFEES, VRYSTAATFEES) impacted greatly on Afrikaans theatre (and its practitioners), but it is noticeable that the use of drama translations - more often drama and theatre adaptations - are still in high demand. In the ensuing discussion various well-known examples of drama translations and translators are given, mention is made of the fact that it is often translated plays which are performed at auspicious events (such as the inauguration of theatres - even the Pretoria State Theatre in 1981) and that without these plays many theatre practitioners would have been without work and many theatres would have been empty. The situation is, however, not unique to the South African theatre tradition, but it is a practice found all over the world and Afrikaans plays are, in fact, also translated into other languages as well as performed in other countries. In each period I also give an indication of how practitioners in the period under discussion approached drama translations or adaptations. Theoretical insights from contemporary theorists in the field of drama translation (inter alia Aaltonen, Mueller-Vollmer and Pavis) are inserted in these discussions to demonstrate how each period individually contributed to the praxis of drama and theatre translation in Afrikaans. <![CDATA[<b><i>King Kong </i>adapatations (1959-2017): Transversing culture and society</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die verwerking van die musiekblyspel King Kong in 2017 sou nie gedoen kon word sonder om die oorspronklike musiekblyspel van 1959 op te roep in die geheue van sowel die vervaardigers as die gehore nie, aangesien die oorspronklike weergawe aansienlike kulturele aanklank gevind het tydens die 1959-opvoering daarvan. Hoewel die weergawe van die musiekblyspel wat destyds in Suid-Afrika opgevoer is suksesvol was, is ook 'n ander weergawe geskep vir die werk se Londense debuut in 1961. En toe King Kong weer na Suid-Afrika terugkeer in 2017, is dit nogmaals aangepas nadat dit dekades lank nie opgevoer is nie. In die jare tussenin het die musiekblyspel in die kollektiewe bewussyn voortgeleef en is in hierdie opsig aangehelp deur die internasionale gewildheid van sommige van die oorspronklike deelnemers, onder andere Miriam Makeba en Hugh Masekela. Die twee musikante het hul ervaringe wat hulle tydens hul deelname aan die musiekblyspel opgedoen het, in hul onderskeie outobiografieë beskryf. Hierdie boeke, tesame met die gewildheid van Todd Matshikiza se musiek en veral die spanningsvolle sosiopolitieke omstandighede gedurende die tyd toe die musiekblyspel geskep is, het 'n stewige nalatenskap op die musiekblyspel gelaat. Marvin Carlson (2011) skryf in The haunted stage dat kontemporêre opvoerings van ouer verhoogstukke sonder uitsondering die verhoogstuk se voorgaande weergawes in herinnering roep. Carlson noem dat hierdie eggo's van vervloë verhoogstukke op spesifieke maniere by die verwerkte weergawes van die verhoogstukke indring. Ek argumenteer dat die verwerking van King Kong in 2017 op soortgelyke wyse die herinnering aan die "oorspronklike" King Kong gestimuleer het en dus invloed uitgeoefen het op die nuwe 2017-verwerking van King Kong.<hr/>The adaptation of the King Kong musical in 2017 could not have been done without the memory of the original musical since the original had considerable cultural resonance when it was performed in 1959. King Kong is one of the most significant productions in the history of South African theatre. When the production was first staged in 1959, it involved 72 musicians and dancers and it aimed to showcase the vibrancy of an emerging urban black culture to primarily white audiences. Other factors have also contributed to King Kong being an important production in the history of South African theatre. For example, it was also one of the first productions which transgressed apartheid era strictures by showing collaboration between Africans and whites. Its principal actors went on to achieve international acclaim and the musical was hugely successful when it was performed in London. These factors all contributed to the way in which the musical was adapted in 2017. In discussing the adaptation, I consider that the musical has undergone various permutations, namely an original story outline and piano-based composition written by Pat Williams and Todd Matshikiza respectively (version number one) as well as the expansion of this script by Harry Bloom and the orchestration of the music (version number two). Furthermore, a third version of the musical was written for performance in England, which became known in published form as King Kong. The African jazz opera. It is important to note that King Kong had only been performed as a full production in South Africa in 1959 and in 2017, yet in the intervening years, the musical was part of the public consciousness. In this article, I argue that the memories of the original production, including the prevailing sociopolitical conditions of 1959, cannot be divorced from the later version of the musical. Miriam Makeba, Hugh Masekela and Pat Williams all have written autobiographies in which they relate their involvement in the original King Kong production. Firstly, I will discuss how the original participants in the musical have contributed to building a considerable legacy for the musical. Both versions of the musical are then compared to outline how the past reverberates in the new adaptation, particularly in the role of the leading female character, Joyce. I wish to demonstrate that memories of the 1959 version were prevalent in the 2017 production. Marvin Carlson sees the implied as well as intertextual links between past and current theatrical texts as analogous to the presence of ghosts of the previous production. Furthermore, the adaptation is explored by analysing the production as a written text as well as the performance of the text and explores the way translation (of culture and specifically words) played an important role in the original production itself. The structure of the production is an important factor when discussing the 2017 adaptation. Notably, the "original" King Kong (1959) was written as a retroversion, in which three township "washer women" and a male resident recount the story of the great boxer, King Kong, who ignited the township with his boxing prowess. The boxer fell in love with Joyce, who owned a shebeen called "Back of the Moon" but was also the girlfriend of Lucky, a feared gangster. Through Lucky's machinations, King Kong loses a crucial match, which is the beginning of his descent into lawlessness. King Kong is arrested and sent to prison. When he returns from jail he sees that Joyce has reunited with Lucky and he kills her. During his trial for Joyce's murder King Kong begs the judge to sentence him to death - a plea which is denied. Ultimately, while working as part of a prisoner work gang, King Kong dies, apparently due to suicide. The first two versions of the production present the character as a victim of the apartheid justice system. The reworking of the musical for its London staging kept the retrospective nature of the dramatic narrative but added some sequences of African dance - leading to much praise by critics in London when the musical was performed in 1961. This article also discusses the complexity of translating a text from one cultural context to another. The local producers of the musical (in 1961) wanted to maintain the integrity and authenticity of the Johannesburg version. However, the English producer demanded that a structure be imposed on the musical, so that it would fit in with contemporary theatrical conventions of the London West End. At the same time, the representation of African culture (music, song and dance) was also deliberately exoticised - to differentiate the musical from current productions on the circuit at that time. Ironically, this is the version that has been captured as a published script. The producers of the 2017 adaptation were critical of the London version of King Kong. The criticism they directed at the London version was that it was more of a "Broadwaydisation " of the South African version. Therefore, in the 2017 adaptation, extraneous scenes of gumboot dancing were removed. Additionally, the dramatic narrative was restructured as an unfolding dramatic narrative. This necessitated the writing of new scenes to illustrate why the character King Kong was revered in the township, as well as to actualise some key dramatic moments. Furthermore, the 2017 adaptation observed current social norms and sensitivities. One change involved changing the name of King Kong's opponent. In the original versions, the opponent was named "Apeman Khanyile", a name that was changed to Joe Khanyile as it would be inappropriate within contemporary discourse to stage a boxing match in which duelling African men were compared to apes. Another change involved the killing of Joyce. In the original, her death was merely presented as evidence of King Kong's downfall, thereby reducing the incident of her murder to secondary status. In the 2017 adaptation, the writers were cognisant of contemporary South African discourse on gender-based violence. Therefore, the new version asserts Joyce's victimisation at the hands of a man she knows. This shows that adaptations of theatre work of necessity take new social norms into account. Thus, adaptations involve more than updating a play's structure and dialogue - they also account for how one locates an old play within contemporary discourse, without losing the play's historical time setting and integrity. Despite being absent from South African stages for several decades, King Kong has significantly influenced the development of South African theatre, particularly within the genre of the South African musical. This legacy encompasses a variety of playwrights. The most literal manifestation of the cultural impact of King Kong is apparent in King Africa - The Musical (1988) in which the principal themes, style of presentation and music echoed those of King Kong. The cultural deposit of the musical ranges far and wide and sees the use of music as a contextual signifier for (African) society, culture and politics. Notably, Siebörger (2016) analyses Kramer and Petersen's District Six - The Musical, as an aspect of "public history". There are many other significant musicals which have devolved from this heritage, among them Brickhill-Burke's Meropa (1974), Kramer and Petersen's Poison (1994) and Richard Loring's African Footprint (2000). These illustrate the longevity of the (at times politicised) South A frican musical as a genre and further suggests that this theatrical category is embedded in South African theatre practice. <![CDATA[<b><b>A critique of normative constructions of age in four intertextually connected texts: Alba Bouwer's <i>Stories van Rivierplaas</i>, Reza de Wet's <i>Diepe Grond</i> and <b> <i>African Gothic</i></b>, and Etienne Kallos's <i>Eersgeborene</i></b> </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel ondersoek die intertekstuele verhouding tussen 'n groepering tekste deur drie Suid-Afrikaanse skrywers uit drie generasies: Stories van Rivierplaas (1955-6) deur Alba Bouwer; Diepe Grond (1985), 'n drama deur Reza de Wet asook De Wet se eie Engelse vertaling en verwerking van Diepe Grond as African Gothic (2003) en Eersgeborene (2009), 'n kortfilm deur Etienne Kallos. Onder die drie skrywers kan slegs Bouwer se werk geklassifiseer word as kinderfiksie. Tog is De Wet en Kallos se tekste nie alleenlik verwerkings en toeëienings van Stories van Rivierplaas nie, maar hulle tematiseer ook kindskap en kinderjare. Ten einde Bouwer, De Wet en Kallos se kritiek op normatiewe konstruksies van ouderdom te bespreek, gebruik ek Maria Nikolajeva se konsep van "aetonormatiwiteit", 'n ouderdomsgebaseerde norm en die spesifieke aanname dat volwassenes en volwasse ervarings normatief is, terwyl die belewenisse van 'n kind daarenteen geklassifiseer moet word as afwykend (2010:8). Aetonormatiwiteit kan dus beskryf word as 'n soort performatiwiteit ("performativity") soos Judith Butler dit omskryf, dit wil sê 'n subjekposisie wat deur middel van sosiale meganismes voorgestel word as 'n ontologiese essensie, terwyl daar geen universele konsensus of bewys van die natuurlikheid daarvan bestaan nie (Butler 1999:viii). In lyn met die geanaliseerde tekste se tematiese gemoeidheid met kinderjare en ouerskap, gebruik ek die metafoor van moederskap om die konstruksie van 'n genetiese lens aan te wend en ek beskryf die tekste se verhouding tot mekaar as kompleks, in teenstelling met eenvoudig vyandig of korrektief.<hr/>This article explores the intertextual relationship between a cluster of texts by three South African authors from three generations: a collection of children's stories, Stories van Rivierplaas ["Stories of River Farm"] (1955-6) by Alba Bouwer, Diepe Grond ["Deep Ground"] (1985) a play by Reza de Wet as well as De Wet's own English translation and reworking of Diepe Grond as African Gothic (2003), and Eersgeborene ["Firstborn"] (2009) a short film by Etienne Kallos. While between the three authors, it is only Bouwer's work that can be classified as children's fiction, De Wet and Kallos not only adapt and appropriate her texts but also thematise childhood in theirs. To discuss Bouwer, De Wet and Kallos's critique of normative constructions of aged subjectivity, I draw on Maria Nikolajeva's concept "aetonormativity", an age based norm and the specific assumption that adults and adult experiences are normative while the experiences of a child should be classified as deviant (2010:8). As such I read aetonormativity as a kind of performativity as Judith Butler defines it, that is, a subject position which is posited by means of social mechanisms as an ontological essence, while there are no universal consensus or proof of its reality (1999:viii). Narrowly defined definitions of maturity are exposed in various ways in the works of Bouwer, De Wet and Kallos. The narrative mode in Stories van Rivierplaas is heterodiegetic, but the plot and chronotope are still focalised by way of free-indirect discourse, through the point of view of the child protagonist, Alie. Consequently, the child's field of experience and worldview serve as the text's epistemological basis and the normative adult voices of her parents and other authority figures are subordinated to her own rhapsodic and sensual conceptions of life. In De Wet's adaptation of Stories van Rivierplaas, Diepe Grond, she intensifies this worldview by depicting Bouwer's child characters as grownups who entirely reject their parents' exemplary codes of conduct by still behaving and speaking like children and only act as adults when they parody their parents, subversively. In this way their parents' expression of maturity is reduced to personae in the etymological Latin origin of the word: theatre masks. De Wet theatricalises the Afrikaner nationalist aetonormativity that Bouwer questions by means of metatheatre: De Wet's Alie is an adult, but she acts like a child who imitates adults from time to time. Twenty years after Diepe Grond's première De Wet translates and rewrites it as African Gothic. In this version she emphasises, by means of changes in the plot and altered narrative strategies, the stealthy and violent ways with which some women empower themselves within a system that rob them of equal agency. De Wet portrays the child again as the neglected, underestimated and masterful social actor who is able to copy the powerplay of adults and to beat them at their own game. In Eersgeborene Etienne Kallos takes the gender and sexual dimensions of the adults in Bouwer and De Wet's texts under closer scrutiny. The counterparts in Diepe Grond of Alie and Hennie in Rivierplaas,Soekie and Frikkie, and of Sussie and Frikkie in African Gothic become two sons, Kleinbasie and Frikkie. While Alie in Rivierplaas,Soekie in Diepe Grond and Sussie in African Gothic imitate a parent of the same gender, Kleinbasie cross-dresses as his mother, explicating the same performative dimensions of aeto- and gendernormativity. Eersgeborene also highlights the patronising and the pathological infantilisation of homosexuality by means of the mother character's description of it, in the film, as part of the "the things of a child". In line with the analysed texts' thematic preoccupation with childhood and parenthood the metaphor of motherhood is used to construct a genetic lens with which the texts are read as giving birth to each other, stressing as such their filial rather than embattled relationship. <![CDATA[<b> <b>"Realness" in images: The adaptation of verbatim text to stage images with specific reference to <b><b><i>tot stof | tot stilte - 'n paniekreaksie </i></b></b> (2018)</b></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel ondersoek die verwerking van verbatim teks na verhoogbeelde deur 'n ontleding van die jeugteaterproduksie getiteld tot stof | tot stilte - 'n paniekreaksie wat deur die Hoër Meisieskool Bloemhof in 2018 opgevoer is. 'n Ondersoek word gedoen na die konvensionele skeppingsmetodologie van verbatim teater. Daar word krities gekyk na die data-insamelings-, seleksie- en redigeringsproses van die gesproke teks. Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die seleksie- en redigeringsproses van die gesproke data-verwerkings van verbatim teks nie noodwendig die volledige omvang van die rou data vasvang nie. Dit is veral die geval wanneer die rou data nie noodwendig toneelmatige trefkrag het wanneer dit byvoorbeeld as teaterdialoog beskou word nie. Deur gebruik te maak van Lehmann (2016) se teorieë van postdramatiese estetika argumenteer ek in hierdie artikel dat 'n verwerker die rou gesproke data na beelde kan omskep om die kontekste, inhoud en prosesse van die data-insamelingsproses vas te vang. Hierdie verwerking kan as potensieel meer "eg" beskou word omdat daar moontlik 'n breër omvang van die rou data uitgebeeld kan word, veral gegewe sekere kontekstuele beperkings (die teatermatige ervaring van die spelers, of die lengte van die toneelstuk in verhouding tot die rou data). Deur die klem van die produksie op die verhoogbeelde te plaas, word die implisiete kunsmatigheid van verbatim teater belig. Daardeur word die problematiek van lewensgetrouheid, "egtheid" en die "samestelling van egtheid" in beide die verbatim vorm en verwerkingspraktyk op 'n nuwe manier ondersoek.<hr/>This article examines the adaptation of verbatim text into stage images through an analysis of the youth theatre production titled tot stof | tot stilte - 'n paniekreaksie ("to dust | to silence - a panic reaction") that was performed by Bloemhof Girls 'School in 2018. The article begins with a brief examination of the conventional methodology for creating verbatim theatre, which usually employs the so-called playbuilding kite-model (Norris 2009). This involves the formulation of a central idea, which is then explored through a data-collection phase. At a certain point during the process, the data are selected and edited to form a script. The focus of this process is usually the collection of verbal data, or data that are to be performed through speech on the stage in the form of monologues or dialogue. The article goes on to critically examine this process of adaptation and how it relates to the raw, or spoken, data. It is found that through the selection and editing process of the data, the adaptation of the verbatim text does not necessarily capture the total scope of the raw data. For example, certain fragments of data generated in the process may be of interest, but are not substantial enough in length or content to constitute an entire scene on stage. Similarly, other data may be interesting in their core idea, theme, or topic, but do not translate well to the stage as verbatim spoken text. This problem is especially present when the raw data do not necessarily have theatrical impact when viewed as dramatic dialogue, where there is usually a focus in intent, conflict, and a form of progression. Another problem that the article identifies is that in the selection and editing process, the data may be presented not just "as a version of what happened but the version of what happened" (Martin 2006:11). This may result in a verbatim piece that propagandises its own truthfulness. Using Lehmann's (2016) theories of postdramatic aesthetics, this article argues that a practitioner can also adapt raw spoken data to stage images to capture the fuller contexts, content, and processes of the data collection process. This adaptation can be considered potentially more "real" than traditional text-focused verbatim theatre because a broader scope of the raw data may be portrayed, especially given certain contextual constraints (the theatrical experience of the actors, or the length of the play in relation to the raw data). By placing the emphasis of the production on the visual images, the implicit artificiality of the verbatim form is highlighted and thereby the notion of "reality" or "realness" can be deconstructed. Indeed, the depiction of a "curated reality" of the verbatim text form can be explored in a new way by shifting focus to the visual landscape of the production. This visual dramaturgy, when viewed in relation to traditional notions of "realness" or "fidelity to the raw data" can become arguably "more real" than the spoken word because this reality is generated by the total visual-aural presentation partially through the perception of the audience. The audience becomes part of the meaning-making process because no claims to textual authority are made. "Realness" is consequently suggested instead of being stated; while claims to actuality are deconstructed. The visual landscape of the production references reality, without reporting reality. This article brings notions of fidelity in relation to adaptation theory to the fore, while artifice and the documentarian depiction of "reality" are explored. <![CDATA[<b> </b><b><b><b><i>Oskar en die Pienk Tannie</i></b></b>: The journey of an improbable pair from a French to an Afrikaans stage</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Eric-Emmanuel Schmitt, die skrywer van die novelle en eponieme drama Oskar en die pienk tannie, is een van Frankryk se mees gewilde en bekroonde outeurs. Hy word beskou as 'n dramaturg vir akteurs eerder as regisseurs: sy intriges is maklik om te volg en sy natuurlike dialoog is 'n groot aantrekkingskrag vir bekende teater- en filmakteurs. Gegewe sy onbekendheid in Suid-Afrika was dit egter 'n groot uitdaging om belangstelling vir die novelle en dramaverwerking deur Schmitt self by Afrikaanse uitgewers, regisseurs en produsente te wek. Die gedomestikeerde Afrikaanse dramavertaling is uiteindelik deur Sandra Prinsloo-produksies opgevoer met die aktrise self as Oskar èn die pienk tannie en Lara Bye as regisseuse. Danksy die sukses van die produksie is die novelle-vertaling die daaropvolgende jaar gepubliseer. Die dramaproduksie het uiteindelik toekennings vir beste aktrise, regisseuse en produksie op verskillende Afrikaanse kunstefeeste gewen. Oskar en die pienk tannie kan beskou word as een van die mees suksesvolle vertaalde dramas wat die afgelope paar jaar in Afrikaans op Suid-Afrikaanse verhoë opgevoer is. As speelteks is die Afrikaanse dramavertaling verder aangepas deur Sandra Prinsloo en Lara Bye; die outeurskap van die speelteks van die Bye-produksie word bespreek na aanleiding van Sirkku Aaltonen se Time-sharing on stage (2000). Die oorspronklike Franse en Afrikaanse produksies word vergelyk as bydrae tot die enscenerings-argief van Afrikaanse teaterproduksies. Daar word ook kortliks na die terapeutiese waarde van hierdie besondere dramateks verwys.<hr/>Eric-Emmanuel Schmitt, the playwright of Oskar en die pienk tannie, is one of France's most popular and laurelled authors. He has been awarded the Grand prix du théâtre de l'Académie française and the Molière on several occasions, notably in 2003, when French actress Danielle Darrieux won it at age 86 for the one-woman production of Oscar et la dame rose. His novels and plays have been translated into at least 46 languages and the plays have been staged in more than 50 countries, including South Africa since 2012, when the Afrikaans production of Oskar en die pienk tanniehad its première at the Vryfees in Bloemfontein. The play is an adaptation by the playwright of his eponymous novella, which is part of a cycle of eight tales relating to religion, philosophy and diverse cultures, entitled Le cycle de l'invisible. The novella (2002) was not only adapted as a play (2003), but also as a film (2010) directed by the author. Oscar et la dame rose has a Christian theme: Oscar, a boy dying of cancer, meets Mamie Rose, one of the volunteers at a children's hospital, who advises him to write letters to God about the twelve days he has left to live. Both the novella and drama are in epistolary format and consist of fourteen letters. The text is valued for its therapeutic effect, as it provides solace to readers and theatre-goers who have to accept the inevitable. Copies of the text, in several languages, are available in European children's hospitals. In 2003 Schmitt was awarded the Prix Jean Bernard for Oscar et la dame rose by the French Académie de Médecine. Although Oskar en die pienk tannie was one of the most successful translated plays performed in Afrikaans on South African stages in recent years, the fact that Eric-Emmanuel Schmitt was unknown in South Africa proved to be quite a challenge to arouse the interest of Afrikaans publishers, directors and producers for both the novella and the theatrical adaptation thereof. The Afrikaans translation of the novella and play were submitted in 2012 to a South African publisher (Human & Rousseau) and a private theatre company (Sandra Prinsloo Produksies). In France, the novella preceded the stage adaptation, but in South Africa it was the stage production of 2012, notably the performance of Sandra Prinsloo, which eventually resulted in the publication of the novella the following year (2013). As very few Afrikaans plays and even fewer plays translated into Afrikaans are ever published, the only available version of the theatrical translation is the 2012 adapted stage text which was submitted to Dalro and the Afrikaans Contemporary Drama Archive or AKDA. The unabridged Afrikaans translation of the drama text is the property of Eric-Emmanuel Schmitt's production agency. This article documents the challenges facing translators in the language pair French-Afrikaans, using the publication of the Afrikaans translation of the novella Oskar en die pienk tannie and its stage production by Lara Bye as a case-study. The author of the article translated both the novella and the stage text. Using Sirkku Aaltonen's Time-sharing on stage (2000) as a framework, the reasons for domesticating the translation and the various contexts and circumstances which resulted in different Afrikaans versions of the original French source text are outlined. As far as the stage text is concerned, examples include its adaptation to artfestival format by Sandra Prinsloo and Lara Bye and the addition of English words to the Afrikaans text to enhance the contemporary authenticity of the dialogue. Domestication was unavoidable to facilitate pronunciation of the characters' nicknames, linked to their illness, as well as the nom de guerre of the female wrestlers invented by Mamie Rose to amuse Oscar and to build up his courage. By comparison to Adriana Hunter's English translation of the title (Oscar and the lady in pink), the register of the source text title was made less formal by replacing the literal Afrikaans translation of dame by tannie (or auntie). As a contribution to the Afrikaans stage archive, the article includes a comparison of the original French and Afrikaans productions. The first French production was directed by Christophe Lidon, whose set resembled a pop-up children's book. Both Lidon and Bye had to resolve the challenge of an ongoing dialogue between two characters with only one actor on stage. In the Lidon production, Oscar's presence is represented by an old-fashioned hospital bed centre stage with the diaphanous curtains drawn. The letters to God are "posted" in the patient's chart-holder at the foot-end ofthe bed. The toy chest next to the bed contains a variety of soft toys which also double up as Oscar's sick friends in hospital. The Lara Bye production with Sandra Prinsloo as both Oskar and the Pienk Tannie had only one stage property, a table which was designed especially for Prinsloo and facilitated her continuous metamorphoses between the two characters. The height was calculated to allow Prinsloo to swing her legs in child-like fashion and to draw attention to her red tennis shoes, one of the markers for the Pienk Tannie's role-change to Oskar. Both productions had a very effective lighting plan: in the French production, the light changed from deep blue to a mysterious white as Oscar freed himself from earthly preoccupations. In the South African version, a blue rectangle of light represented Oskar's island of safety in the hospital room. The Lara Bye drama production ultimately won awards for Best Actress, Director and Production at the most prominent Afrikaans arts festivals, while the Afrikaans translation was also awarded several awards, including the South African Translators' Institute Prize for Excellence in the Translation of Children's Literature. <![CDATA[<b>The triumph of the silver screen: Christiaan Olwagen's film adaptation of </b><b><b><b><i>The Seagull</i></b></b></b><b> </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel ontleed enkele aspekte van Christiaan Olwagen se 2018-filmverwerking van Anton Tsjekow se drama Die seemeeu. In hierdie verwerking is die gegewe van die oorspronklike dramateks verplaas na die vroeë negentigerjare van die twintigste eeu in Suid-Afrika, 'n tydperk van ommekeer vir die Afrikaanse teaterbedryf. Olwagen se verwerking beeld die noodsaak vir hierdie verandering uit, maar lewer ook kommentaar op die kuns van verwerking ("adaptation") en die huidige stand van die Afrikaanse drama- en filmwereld. Dit span doelbewus simboliek en stereotipes in wat deur sommige Tsjekow-kenners verwerp sou word met die doel om aan die vereistes van die gehoor, spesifiek die filmkyker, te voldoen. Daar word aangetoon dat ofskoon Die seemeeu 'n verwerking is, dit vormlik en tematies aansluit by die ander films in Olwagen ('n moontlike auteur-regisseur-in-wording) se oeuvre.<hr/>This article analyses selected aspects of director Christiaan Olwagen S critically acclaimed 2018 film adaptation of the Russian playwright Anton Checkhov's play The Seagull (original title: Chayka) In Olwagen's Die seemeeu, the action is set in South Africa in the early 1990s, the time of transition to a democratic South Africa. For the Afrikaans world of the arts, this was a time of upheaval: the existing national arts boards were dismantled and Afrikaans actors and directors lost their state funding and support. Afrikaans theatre adapted to this different context by moving to smaller, independent theatres and especially the new national arts festivals, for example the Klein Karoo National Arts Festival (KKNK) that originated in 1995. Olwagen's film spans four years and depicts this change as it affects Irene (Irina Arkadina), a famous Afrikaans actress. By the end of the film, she hasjust starred in a successful production at the first KKNK. Firstly, the article provides a brief overview of translation theory and adaptation theory and the overlap between these fields. The terms "translation" and "adaptation" are defined. Reference is made to the scholars who concur that adaptation is a form of translation. The concept of "fidelity criticism" is briefly explored as an approach that used to be followed frequently in adaptation studies; the degree to which an adaptation remains "faithful" to the original text was and is studied, in particular when canonical authors are the topic of the investigation. This approach is contrasted with the more recent view that the subjectivity of the adapter is one of the main importantfactors in an adaptation. In this approach, the adapter uses the adaptation as a vehicle for his own thematic and ideological preoccupations. Both of these approaches are relevant for Olwagen's adaptation of The Seagull. In the next section, two scenes in Olwagen's film are analysed: the production of the play written by Konstant (Konstantin Gravrilovich Treplew) at the beginning of the film, and the scene at the end where Nina sees Konstant again. In addition, the film poster and soundtrack are analysed. Konstant's play in Olwagen's film is a rewriting of Konstantin's play in Chekhov's The Seagull.This makes Olwagen's interaction with Chekhov in his adaptation particularly dense and multi-layered. In Olwagen's adaptation, the symbolism of the seagull is made very prominent by giving Nina a pair of wings to wear that she thinks make her look like a seagull, and by adding the line "I am the seagull" at the end of the play. Moreover, the film poster depicts the head of a seagull on the body of a man holding a rifle. The content and tone of Konstant's play, in addition to the heavy-handed use of symbolism, suggest that the original subtlety of Chekhov'splay was not retained in Olwagen's adaptation. The soundtrack is equally unsubtle: a revue of well-known symphonic works byfamous Russian composers. This choice, as well as the design of the film poster (which is reminiscent of Russian propaganda art), is evidence that Olwagen reverted to stereotypes of Russia while presenting a play by a Russian playwright to an Afrikaans audience; whether in a serious or playful manner, it is somewhat hard to ascertain. When one abandons the concept of faithfulness to the original, the above choices are perfectly in line with the subjectivity of the adapter when it comes to adaptation. Olwagen chose to emphasise the seagull symbolism and the "Russian-ness" of his (South Africanised) adaptation in order to make his film accessible to Afrikaans film viewers, and to find some way to harmonise the original context of the Chekhov play with the South African setting. His choices also highlight the tension between stage plays and films: in a time when far fewer consumers will attend an (Afrikaans) play, there is still a market for Afrikaans films, and this is the target audience for which his adaptation was created. Finally, Olwagen's Die seemeeu is briefly compared to his other feature films, Johnny is nie dood nie (2017) and Kanarie (2018). These three films all demonstrate Olwagen's preoccupation with apartheid South Africa and the insularity ofwhite Afrikaners in this period. It is shown that certain aspects of the structure, as well as visual and stylistic choices were guided by the desire to create continuity between Die seemeeu and the other two films by Olwagen. He appears to be in the process of establishing himself as an auteur filmmaker. Olwagen's adaptation of The Seagull is (among other things) a film about adaptation. After seeing Konstant's adaptation of Konstantin's play, Irene asks, "Why fuck up a classic?" The film confirms the theoretical view that the subjectivity of the adapter is all-important: Olwagen has attempted to integrate his condemnation of the ignorance and insularity of Afrikaners under apartheid with a digestible adaptation of a classic work that would please film audiences. He comments on the period of transition in which Afrikaans theatre had to reassess and adapt its practices, and also comments on the current dispensation in which the Afrikaans film industry is booming. In this context, hisfilm represents the triumph of the silver screen where film adaptations are the most lucrative. It is not altogether clear, however, whether Olwagen escapes the insularity of which he is critical, since he restricts himself to themes that are largely limited to Afrikaners. <![CDATA[<b>"Who is speaking here?" The role of the adapter in adapting a novel into a youth theatre production that includes cultural and geographical translocations</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel ondersoek die verwerkingsproses van die roman Dis ek, Anna deur Anchien Troskie (onder die skuilnaam Elbie Lötter) na 'n jeugteaterdrama getiteld Dis ek, Annatjie. Hierdie jeugteaterdrama is opgevoer deur hoërskoolleerders onder leiding van 'n professionele teatermaker vir 'n toneelkompetisie wat 'n tydsbeperking van 45 minute gestel het. Keuses moes dus gemaak word ten opsigte van die storiegegewens in die bronteks. Om die relevansie van die verhaalgegewens vir die leerders te verhoog, is kulturele aanpassings gemaak met taal as 'n belangrike merker, en die milieu is verplaas na die geografiese en sosiale omgewing van die leerders. Die posisie van die teksverwerker en regisseur word in hierdie artikel geproble-matiseer, aangesien hulle profiel verskil van die leerders se kultuur- en milieuprofiel. Kwessies rondom kulturele toe-eiening word derhalwe in die artikel vooropgestel. Die bevindinge uit hierdie praktykgerigte navorsing sluit in dat die samewerkende prosesse tussen die teatermaker en die deelnemende leerders van kardinale belang is. Die kulturele en geografiese verskuiwings bied verder vir die deelnemende leerders 'n geleentheid om identiteitskwessies aan te spreek, terwyl die tematiek van die verhoogproduksie relevante sosiale kwessies vir die deelnemers en teikengehoor bevat. Hierdie gevolgtrekkings kon slegs gemaak word omdat die aanpassings-proses nie 'n individu- of outeursgerigte proses was nie, maar die behoeftes en kennis van die leerders in die proses vooropgestel het. Die deelnemende aard van die proses verseker nie net dat die teikengehoor aanklank by die verwerking vind nie, maar dit bewerkstellig ook 'n outentisiteit wat bydra tot die geloofwaardigheid van die verwerking.<hr/>This article examines the adaptation process of the novel, Dis ek, Anna by Anchien Troskie (the nom de plume of Elbe Lötter), into a youth drama, titled Dis ek, Annatjie. This youth drama was performed by high school learners under the direction of a professional theatre maker. The production was performed at a youth theatre competition that restricted the length of the play to 45 minutes. In the adaptation process, choices had to be made regarding the inclusion of narrative elements in the stage adaptation, since a high fidelity adaptation of the novel would be impractical and unnecessary for the stage version. Apart from the time restrictions of the competition, other restrictions also play a part in the way in which a work is adapted and created. Insufficient funding, or the lack thereof, is another restricting factor and forced the theatre makers to adapt the work in a more symbolic mode or representational style. The adapter has to be aware of her position in this process where various elements, such as the change in genre, the practicality of staging and the actors'ability, and the reduction of the storylines of the original novel, are combined in the adaptation to help to shape the final text. Since the work was not a mere reduction but also entailed other changes in the context of the target text, such as cultural, linguistic, and geographical changes, the adaptation also required a revision of the geographic and cultural milieu. Here the sociopolitical issues, racial and cultural codes, as well as the socioeconomic codes had to be changed from a white Bloemfontein suburb to a coloured Wellington society. The article examines these elements in the adaptation by providing various examples. The code changes from standard Afrikaans into Cape Afrikaans are explored as cultural identifiers ofthe target audience and performers. In order to increase the relevance of the story for the learners, cultural adaptations (with language as a central marker of the adaptation) were made and the geographic and social circumstances of the learners were also incorporated into the new rendition. The position of the adapter and director is problematised in the article, since it differs from the context of the learners that took part in the process. Despite a vibrant youth theatre culture in the country, there is a lacuna in research on contemporary South African youth theatre. A possible reason for this gap in research is the lack of published texts aimed at South African youth theatre. In the few existing texts one can identify certain themes and tendencies especially in the Afrikaans youth theatre history - which include social problems such as divorce, AIDS, teenage pregnancies, and drug abuse. The new adaptation added child rape to this list and transposed the events from a middle-class white family in Bloemfontein, to a coloured community in Wellington. Adaptation can then be viewed as a cultural production process and the adaptation should also be judged as an independent work. A danger of this process of adaptation is that the work can be seen as an unfair cultural appropriation where the adapter is not a member of the target culture. It is therefore necessary, and more so within a high school context, to make use of a collaborative theatre-making process in order to enable participants to take ownership of the work. Findings from the practice-orientated research include that a participatory process between the theatre maker and the participating learners is crucial in the adaptation and production processes. The geographic and cultural changes incorporated into the adaptation created a space where the learners could address issues of identity; whilst the themes in the play also addressed relevant social issues linked to the context of both learners and audience. These conclusions were only possible because the adaptation process was not individually driven, but it included the knowledge and needs of the learners. The collaborative nature of the work ensured a good reception with the audience as well as a sense of authenticity of the new play, which contributed to the credibility of the adaptation. <![CDATA[<b>Max-Neef and the structural vulnerability of day labourers in Mbombela and Emalahleni, South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Binne die konteks van die groterwordende werkloosheid en armoede in Suid-Afrika is dit belangrik om die kwesbaarheid van persone wat 'n lewe probeer maak in die informele sektor te bepaal, sodat ondersteunende beleid en strukture in plek gestel kan word. Die doel van die artikel was om die strukturele kwesbaarheid van dagloners te ondersoek deur n vergelyking te tref tussen twee gevallestudies. Dagloners in Emalahleni, 'n sosiaal-ekonomies kwynende myngemeenskap, en die meer sosiaal-ekonomies stabiele hoofstad Mbombela, in die provinsie Mpumalanga in Suid-Afrika, is hiervoor gebruik. Honderd-en-tien (110) vraelyste is voltooi met dagloners in die twee stede, die data is ontleed en die resultate met mekaar vergelyk. Max-Neef se fundamentele menslike behoefte (FMB)-matriks is gebruik om die multidimen-sionele analises te maak, te orden en te beskryf. Die resultate het duidelik aangedui dat die dagloners in Emalahleni meer struktureel kwesbaar is as die dagloners in Mbombela, met minder ondersteuningsisteme tot hul beskikking. Maatskaplike diensprofessies sal ernstige aandag daaraan moet skenk om veiligheidsnette te ontwikkel vir werkloses, beleid te formuleer wat werks- en inkomstemoontlikhede kan open en gesindhede en perspektiewe te verander van diegene wat hul bestaan in die informele sektor maak.<hr/>Within the context of growing unemployment and poverty in South Africa, it is important to investigate the vulnerability of people that make a living in the informal sector in order to develop supportive policies and structures. The aim of the article was to explore the structural vulnerability of day labourers by comparing two case studies of day labourers in Emalahleni, a mining community in relative socio-economic decline, and the more socio-economically stable capital, Mbombela, in the province of Mpumalanga in South Africa. Structural vulnerability, according to Du Toit (2005), is embedded in the social, political and economic organisation of a society, with the result that it will be extremely difficult for the person to escape poverty. The person will be unemployed, without any income, without any assets and thus very little social capital. The structurally vulnerable will also be exposed to unequal power relationships, social injustices, marginalisation and restrictive policy frameworks. A comparable multi-case study research design was used in the study. Hundred and ten questionnaires were completed with the day labourers in the two cities, subsequently these were analysed and the results of the two case studies were then compared with each other. Max-Neef's matrix consisting of the finite nine Fundamental Human Needs (FHN) was used to be able to conduct a multidimensional analysis and to order and describe the data. The following results emerged: SUBSISTENCE: The results show that 47% of the day labourers in both Mbombela and Emalahleni are exposed to food insecurity and go without food between 1-21 days per month. An NGO is available in Mbombela where food can be accessed but the day labourers in Emalahleni do not have access to other sources of food. Some individuals will provide food at times though PROTECTION: In general, the day labourers in Mbombela experienced supportive relationships with the police, employers and public. In Emalahleni the day labourers experienced greater harassment from the police. They indicated that due to the fact that there are more immigrants, police will search and interrogate them for documents. Both groups experience that people look down on them as unemployed and dirty UNDERSTANDING: As in other studies in South Africa, this study confirms the fact that a limited number of day labourers completed their schooling due to factors such as poverty, family problems, behavioural issues, and lack of documentation. It was interesting to note that more day labourers (24%) in Emalahleni completed schooling as opposed to 11% only in Mbombela. The reason may be sought in the fact that mines employ people with at least a matric THE AFFECTION: Day labourers in Mbombela have to support 3,5 people on average and in Emalahleni on average 3,8 people are dependent on the day labourer. More day labourers in Mbombela are residing with their families while in Emalahleni most day labourers are not staying with their families and do not have the support of their families. One of the most significant forms of support is the support the day labourers receive from each other CREATION: Day labourers in Mbombela are standing between 5-6 days per week on the curb sides waiting to be picked up for a job to earn an income while the relatively more desperate day labourers in Emalahleni wait between 6-7 days per week for work. In the previous week before the interviews the results also show that 48% of the day labourers in Mbombela were hired while only 38% of the day labourers in Emalahleni were hired during the week before the interviews LEISURE: On the one hand day labourers do not have time for constructive leisure time if they stand between 5-7 days per week on the street corner, however it can also be argued that they have too much time while they wait for long hours. They indicated that although they know that they may not get a job, they still come with the hope that they may access a work and an income FREEDOM: Day labourers have limited freedom, being unemployed, no income, in unequal power relationships and the pressure to be the provider of their families. For them standing on the street is a matter of "not having other options " and choices PARTICIPATION: Being unemployed and standing on the streets to look for work give the day labourers very little bargaining power. Their participation level with the employers was directly related to their level of desperation. In Mbombela more day labourers indicated that they negotiate their wages, while the more desperate day labourers in Emalahleni tend to not negotiate wages IDENTITY: Having the identity as the provider of the family, the day labourers experienced that they fail as provider if they are not able to access work. Not being able to access work and income result in some sleeping rough not to face the hungry family The results indicated that the day labourers in Emalahleni are relatively more structurally vulnerable than the day labourers in Mbombela. They have less support systems and are more desperate and exposed to exploitation and harassment. Serious consideration should be given by all levels of government and the social service professions to create safety nets for the unemployed, formulate policy which can open employment and income opportunities and change the perspectives towards those making a living in the informal sector. <![CDATA[<b>Translation and adaptation as interpretation and strategy: </b><b><b><b><i>My Seuns</i></b></b></b><b> by Christo Davids against the background of </b><b><b><b><i> All My Sons</i></b></b></b><b> by Arthur Miller</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In hierdie artikel word die proses van vertaling, verwerking of omwerking na 'n geheel ander teks, binne moontlike vorme van interkonnektiwiteit bestudeer aan die hand van die twee dramas All my Sons deur Arthur Miller en My seuns deur Christo Davids. Al hierdie prosesse behels die transformasie van 'n bronteks (BT) na 'n doelteks (DT) en is in 'n sekere sin 'n bemiddeling tussen twee kulture. In die inleidende gedeelte word relevante teorieë rakende vertaling in die breë sin van die woord kortliks bespreek. Daar word verwys na die prosesse van domestikasie en vervreemding (Venuti) wat die oorspronklike kultuur nader aan die huis bring of andersyds die afstand tussen die bron- en doelkultuur beklemtoon. Verder word ook verwys na teatervertaling (Aaltonen): waarbinne een teks, tyd kan ophef in die verwerking/ omwerking na 'n nuwe teks en semiotiese vertaling of verwerking (Marais) as 'n komplekse kruiskulturele konsep, 'n dinamiese verskynsel wat na vore kom uit verhoudings tussen individue. In die laaste deel van hierdie artikel word fundamentele interpretatiewe moontlikhede van die teorieë ondersoek met spesifieke verwysing na die gebruik van domestikasie in My seuns, omdat Davids die universele tematiese benadering van Miller in All my Sons domestikeer vir 'n Suid-Afrikaanse werklikheid. Hetsy bronteksgeoriënteerd binne 'n meer relasionele vertaal-, verwerkingstrategie of sterker semioties georiënteerd binne 'n duidelik doelteks (ander teks) vertaal-, verwerking-, omwerkingstrategie, is dit belangrik dat die vertaler/ verwerker deurgaans bewus moet wees van 'n bepaalde keuse of voorkeur in 'n poging om sy/haar vertaal-, verwerk-, omwerkopdrag, hetsy selfopgelegd of nie, toe te pas tot voordeel van die teks self. Hierdie artikel poog dus om die poëtikale voorkeure van die vertaler/verwerker te identifiseer en die finale produk vervolgens te beskryf (en te evalueer) binne 'n bespreking van die sukses van die nuwe teks teen die agtergrond van die oorspronklike en of dit uiteindelik slaag as verwerking/omwerking, of nie.<hr/>In this article the processes of translation, adaptation or conversion are equated to the two plays All my Sons by Arthur Miller andMy seuns by Christo Davids. These processes entail the transforming of a source text (SC) to a target text (TT) which constitutes a mediation between two cultures. In the introductory part of the article relevant theories pertaining to translation in the broad sense of the word, are briefly discussed. These discussions include reference to the processes of domestication and foreignization (Venuti) which entail bringing the original culture closer to home or, on the other hand, stressing the distance between source and target culture. Furthermore, reference is made to theatricaltranslation (Aaltonen): the time-sharing of texts on stage as well as semiotic translation or adaptation(Marais) as a complex cross-cultural concept, an emergent phenomenon that emerges out of relationships between individuals. Marais's approach against the background of Alltonen's theatrical translation is primarily descriptive and its purpose is to describe mechanisms, choices, strategies of translation in terms of the creation of new meanings in new contexts; in other words: translation as a semiotic process. In order to engage in discussions on a theory and deviations in the application thereof one needs to demarcate and define the domain in detail before reflecting on any anomalies and peripheral issues. In considering theories regarding translation, one realises that adaptation or conversion into a completely new text, demonstrates tangencies with translation practices. An adaptation or conversion into a new text is thus by its very nature a form of translation. As far as translation is concerned, one of the core discussions has always been the relationship between - and the primacy of-the original text (the source text) and the translated text (the target text), and with it the source and target culture. This is linked to a number of divergent views on what faithfulness to the source text in varying contexts would actually mean. In the 1970s, the skopos-theory was introduced by Hans J. Vermeer and was later expanded by Christiane Nord (2001). Since every action has a purpose (Skopos is the Greek word for purpose), so should it be in translation. What this means is that the Skopos or purpose of a translation will determine whether domestication or alienation will prevail and whether there may be a combination of the two extremes. Nord (2006) explains this theory on the basis of the well-known Jakobsonian theory of communication (1960). She distinguishes between "intention /purpose" and "function": the translator has a specific aim with his work and tries to induce a certain response from the recipient (reader). Translation is thus functionally and pragmatically directed. Furthermore, based on Nord (1997), it can be argued that the purpose of the translation determines the methods and strategies. In the latter part of this article, fundamental interpretative possibilities of the theories are discussed with specific reference to the use of domestication inMy seuns due to the fact that Davids domesticates the universal thematic approach of Miller in All my Sons to a South African reality. It is important for the translator to be aware of a particular choice or preference in an attempt to apply his/her translation or adaptation brief, whether self-imposed or not, for the benefit of the text itself. The translation, adaptation or conversion could be source text oriented within a relational translation or adaptation strategy. It could also be more semiotically oriented within a clear target text (other text) translation, adaptation or conversion strategy. Based on what Marais regards as translation, My seuns, is in fact not merely inspired by Arthur Miller, but converted and therefore "translated" into a new culture. Thus, this article seeks to identify the poetical preferences of the translator before an attempt is made to describe (and evaluate) the final product within a discussion of the success of the new text against the background of the original and whether or not it succeeds as adaptation/conversion. <![CDATA[<b>Social resilience, structural vulnerability and capabilities in </b><b><b><b><i>Genadendal</i></b></b></b><b>, South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die dorpie Genadendal in die Wes-Kaap is in 1837 deur die Morawiese Kerk gestig. Ons het 'n reeks in-diepte kwalitatiewe onderhoude met twaalf afgetrede inwoners van die dorp gevoer en hulle belewenisse en herinneringe geanaliseer om hulle geleenthede, sosiale weerbaarheid en strukturele kwesbaarheid te evalueer. Ons gebruik Amartya Sen se benadering van Instaatstellende Geleenthede ("capability approach"), sowel as Weerbaarheidsteorie (kyk voetnoot 2) as teoretiese raamwerke. Ons het gevind dat daar 'n baie sterk sosiale verbondenheid bestaan het terwyl die deelnemers grootgeword het, wat hulle meer weerbaarheid gegee het gedurende die apartheidsperiode. Na die oorgang na demokrasie het hulle werksgeleenthede en geleenthede vir beter integrasie in die breë samelewing uitgebrei, maar as gevolg van die feit dat Kaapse bendefamilies in Genadendal ingetrek het, het hulle op nuwe maniere struktureel kwesbaar geword. Die analise van geleenthede, sosiale weerbaarheid en strukturele kwes-baarheid in Genadendal tydens en na apartheid illustreer die belewenisse van 'n atipiese, afgesonderde landelike gemeenskap in die Wes-Kaap tydens hierdie twee historiese periodes.<hr/>The town Genadendal or Genaal as it is called by the residents, is situated in the Western Cape, and was founded by the Moravian Church in 1837. The Faculty of Community and Health Sciences at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) has had a longstanding relationship with the Genadendal community through UWC's community engagement activities. The elderly in Genadendal approached UWC to document some of their memories of the pre- and post 1994periods, and one of the authors conducted a series of qualitative in-depth interviews with twelve purposively selected retired residents of Genadendal to document their experiences and memories of both these periods. In this paper we analysed the data through the lens of Amartya Sen's Capability Approach (CA), as well as Resilience Theory¹ to evaluate the opportunities, resilience and vulnerabilities of the participants. We explain the core concepts of both these theoretical approaches, and the ways in which they can be used in a qualitative study of this nature. We conclude that the two approaches are complementary and that the combined theoretical framework could potentially be used in additional contexts of a similar nature. The results show that when the participants were growing up there were strong social support mechanisms and cohesive relationships in the closed community. These bonds and relationships protected them and provided them with resilience during the apartheid era. After democracy in 1994 their work opportunities improved and possibilities to be better integrated into the broader society opened up, but the protected life in Genadendal changed radically. Social housing was made available by the municipality to farm workers, and to people from Cape Town and the surrounding areas. Due to the influx ofpeople and gangster elements from Cape Town, structural vulnerabilities increasedfor the residents of Genadendal. The analysis of opportunities, resilience and structural vulnerabilities in Genadendal during and after apartheid, illustrates the experiences of an a-typical, isolated rural community in the Western Cape during those two historical periods. The following themes emerged: Before and during the Apartheid era The first theme identified was the sense of security experienced by the participants provided by the strong relationships amongst the people and the value driven guidance and care from the Moravian church and the teachers in the schools. The second theme highlighted the benefit of landownership. Originally most ofthe families owned land on which they could grow their own vegetables and fruit and keep livestock, which protected them from poverty and hunger. The community shared their vegetables and meat to support each other and this provided protection and care which contributed to the well-being of everybody in the community. The third theme the participants identified was that despite apartheid, the good education provided by caring teachers equipped them for life outside Genadendal. Many became teachers themselves. The good values instilled by the church were furthermore identified as a factor that facilitated social integration in the community of Genadendal and which equipped them for life outside the village. The fourth theme dealt with the period after apartheid. The year 2000 was identified as the time when an influx of people from Cape Town in particular, who were accessing social housing provided by the municipality, brought about dramatic changes. With the influx came crime, drugs, gangsterism and the loss of the values and social cohesion which had been cherished by the community of Genadendal. The negative effects of apartheid and colonial policies now reached Genadendal, which had been reasonably protected until this time due to its special position as a Moravian Mission. They now entered a new era of establishing trauma rooms and support systems to deal with the social problems that entered the community. Despite new work opportunities created by the new democracy after 1994, the community felt they had lost their social cohesion and that the values they knew were no longer universally adhered to. Ironically, better political conditions had not necessarily brought about greater personal freedom and security. It was found that combining the Capability Approach and Resilience Theory provides a potential framework for identifying resilience, vulnerability and capabilities in communities, in particular within historically and politically complex contexts. <![CDATA[<b>An exploration of earth system vulnerability in the context of landfills in the Anthropocene</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die Antroposeen verwys na 'n geologiese epog wat oorheers word deur die mens. Binne hierdie epog verander menslike aktiwiteit atmosferiese, geologiese, hidrologiese, biosferiese en ander aardsistemiese prosesse. Hierdie prosesse kan nie meer bloot toegeskryf word aan die natuur nie. Die verreikende gevolge van menslike aktiwiteit lei tot aardsistemiese kwesbaarheid. Een van die gevolge van menslike aktiwiteit wat 'n diepgaande impak in die Antroposeen het en optree as katalisator vir weerloosheid, is afval. Hecht (2018:111) het inderdaad die Antroposeen beskryf as die "apoteose van afval". Binne die konteks van die Antroposeen verken hierdie artikel Martha Fineman se kwesbaarheidsteorie en Louis Kotzé se verwante en uitgebreide raamwerk van aardsistemiese kwesbaarheid. Beide Fineman en Kotzé bepleit 'n destabilisering van tradisionele regsubjektiwiteit. Hul uitgangspunt is nie die Westerse, liberale, outonome subjek nie, maar eerder die universele subjek wat aanspraak maak op 'n responsiewe staat. 'n Responsiewe staat behoort veerkragtigheidsbronne te produseer om universele kwesbaarheid teen te werk. Oorweging moet geskenk word daaraan of die idee van die universele kwesbare subjek relevant is in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks met sy menseregtebenadering wat substantiewe gelykheid voorstaan. Die konsep kan egter wel ander tekortkomings van menseregte aanspreek. Die artikel toon dat aardsistemiese kwesbaarheid veroorsaak word deur verhoudings tussen menslike en niemenslike subjekte en die afvalstortingsterrein-omgewing op beide mikro- en makro-ekologiese vlak. Dit spoor persoonlike, relasionele en institusionele kwesbaarhede van beide menslike en niemenslike entiteite by die lokus van die afval-stortingsterrein na en lewer sodoende 'n bydrae tot progressiewe regsteorie betreffende afval.<hr/>The Anthropocene refers to a geological epoch dominated by humans. Within this epoch atmospheric, geological, hydrological, biospheric and other earth systemic processes change due to human activity and can no longer only be ascribed to nature. The far-reaching effects of human activity lead to vulnerability of the earth system. One of the consequences of human activity that has a profound impact in the Anthropocene and that acts as a catalyst of vulnerability, is waste. In fact, Hecht (2018:111) has described the Anthropocene as the "apotheosis of waste". Within the context of the Anthropocene this article explores Martha Fineman's vulnerability theory and Louis Kotzé's related and extended framework of earth systemic vulnerability. Both Fineman and Kotzé argue for a destabilisation of traditional legal subjectivity. Their point of departure is not the Western, liberal autonomous subject, but rather the universal vulnerable subject that demands a responsive state. A responsive state should produce sources of resilience to counteract universal vulnerability. Kotzé's theoretical extension of Fineman's universal vulnerability to earth system vulnerability is in step with the nonhuman turn, a movement associated with the late twentieth century, and set on the decentering of humans. Instead, the movement accentuates the agency of nonhumans. By extending the universal vulnerable subject to be more inclusive and encompass the nonhuman subject as well, the vulnerability of other elements of the earth system can also be highlighted. Fineman's response to traditional notions of subjectivity emerged as a critique of formal equality. It is therefore necessary to consider whether the notion of the universal vulnerable subject is relevant in the South African context. The latter is characterised by a human rights approach advocating substantive equality. Although the South African approach to human rights therefore differs from the American one, Kotzé highlights other shortcomings of human rights in the Anthropocene. They create space for vulnerability theory to enhance approaches to complex problems associated with the epoch. The concept of the universal vulnerable subject can, for instance, be utilised to question the anthropocentric approach to subjectivity. After establishing that vulnerability theory and earth system vulnerability can contribute to the South African socio-legal discourse on the Anthropocene, the authors explore earth systemic vulnerability of vulnerable subjects in the context of landfills. These vulnerabilities, cautions Kohn (2014:27), are not innate to the vulnerable subject but are produced by relationships between the subjects and their environments. Building on this proviso, the article demonstrates that earth systemic vulnerability is caused by relationships between vulnerable human and nonhuman subjects and the landfill environment on both micro- and macroecological levels. It traces personal, relational and institutional vulnerabilities of both nonhuman and human entities. The article traces nonhuman and human vulnerabilities related to microecological bacterial relationships in the context of waste decomposition in landfills, personal and relational vulnerabilities caused by relationships between waste pickers, other stakeholders and their environment, and eventually global relationships that expose personal, relational and institutional vulnerability of macroecologies. By introducing a broad and expansive universal vulnerable subject inclusive of nonhuman entities, the authors endeavour to contribute to the legal theoretical foundation of waste management by advocating a progressive approach to waste theory. This analysis is analogous to similar work done within the context of climate change. Within the Anthropocene there is room for theoretical work using a wider lens that not only concentrates on the local context, but rather highlights the vulnerability of micro- and macroecologies. Due to scope considerations two other aspects of the vulnerability analysis will be considered in a forthcoming article, in which we will consider how vulnerable subjects use sources of resilience to counter earth system vulnerability and investigate the role of the responsive state in the creation of sources of resilience. <![CDATA[<b>The Pandour Corps, 1793-1795 : Soldiers in defence of the Cape Colony towards the end of Dutch rule</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel belig die stigting en rol van die "Corps Pandoeren" aan die Kaap in die jare 1793-1795. Dit was 'n voordelige manier om die Kolonie te versterk teen 'n moontlike buitelandse vyand. Die korps is saamgestel uit weerbare manlike Khoekhoen en persone van gemengde afkoms wat vertroud was met die gebruik van 'n skietgeweer. Die offisiere was afkomstig uit ervare lede van die burgermag met Jan Cloete in 1795 as kommandant. Die pandoere is as ligte infanterie operasioneel aangewend nadat 'n Britse besettingsmag in Junie 1795 in Simonsbaai aangekom het. Na die Britse aanslag op die Kompanjiespos Muysenburg (vandag Muizenberg) het die pandoere in samewerking met die burgerkavallerie by verskillende geleenthede sukses behaal as onkonvensionele of guerillavegters teen die vyand. Die ongevalle aan die kant van die pandoere was beperk, maar op 1 September het ontevredenheid in eie geledere gelei tot 'n opmars van gewapende pandoere vanaf Steenberg na die Kasteel in Kaapstad. Kommissaris Sluysken het hulle gemoedere kalmeer deur beloftes van beter onderhoud en twee stuiwers aan elkeen geskenk. Daarna was die dissipline en betroubaarheid van die pandoere in die weegskaal.Tog het tydgenootlike waarnemers, met enkele voorbehoude, groot lof vir die korps as 'n effektiewe gevegseenheid gehad.<hr/>This article highlights the establishment and role of a particular military unit in the Cape Colony during the last years of rule by the Dutch East India Company (DEIC). The name "pandour" relates to Serbian, Croation and Hungarian languages, derived from the Latin name "banderius" for bearer of a banner. In 1741 a pandour corps was established in the Austrian empire to serve the interests of the Empress Maria Theresa. In the War of Succession against Prussia these pandours became notorious as brutally effective fighters in the Netherlands and present day Belgium. Wars in Europe threatened DEIC rule of the Cape Colony in 1793, with future French or British occupation of this strategic outpost a real possibility. As an emergency measure visiting commissioners Nederburgh and Frijkenius decided to strengthen the Cape garrison with a regiment to be named the Pandour Corps. The rank and file, as well as the subalterns, were to be able-bodied Khoekhoen and persons of mixed racial origin, accustomed to the use of muskets, generally called "snaphaanen". Recruits were drawn from the various districts, including the Moravian mission at Baviaans Kloof. The officers of the Pandour Corps were selected from experienced leaders in the Cape Garrison and local citizen forces, such as Jan Fürstenberg, Joël Herold and the brothers Jacobus and Johannes Linde. Eventually Jan Cloete, owner of the farm Nooitgedacht, close to the village of Stellenbosch, son of the wealthy Hendrik Cloete of Groot Constantia, was appointed as Commandant of the Pandour Corps. When a British fleet with an invasion force on board arrived in Simons Bay on 11 June 1795 the pandours were stationed at the defensive lines of the strategic post Muysenburg (today Muizenberg) with other infantry and cavalry under direct command of Lieutenant Colonel Carel MW de Lille. The Cape government was hesitant to confront the British and allowed them to establish a strategic bridgehead at the Company's post at Simons Bay. The pandours were subsequently involved in various confrontations with elements of the British force. Eventually a combined British naval and overland onslaught against the Colonial forces took place at Muysenburg on 7 August. The pandours were strategically withdrawn to Steenberg, but the next day, on 8 August, they confronted the vanguard ofthe British forces at Sandvlei with the assistance ofthe burgher cavalry. The enemy was compelled to retreat, leaving their baggage and provisions behind. Although five or six pandours lost their lives, it was clear that members of this corps excelled in unconventional or guerilla warfare. In the early morning of 1 September a combined group of pandours and burgher cavalry launched a surprise attack on two advanced posts of the British in the vicinity of Muysenburg. Five British soldiers lost their lives and 14 were wounded, including two officers. There were no casualties on the part of the attacking force that achieved a moral victory. That same afternoon an unexpected mutiny of pandours took place at Steenberg. They marched with theirfire-arms to the Castle in Cape Town to present their complaints personally to Commissioner Abraham Josias Sluysken, the highest official authority. They were unhappy about ill-treatment and lack of compensation. Sluysken appeased them by making certain concessions and rewarding them with two farthings each. The next day they marched back to Steenberg post, but were not prominent in subsequent developments. A capitulation treaty was concluded with the British invading forces on 14 September. Thus ended the Dutch East India Company's rule of the Cape Colony. It also put an end to the existence of the Pandour Corps as a functional element in the military organisation of the Cape Colony. The Pandour Corps, with certain reservations, was generally held in high esteem by contemporaries such as Philippus Marnitz, Hubert Campagne, Christian Neethling and Abraham Sluysken. <![CDATA[<b>Creation of infrastructure during the Prime Ministry of BJ Vorster: Asset or liability for the South African economy?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die grootskaalse skepping van infrastruktuur in Suid-Afrika tydens die bewind van BJ Vorster as eerste minister (1966-1978) om die negatiewe en positiewe uitkomste daarvan te beoordeel en te besluit of dit voor- of nadelig vir die land was. Die agtergrond van ekonomiese tendense in daardie era word geskets, vanaf die tydperk van ongekende ekonomiese groei in die laat 1960's en vroeë 1970's tot die ekonomiese afplatting vanaf die middel-1970's, met besondere verwysing na die inflasieprobleem. 'n Oorsig word gegee van al die groot infrastruktuurprojekte van daardie tyd, insluitende onder meer die Oranjerivierskema, die Richardsbaai- en Sishen-Saldanhaprojekte, Yskor 3 en Sasol 2. Die nadele en voordele van hierdie projekte word opgeweeg. Aan die een kant het die massiewe uitgawes aan die projekte owerheidsbesteding en inflasie laat styg, asook die staat se greep op die ekonomie, wat nadelig was vir vryemarkontwikkeling, verstewig. Aan die ander kant het die projekte die normale voordele van verbeterde infrastruktuur, soos beter dienslewering, werkverskaffing, produktiwiteitsverbetering en algemene ekonomiese groei, meegebring. Ongeag die voor- en nadele van infrastruktuurskepping in die kort- en mediumtermyne, kan die langtermynimpak nie misgekyk word nie. Daardie infrastruktuur het die land oor baie dekades gedien en staan steeds as 'n monument vir die Afrikanernasionalistiese visie in die apartheidsjare om Suid-Afrika tot 'n betekenisvolle middelslagmoondheid op te hef.<hr/>This article investigates the large-scale expansion of infrastructure in South Africa during the prime ministry of BJ Vorster (1966-1978) with a view to evaluating its negative and positive outcomes and its impact on the South African economy. As background the context of economic trends in South Africa during that period is sketched. The South African economy followed global trends. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the country experienced unprecedented economic growth. All economic indicators were positive. Especially after the oil crisis from the end of 1973 the national economy started deteriorating. By 1976 and 1977 economic decline reached crisis proportions. One of the main issues throughout Vorster's term was rising inflation. The dilemma of the government was to try and stimulate economic growth without causing runaway inflation. Infrastructure was created in this period at a faster rate than in any other period during the existence of the South African state. An overview of the major infrastructure projects is given: expansion and upgrading of the road and rail networks, the Orange River scheme, the Richards Bay and Sishen-Saldanha projects, the nuclear programme, Iscor 3, Sasol 2 and the Natref refinery. The disadvantages and benefits of these infrastructure projects are considered. A major criticism was that expenditure on these massive projects further increased government spending, thus contributing to rising inflation with all its negative consequences. State control of infrastructure projects reflected the increase of state control over the economy, which was criticised as a threat to the ideal of a free market economy. On the positive side the expansion of the country's infrastructure brought all the benefits associated with improved infrastructure, including job creation, the provision of better services, improved productivity, and general economic growth. Whatever one's view of the short and meduim term pros and cons of infrastructure development in the 1960s and 1970s, in the long term the infrastructure that was brought into existence served the country for decades and today still stands as a monument for the Afrikaner-nationalist vision of the apartheid regime to raise South Africa to a significant middle power <![CDATA[<b>Brexit: Volgende uitdagings vir 'n nuwe era</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die grootskaalse skepping van infrastruktuur in Suid-Afrika tydens die bewind van BJ Vorster as eerste minister (1966-1978) om die negatiewe en positiewe uitkomste daarvan te beoordeel en te besluit of dit voor- of nadelig vir die land was. Die agtergrond van ekonomiese tendense in daardie era word geskets, vanaf die tydperk van ongekende ekonomiese groei in die laat 1960's en vroeë 1970's tot die ekonomiese afplatting vanaf die middel-1970's, met besondere verwysing na die inflasieprobleem. 'n Oorsig word gegee van al die groot infrastruktuurprojekte van daardie tyd, insluitende onder meer die Oranjerivierskema, die Richardsbaai- en Sishen-Saldanhaprojekte, Yskor 3 en Sasol 2. Die nadele en voordele van hierdie projekte word opgeweeg. Aan die een kant het die massiewe uitgawes aan die projekte owerheidsbesteding en inflasie laat styg, asook die staat se greep op die ekonomie, wat nadelig was vir vryemarkontwikkeling, verstewig. Aan die ander kant het die projekte die normale voordele van verbeterde infrastruktuur, soos beter dienslewering, werkverskaffing, produktiwiteitsverbetering en algemene ekonomiese groei, meegebring. Ongeag die voor- en nadele van infrastruktuurskepping in die kort- en mediumtermyne, kan die langtermynimpak nie misgekyk word nie. Daardie infrastruktuur het die land oor baie dekades gedien en staan steeds as 'n monument vir die Afrikanernasionalistiese visie in die apartheidsjare om Suid-Afrika tot 'n betekenisvolle middelslagmoondheid op te hef.<hr/>This article investigates the large-scale expansion of infrastructure in South Africa during the prime ministry of BJ Vorster (1966-1978) with a view to evaluating its negative and positive outcomes and its impact on the South African economy. As background the context of economic trends in South Africa during that period is sketched. The South African economy followed global trends. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the country experienced unprecedented economic growth. All economic indicators were positive. Especially after the oil crisis from the end of 1973 the national economy started deteriorating. By 1976 and 1977 economic decline reached crisis proportions. One of the main issues throughout Vorster's term was rising inflation. The dilemma of the government was to try and stimulate economic growth without causing runaway inflation. Infrastructure was created in this period at a faster rate than in any other period during the existence of the South African state. An overview of the major infrastructure projects is given: expansion and upgrading of the road and rail networks, the Orange River scheme, the Richards Bay and Sishen-Saldanha projects, the nuclear programme, Iscor 3, Sasol 2 and the Natref refinery. The disadvantages and benefits of these infrastructure projects are considered. A major criticism was that expenditure on these massive projects further increased government spending, thus contributing to rising inflation with all its negative consequences. State control of infrastructure projects reflected the increase of state control over the economy, which was criticised as a threat to the ideal of a free market economy. On the positive side the expansion of the country's infrastructure brought all the benefits associated with improved infrastructure, including job creation, the provision of better services, improved productivity, and general economic growth. Whatever one's view of the short and meduim term pros and cons of infrastructure development in the 1960s and 1970s, in the long term the infrastructure that was brought into existence served the country for decades and today still stands as a monument for the Afrikaner-nationalist vision of the apartheid regime to raise South Africa to a significant middle power <link>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en</link> <description>Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die grootskaalse skepping van infrastruktuur in Suid-Afrika tydens die bewind van BJ Vorster as eerste minister (1966-1978) om die negatiewe en positiewe uitkomste daarvan te beoordeel en te besluit of dit voor- of nadelig vir die land was. Die agtergrond van ekonomiese tendense in daardie era word geskets, vanaf die tydperk van ongekende ekonomiese groei in die laat 1960's en vroeë 1970's tot die ekonomiese afplatting vanaf die middel-1970's, met besondere verwysing na die inflasieprobleem. 'n Oorsig word gegee van al die groot infrastruktuurprojekte van daardie tyd, insluitende onder meer die Oranjerivierskema, die Richardsbaai- en Sishen-Saldanhaprojekte, Yskor 3 en Sasol 2. Die nadele en voordele van hierdie projekte word opgeweeg. Aan die een kant het die massiewe uitgawes aan die projekte owerheidsbesteding en inflasie laat styg, asook die staat se greep op die ekonomie, wat nadelig was vir vryemarkontwikkeling, verstewig. Aan die ander kant het die projekte die normale voordele van verbeterde infrastruktuur, soos beter dienslewering, werkverskaffing, produktiwiteitsverbetering en algemene ekonomiese groei, meegebring. Ongeag die voor- en nadele van infrastruktuurskepping in die kort- en mediumtermyne, kan die langtermynimpak nie misgekyk word nie. Daardie infrastruktuur het die land oor baie dekades gedien en staan steeds as 'n monument vir die Afrikanernasionalistiese visie in die apartheidsjare om Suid-Afrika tot 'n betekenisvolle middelslagmoondheid op te hef.<hr/>This article investigates the large-scale expansion of infrastructure in South Africa during the prime ministry of BJ Vorster (1966-1978) with a view to evaluating its negative and positive outcomes and its impact on the South African economy. As background the context of economic trends in South Africa during that period is sketched. The South African economy followed global trends. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the country experienced unprecedented economic growth. All economic indicators were positive. Especially after the oil crisis from the end of 1973 the national economy started deteriorating. By 1976 and 1977 economic decline reached crisis proportions. One of the main issues throughout Vorster's term was rising inflation. The dilemma of the government was to try and stimulate economic growth without causing runaway inflation. Infrastructure was created in this period at a faster rate than in any other period during the existence of the South African state. An overview of the major infrastructure projects is given: expansion and upgrading of the road and rail networks, the Orange River scheme, the Richards Bay and Sishen-Saldanha projects, the nuclear programme, Iscor 3, Sasol 2 and the Natref refinery. The disadvantages and benefits of these infrastructure projects are considered. A major criticism was that expenditure on these massive projects further increased government spending, thus contributing to rising inflation with all its negative consequences. State control of infrastructure projects reflected the increase of state control over the economy, which was criticised as a threat to the ideal of a free market economy. On the positive side the expansion of the country's infrastructure brought all the benefits associated with improved infrastructure, including job creation, the provision of better services, improved productivity, and general economic growth. Whatever one's view of the short and meduim term pros and cons of infrastructure development in the 1960s and 1970s, in the long term the infrastructure that was brought into existence served the country for decades and today still stands as a monument for the Afrikaner-nationalist vision of the apartheid regime to raise South Africa to a significant middle power</description> </item> <item> <title><![CDATA[<b>Duwweltjies en verantwoordelikheid</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512020000100017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die grootskaalse skepping van infrastruktuur in Suid-Afrika tydens die bewind van BJ Vorster as eerste minister (1966-1978) om die negatiewe en positiewe uitkomste daarvan te beoordeel en te besluit of dit voor- of nadelig vir die land was. Die agtergrond van ekonomiese tendense in daardie era word geskets, vanaf die tydperk van ongekende ekonomiese groei in die laat 1960's en vroeë 1970's tot die ekonomiese afplatting vanaf die middel-1970's, met besondere verwysing na die inflasieprobleem. 'n Oorsig word gegee van al die groot infrastruktuurprojekte van daardie tyd, insluitende onder meer die Oranjerivierskema, die Richardsbaai- en Sishen-Saldanhaprojekte, Yskor 3 en Sasol 2. Die nadele en voordele van hierdie projekte word opgeweeg. Aan die een kant het die massiewe uitgawes aan die projekte owerheidsbesteding en inflasie laat styg, asook die staat se greep op die ekonomie, wat nadelig was vir vryemarkontwikkeling, verstewig. Aan die ander kant het die projekte die normale voordele van verbeterde infrastruktuur, soos beter dienslewering, werkverskaffing, produktiwiteitsverbetering en algemene ekonomiese groei, meegebring. Ongeag die voor- en nadele van infrastruktuurskepping in die kort- en mediumtermyne, kan die langtermynimpak nie misgekyk word nie. Daardie infrastruktuur het die land oor baie dekades gedien en staan steeds as 'n monument vir die Afrikanernasionalistiese visie in die apartheidsjare om Suid-Afrika tot 'n betekenisvolle middelslagmoondheid op te hef.<hr/>This article investigates the large-scale expansion of infrastructure in South Africa during the prime ministry of BJ Vorster (1966-1978) with a view to evaluating its negative and positive outcomes and its impact on the South African economy. As background the context of economic trends in South Africa during that period is sketched. The South African economy followed global trends. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the country experienced unprecedented economic growth. All economic indicators were positive. Especially after the oil crisis from the end of 1973 the national economy started deteriorating. By 1976 and 1977 economic decline reached crisis proportions. One of the main issues throughout Vorster's term was rising inflation. The dilemma of the government was to try and stimulate economic growth without causing runaway inflation. Infrastructure was created in this period at a faster rate than in any other period during the existence of the South African state. An overview of the major infrastructure projects is given: expansion and upgrading of the road and rail networks, the Orange River scheme, the Richards Bay and Sishen-Saldanha projects, the nuclear programme, Iscor 3, Sasol 2 and the Natref refinery. The disadvantages and benefits of these infrastructure projects are considered. A major criticism was that expenditure on these massive projects further increased government spending, thus contributing to rising inflation with all its negative consequences. State control of infrastructure projects reflected the increase of state control over the economy, which was criticised as a threat to the ideal of a free market economy. On the positive side the expansion of the country's infrastructure brought all the benefits associated with improved infrastructure, including job creation, the provision of better services, improved productivity, and general economic growth. Whatever one's view of the short and meduim term pros and cons of infrastructure development in the 1960s and 1970s, in the long term the infrastructure that was brought into existence served the country for decades and today still stands as a monument for the Afrikaner-nationalist vision of the apartheid regime to raise South Africa to a significant middle power