Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120160001&lang=en vol. 56 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Spesiale tema oor Afrikaanse werkwoorde en werkwoordkonstruksies</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Willing and knowing: Perspectives on the Afrikaans verb <em>wil</em></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die Afrikaanse modale werkwoord wil (en sy imperfekvorm wou), wat meestal as hulpwerkwoord gebruik word, kan verskillende betekenisskakerings aanneem, onder meer "begeer", "onderneem", "wens", "bereid wees", "neig", "dreig" en "op die punt wees"; dit maak ook deel uit van taalhandelinge, byvoorbeeld om wense uit te druk en is die enigste modale werkwoord wat reduplikasie kan ondergaan (wil-wil, wou-wou). Die meeste van hierdie betekenisse en gebruike word ondervang deur aan te neem dat wil in wese 'n handelingswerkwoord is wat op "voorbereidende aksie" dui en waarop die spreker 'n interne of eksterne perspektief kan hê. Die interne perspektief (wat ons wil¹ kan noem) gaan uit van taalgebruikers se vermeende vertroudheid met wil as psigiese of mentale handeling, wat egter op nie-menslike lewensvorme en selfs nie-lewende entiteite geprojekteer kan word. 'n Tipiese gebruik is byvoorbeeld Ek wil wen, waar die uitspreek van 'n begeerte om te wen (die wilsaksie) deur 'n persoon geïnisieer word, met My kar wil nie vat nie as moontlike projeksie. Die eksterne perspektief (wil²) berus op die waarneming van byvoorbeeld natuurkragte, waar die aksie weens die taalgebruiker se onvermoë om die onderliggende kragte regstreeks waar te neem slegs gekonstateer kan word as dit op die punt is om te gebeur, byvoorbeeld Dit wil reën, as dit "dreig" om te reën. Omdat reduplikasie in Afrikaans onder meer kan dui op herhaalde - maar ongeslaagde - pogings om 'n doel te bereik, kan dit in Dit wil-wil reën aangewend word om die onmiddellike moontlikheid van 'n reënbui te beklemtoon. Sodoende kan die modale hulpwerkwoord wil(-wil) vanuit die eksterne perspektief deur 'n verdere proses van grammatikalisasie die aspektuele funksie van anterioriteit aanneem, wat dan selfs op menslike gemoedsaandoeninge van toepassing gemaak kan word. Omdat die interpretasie van 'n uiting deur 'n perspektiefwisseling verstel kan word van interne wilsaksie na anterioriteit en omgekeerd, kan aangeneem word dat daar 'n kontinuum tussen die twee perspektiefpole bestaan. Grammatikale kenmerke wat met die twee perspektiewe korreleer, is dat die interne wilsaksie ontken kan word (behalwe in taalhandelinge) en reduplikasie uitgesluit is, terwyl die ekstern waargenome aksie vanweë sy onmiddellike konstatering nie ontken kan word nie, maar dan juis deur reduplikasie beklemtoon kan word.<hr/>The Afrikaans verb wíl, a cognate of English will but closer in meaning to "want to", is usually employed as an auxiliary rather than a main verb and is defined, inter alia, as "to wish, desire, intend, be able, resolve, be prepared, be willing, be on the verge of, and is used to express wishes and as a reduplication form (wil-wil). This paper endeavours to show that most of these nuances of meaning and usages are derivable from a core meaning of "preparatory action" and two perspectives on this. If"wíl is compared to other modal verbs, it appears that though it has certain syntactic and semantic features in common with them, it nevertheless differs greatly from them in many other respects. Historically, wíl differs from most other modal verbs in being semantically stable. Afrikaans wíl differs from other Afrikaans modals in several respects. (a) Wíl is not used epistemically. (b) Wíl can be used as a transitive verb and is the only modal to have a past participle, viz. gewíl. (c) Only wíl has a derivation resembling a present participle, viz. welwíllende "benevolent". (d) In passive sentences, wíl remains subject oriented, i.e. retains the grammatical subject as its agent - for example Sy wíl gesíen word "She wants to be seen". (e) Wees doubles with word as a passive auxiliary in a construction such as Sy wíl gesíen wees deur díe mense "She wants to be seen by the people". (f) Only wíl (and its preterite form wou) reduplicates, as in wíl-wíl and wou-wou. It is argued that wíl primarily expresses preparatory action - "preparatory" to distinguish it from a distinctly different action resulting from wíl or an ensuing state of affairs, as in Hy wíl wen "He wants to win", or Sy wíl ryk wees "She wants to be rich". "Action" is considered a suitable common denominator, as it could refer to anything from mental action to forces of nature. "Action" is taken to contrast with concepts such as "knowledge, attitude, obligation, ability, permission", etc. not expressing an activity as such. Most of the semantic nuances of wíl are derivable from two perspectives on wíl, an internal and external one, to be distinguished as wíl¹and wíl². The action character of wíl is supported by grammatical factors such as the following: (i) In the series Ek kan/moet wen (" can/must win"); ek wil wen ("I want to win"); ek gaan/ sal wen ("I am going to/will win"); ek het gewen ("I won"), where each proposition implies the previous, it seems as though the action culminating in "I won" commences with "I want to win". (ii)The fact that wíl, unlike other modal verbs, retains the sentential subject as agentive even in passive sentences, as in Hy wíl bederf word "He wants to be spoilt", is another indication that that wíl expresses an action. (iii)The sentences Ek wens jy wil weggaan! "I wish you will go away" and Ek wens jy gaan weg! "I wish you go away" are virtually synonymous, whereas substituting moet "must" for wíl, as in Ek wens jy moet weggaan "I wish you have to go away", changes the objective of the wish to a particular state of affairs. If we accept that a wish containing wíl (first sentence) has the same illocutionary force as one not supplemented by a modal verb (second sentence), and both presuppose that a certain action be taken by the addressee, then it follows that wíl is closely associated to action. One way to look at wíl is through an "inner" perspective. It is claimed that one only has access to one's own mental states - which would include the "meaning" of wíl - in a direct and noninferential way. To this may be added the role of language in creating an intersubjective awareness of the meaning of wíl. Though the meaning of wíl may seem absolutely clear to the user of the word and between language users, in reality this may not be the case at all. While a projection of wíl on another person in a request such as Wil jy (nie) asseblief die deur toemaak (nie)? "Will/won't you please close the door?" still remains within the bounds ofwhat is understood under wil, projections on non-humans as in Daardie muskiet wil my byt! "That mosquito wants to bite me!" and even onto a vehicle, as in My kar wil nie vat nie! "My car doesn t want to start!," may be far from intentional wil in the "human" sense of "desiring to" or "intending to". Quite another use of wil is found when wil is reduplicated, as in My kar wil-wil vat "My car is about to start", where anterior aspect is indicated. In sum, the "internal"perspective on what will be referred to as wil¹may be characterised in two ways. Firstly, negation is possible, as in Hy wil nie nog drank hê nie "He doesn t want any more liquor", though generally not in speech acts. A second characteristic is that reduplication is excluded, viz. *Ek wil-wil eendag Everest beklim, to mean "I want to climb Everest one day". Next we may consider an "external" perspective on wil, to be referred to as wil². In a proposition such as Dit wil reën "'Rain is imminent", wil is used in the sense of "to be on the verge/point of or "to be threatening". Wil here refers to a force of nature. An internally motivated action in nature only becomes obvious when some kind of change is observed. Thus we can only say "Rain is imminent" when dark rain clouds and chilly gusts of wind, etc. are in evidence. As the initiator is not observable, it is of necessity identical to that of the force itself. Thus, in Dit wil reën, literally "It wants to rain", the volitive force of wil and the action of raining - though distinct as forces or actions - are assumed to have the same origin or source. In its association with "imminence", the modal auxiliary wil is further grammaticalised to express anterior aspect. The ability of the speaker to handle two perspectives on the same action at the same time by "dividing" him-/herself into two persons, is referred to by Leiss (2012: 45-46) as "double displacement". An action characterised as being "on the verge of" cannot be negated, as it is not possible for an action to be on the verge of taking place and not taking place at the same time. While wil¹, as was noted above, can be projected onto non-humans and even objects, wil², as an auxiliary expressing anterior aspect, can be applied to propositions with human subjects, such as Sy wil huil "She is about to cry, is on the verge of crying". In sum, wil², unlike wil¹, cannot be negated. However, wil²can be reduplicated, e.g. Dit wil-wil reën "It is threatening to rain". This has the effect of emphasizing the imminence of the rain. Reduplication in Afrikaans has the function, inter alia, of highlighting various kinds of repetition, one of which is repetition as part of an effort to achieve a goal, for example Hy hap-hap na sy aanvaller, literally "He snaps-snaps at his attacker", i.e. keeps snapping at his attacker. If we assume a pragmatic link between an effort that is not completely successful and an action that is on the verge of being realised, the previous example may be seen to bear a semantic resemblance to Hy wil-wil sy aanvaller byt, "He is on the verge of biting his attacker". Finally, the difference between wil¹, meaning "to want to, wish, intend, desire", etc., and wil², meaning "being on the point/verge of" and expressing anterior aspect, is related to the difference between an interior ("inner") and exterior ("outer") perspective on "will", conceived of as an action, whether mental or physical in nature. The two perspectives are, however, not in absolute contrast with each other but may merge into each other so that a continuum between the two may be assumed. For example, the following sentence may be taken to describe a man recovering from a coma: Soms lyk dit asof hy sy oë wil-wil oopmaak, sometimes seem it as-if he his eyes want-to REDUP open-make maar of die inspanning te groot is. (I. Winterbach) but if the effort too great is "Sometimes it seems as though he is about to open his eyes, but it is too great an effort." As he is getting closer to regaining consciousness (i.e. from being "on the verge of), the gradual opening of his eyes is transformed to an act of will (cf. inspanning "effort") until he consciously strives to open his eyes. <![CDATA[<b><i>Moet </i>and <i>must: </i>A case of Afrikaans influence on South African English</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel ondersoek die effek van die unieke kontaksituasie tussen gebruikers van Afrikaans en die moedertaalvariëteit van Suid-Afrikaanse Engels (SAfE) op die verspreiding van die kenmerkende makro- en mikrosemantiese eienskappe van must in SAfE. Ekstra-linguistiese motivering, sowel as linguistiese (sinchroniese en diachroniese) motivering aan die hand van korpusdata, word ten gunste van die invloed van Afrikaanse moet op must in SAfE gebied. Die ekstra-linguisitiese bespreking verken die komplekse sosiopolitiese verhouding tussen gebruikers van Afrikaans en SAfE, sowel as kwessies rakende ras en identiteit, en tweetaligheid en die onderwyssisteem. Die linguistiese bespreking ondersoek die mate waartoe must in SAfE aan die kriteria vir kontakgeïnduseerde verandering voldoen en lê in hierdie verband eerstens klem op die ooreenkomste tussen moet en must op grammatikale en semantiese vlakke. Die mate waartoe moet en must gegrammatikaliseer is (spesifiek rakende negatiewe vorme) word veral ondersoek en vergelyk. Op kwantitatiewe vlak getuig die sinchroniese en diachroniese resultate van die ondersoek van die trekkrag van Afrikaanse moet op must in SAfE in terme van gebruiksfrekwensie, en hierdie trekkrag word deur die kwalitatiewe diachroniese resultate ondersteun. Die kwalitatiewe diachroniese analise bevind dat moet in Afrikaans en must in SAfE soortgelyke verskuiwings in die makro- en mikrosemantiek vanaf die 1910's-1950's tot die 1990's-2010's in die geskrewe register ondergaan, veral ten gunste van die oordrag van mediumvlakke van verpligting met 'n objektiewe deontiese bron. Must in SAfE volg dus 'n Afrikaans-soortige semantiese patroon wat sterk van die tendens in ander moedertaalvariëteite van Engels in die wêreld afwyk.<hr/>This article investigates the effect of the unique contact situation between users of Afrikaans and the native variety of South African English (SAfE) on the propagation of the distinctive macro- and microsemantic properties of SAfE must. This modal verb has gradually become less face-threatening in SAfE over the course of the 19th and 20th centuries, conveying a median (weaker) degree offorce just as frequently as a higher degree offorce by the 1990s, which has in turn led to its increased use in deontic (personal) contexts (Wasserman 2014).These semantic changes differ greatly from the changes that occurred in other native varieties of English in the world (cf. Leech et al. 2009). The primary question this article seeks to answer is whether these distinctive properties of SAfE must have developed due to the contact that this variety has maintained with Afrikaans over the course of the 19th and 20th centuries. The discussion firstly provides extralinguistic motivation, and secondly linguistic (synchronic and diachronic) motivation based on corpus data, in support of the influence of Afrikaans moet on SAfE must. The extralinguistic discussion explores the complex sociopolitical relationship between users of Afrikaans and SAfE, along with issues of race and identity, and bilingualism and the education system. It is argued that the periods of fluctuating enmity and friendliness that the English and Afrikaans communities have maintained, as well as the somewhat forced contact situation instituted by racial segregation during the latter part of the 20th century, has allowed these communities to interact in such a way as to affect the mutual influence of their languages, even without the alignment of their identities. The social trend of Afrikaans-speaking teachers instructing English-speaking children during the 20th century has further contributed to the influence of Afrikaans on SAfE. The linguistic discussion on the other hand investigates if and how SAfE must fulfils the linguistic criteria for contact-induced change. This part of the discussion firstly emphasises the similarities between moet and must on grammatical and semantic levels, seeing that Afrikaans and English are close West-Germanic relatives. Special attention is devoted to a comparison between the levels of grammaticalisation of moet and must, especially regarding their respective negative forms moenie and mustn't. Both the synchronic and diachronic quantitative results clearly show the "pull" of Afrikaans moet on SAfE must in terms of usage frequency, which is also confirmed by the diachronic qualitative results. The diachronic qualitative analysis reveals a move toward the expression of very similar macro- and micromeanings by Afrikaans moet and SAfE must in the written register during the course of the 1910's-1950's to the 1990's-2010's, especially in favour of the expression of a median-degree of obligation via an objective deontic source. SAfE must therefore does follow an Afrikaans-like semantic pattern, confirming the influence of Afrikaans on this English variety. The close, yet complex, relationship that SAfE and Afrikaans have maintained over the course of two centuries is not truly matched anywhere else in the world, and has indeed given rise to a usage pattern of must that is unique among other English varieties. <![CDATA[<b>Changes in adverbial temporal reference in Afrikaans from 1911 to 2010</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die tempussisteem van Afrikaans is heelwat vereenvoudig in vergelyking met dié van Nederlands, waaruit dit ontwikkel het, en daarom maak sprekers en skrywers van Afrikaans ook staat op verskeie ander maniere om gebeurtenisse of situasies in tyd deikties te anker, soos adverbia van tyd (byvoorbeeld "toe", "gister", "oormôre") en setselgroepe (byvoorbeeld "in die aand"). Terwyl die tempusstelsel van Afrikaans min opsigtelike verandering toon sedert die standaardisering van Afrikaans, staan sake anders wat die adverbiale elemente se rol in temporele verwysing betref. Die frekwente woorde "nou", "toe" en "dan" verrig verskeie funksies, waarvan temporele verwysing 'n belangrike deel uitmaak. Hierdie artikel ondersoek eerstens die gebruike van die adverbiale gebruike van "nou", "toe" en "dan" in diachroniese korpusse van Afrikaans wat vier periodes (1911-1920, 1941-1950, 1971-1980, 2001-2010) dek, met ongeveer 261 000 woorde per periode. Die gebruike van hierdie woorde toon sterk tekens van verandering, en spesifiek "nou" en "dan" toon 'n radikale vermindering van gebruike. In die tweede plek word moontlike verklarings vir die veranderinge rondom hierdie woorde in die korpus gesoek. 'n Toename in die gebruik van 'n aantal meer spesifieke temporele adverbia (byvoorbeeld "terwyl", "wanneer") dui aan dat adverbiale temporele verwysing se funksionele lading versprei het. Dit sluit ook aan by die groter sosio-kulturele konteks van Afrikaans, wat aanleiding gegee het tot toenemende standaardisering en verformalisering van Afrikaans deur die loop van die twintigste eeu.<hr/>The Afrikaans tense system simplified somewhat in its development from Dutch, retaining only the present tense (which is unmarked), and a past tense (marked by the auxiliary verb "het" and, usually, the verbal prefix "ge-") based loosely on the Dutch present perfect tense. In order to express more specific and fine-grained temporal reference, speakers and writers of Afrikaans frequently draw on additional linguistic options, including temporal adverbs (for example "toe" (then), "gister" (yesterday), "oormöre" (the day after tomorrow)) and preposition phrases (for example "in die aand" (in the evening)). The tense system of Afrikaans shows few radical changes during the past century, after the standardisation of Afrikaans eliminated the last remnants of the extended Dutch tense system. However, the use of temporal adverbs has been much less stable. This article investigates the use of the temporal adverbs "nou" (now), "toe" (when/then) and "dan" (then) in diachronic Afrikaans corpora that covers a century of language use, including specifically the periods 1911-1920, 1941-1950, 1971-1980 and 2001-2010, with more or less 261 000 words per period, represented by text samples from a variety of written genres. The genres included are: fiction, biographical texts, news reports, informative texts, religious texts, texts from the humanities, texts from the natural sciences, and manuscripts (letters and diary entries). The abovementioned lexical items ("nou", "toe " and "dan") are some of the most frequently used adverbs in Afrikaans according to the corpora used in this article, and their frequent use is also noted by Van der Merwe (1996:91) - however, temporal reference is not the only functions that these lexical items perform. During the course ofthe twentieth century, the use ofthese lexical items, as temporal adverbs and otherwise, shows some significant changes. Specifically "nou" and "dan" show a radical decline in overall use as well as temporal use, and the different uses of "toe " are also not stable throughout. The lexical item "nou" is used predominantlyfor temporal reference, although its overall use and temporal use decrease significantly. The different types of temporal reference for which "nou" is used do not show significant changes other than reflecting the overall decrease. The overall use of "dan" shows the most radical decrease ofthe three lexical items in question, although the temporal use decreases the least. There are some noticeable changes with regard to the different temporal uses, showing a slight increase in uses referring to the future. The use of "toe" is predominantly temporal throughout, although there is a slight decrease in temporal usage, and some shift to the historical present in the tense accompanying the temporal uses. One explanation offered for these changes is the increasing use of more specific and less context dependent temporal adverbs, like "terwyl" (while) and "wanneer" (when), which indicates a partial shift in the functional load from the more general temporal adverbs to some that are more specific andfine-grained. While there is not a compensatory increase in one specific temporal adverb to account for the decrease of the abovementioned ones, there are a number of more specific temporal adverbs that show some increase, pointing to a noticeable tendency. The abovementioned shift towards more specific temporal adverbs also relates to the broader socio-cultural context of Afrikaans during the course of the century, which includes the persistent and ongoing standardisation as well as the expansion of contexts of (formal) use until shortly before the lastperiod. The increasing formality and sophistication ofthe demands put on Afrikaans aided the formalisation of the language, where more formal, specific and seemingly sophisticated options in linguistic expression became more attractive and were used increasingly. This tendency is further confirmed by the decrease of the use of the lexical items "nou" and especially "dan" as discourse markers, as the use of discourse markers is associated with more involved (compared to more informative) language use (Biber 1998:148). <![CDATA[<b>Aspect in Afrikaans: A theoretical description</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die Afrikaanse werkwoordstelsel onderskei tussen verlede, hede en toekoms (met ander woorde tussen verskillende tempusbetekenisse), maar is meerduidig met betrekking tot grammatikaal-aspektuele betekenis. Die Afrikaanse werkwoord spesifiseer nie op 'n verpligte wyse 'n onderskeid tussen perfektiewe, anterior- of imperfektiewe betekenis nie. Die ongemerkte stamvorm (in die hede) en die het ge-vorm (in die verlede) word gebruik om hierdie verskillende aspektuele betekenisse uit te druk. Afrikaans kan derhalwe geklassifiseer word as 'n nie-aspektuele taal (vergelyk Bylund 2013:932). Die aspektuele meerduidigheid van Afrikaans het 'n verreikende effek op die wyse waarop hierdie taal se grammatika in die Afrikaanse akademiese literatuur beskryf of verstaan word. Daar bestaan onder sommige skrywers die siening dat die werkwoordelike vorm van Afrikaans onvoldoende is om sekere aspektuele nuanses en betekenisse uit te druk (vergelyk Brink 1976:93; De Villiers 1962:250; Du Toit 1940:250; Meyer 2010; Paul 2010; Visser 2012; Wybenga 1983:1). Beskrywings soos "maklik", "vereenvoudig", "sonder 'n werklike sisteem" en "problematies" is al gebruik om die Afrikaanse grammatikale temporele uitdrukking te beskryf (vergelyk Anon 2010; Britz 2002; De Villiers 1962:59). Die aanname bestaan selfs by sommige skrywers dat Afrikaans "geen aspek het nie" (vergelyk Van der Merwe 1968a:281). 'n Moontlike rede vir hierdie sienings is die feit dat die uitdrukking van aspek in Afrikaans nog nie voldoende nagevors of beskryf is nie. Die enkele bestaande publikasies oor die onderwerp bied nie 'n goeie verduideliking van die begrip "aspek" nie, en dui nie voldoende die verskillende wyses waarop aspek in Afrikaans uitgedruk kan word, aan nie. Hierdie artikel probeer die tweeledige leemte vul deur eerstens 'n algemeen-teoretiese beskrywing van aspek aan te bied, en tweedens op 'n sistematiese wyse aan te toon watter linguistiese strategies in Afrikaans aangewend word om aspektuele betekenis uit te druk.<hr/>The Afrikaans verb system distinguishes between past, present and future tense, but is ambiguous with regard to aspectual interpretation. Whereas English has different formal ways to specify aspectual meaning (for example the differences between the past situations indicated by drank, has drunk, had drunk and was drinking) the het ge past tense can be used in Afrikaans for all four these aspectual past tense meanings (namely het gedrink). Afrikaans is therefore regarded as a non-aspectual language (cf. Bylund et al. 2013:932). The aspectually ambiguous nature ofthe Afrikaans verb system has a far-reaching effect on the manner in which the Afrikaans grammar in the Afrikaans academic literature is described or understood. Firstly, there is a view that the verbal form of Afrikaans is inadequate to express certain aspectual nuances and meanings in the same way as, for instance, English (cf. Brink 1976:93; De Villiers 1962:250; Du Toit 1940:250; Meyer 2010; Paul 2010; Visser 2012; Wybenga 1983:1). Secondly, expressions such as "easy", "simplified", "lacking a real system" and "problematic" have been used to describe temporal expression in Afrikaans (cf. Anon 2010; Britz 2002; De Villiers 1962:59). Some scholars even assume that Afrikaans "has no aspect" (cf. Van derMerwe 1968a:281). However, these statements are contentious as it is indeed possible to distinguish between different aspectual meanings in Afrikaans. Although verb inflection is not really used to make these distinctions, other linguistic strategies such as phrasal and lexical constructions can be employed. A possible reason for the above-mentioned views is the fact that Afrikaans aspectual expressions have not yet been researched or described adequately. In fact, since 1940, only ten Afrikaans publications on aspect have been published (cf. Breed 2012:7-14). However, in my opinion, these publications do not offer a good explanation of the different ways in which aspect can be expressed in Afrikaans, and therefore fail to contribute to a better understanding of aspectual expressions in Afrikaans. This article endeavours to fill the dual void by offering a general theoretical description of aspect in Afrikaans, and secondly by systematically presenting the different linguistic strategies that are used in Afrikaans to express aspectual meaning. By means of a search on the "Digitale Bibliografie van die Afrikaanse Taalkunde (DBAT)", ten Afrikaans publications were found that offer a theoretical description or definitions of aspect, i.e. Broos (1960), De Villiers (1942, 1948, 1951, 1962, 1968), Labuschagne (1968), Louw (1987), Potgieter (1982), Scholtz (1940), Van der Merwe (1968b), Van Niekerk (1997) Visser (1968) and Wybenga (1983). This literature is useful to form an overall conceptual framework of aspect in Afrikaans, and also to identify some aspectual expressions in Afrikaans. However, it is inadequate to serve as theoretical framework for the description of aspect in Afrikaans for the following reasons: The publications on Afrikaans aspect do not seem to have taken cognisance of contemporary international research findings on aspect in general. It is difficult to understand and distinguish the definitions and classifications of aspectual meanings made in the Afrikaans literature. There is little agreement between the definitions or classifications given in the different publications for the various aspectual meanings (e.g. the conative, causative, iterative, momental, punctual, ingressive and inchoative), and the description and classification of the perfective and imperfective meanings given in the relevant publications do not agree with contemporary international views on aspect (for example those of Binnick 1991; Bybee et al. 1994; Bybee 2003, Comrie 1976,1985; Dahl 1985; Langacker 1991; McCawley 1971). I consider the classification and definitions offered in the literature for aspectual meanings in Afrikaans unclear, incongruous and mostly incompatible. Apart from some references to Lyons (1977) and Jespersen (1965), non-South African sources on aspect are seldom referred to. It is still not clear which constructs or methods are being used by Afrikaans speakers to express aspectual meaning. According to the received linguistic view of grammatical aspect, it has to do with the point of view from which a situation is perceived. A situation can be viewed from two perspectives. Firstly, it can be viewed as a whole, with the boundaries of the situation included, for example The dog drank the water. This approach is called the perfective aspect. Secondly, a situation can be viewed with a focus on the internal temporal structure of the situation, for example The dog is drinking the water. This approach is called the imperfective aspect. All other aspectual meanings, (for example the habitual aspect such as Elephants eat leaves or the frequentative aspect such as He visits her often) can be regarded as a subtype of one of these two aspectual distinctions. A further distinguishable temporal-aspectual construction, namely the perfect or the anterior, is also relevant to this discussion. The anterior does not stand as a structure in opposition to the perfective or imperfective, but involves multiple points in time and should therefore be dealt with slightly differently than simply to be categorised as grammatical aspect. The two terminologies, namely the perfective and the perfect are often confused with each other or treated as synonyms, but are inherently different. In some traditions, the perfect is rather regarded as a tense category (cf. Comrie 1976:52). The anterior specifies that a process in the past has an effect on a subsequent situation, as it results in a state situation. The expression does not reveal anything about the situation itself, but places the situation in a particular context. Further descriptions and classifications of subtypes are addressed in the article. Although Afrikaans does not use verb inflection to distinguish aspectual meaning as in English, five linguistic strategies are used to specify aspectual meaning, namely i) lexical constructions such as adverbs and conjunction; ii) affixation; iii) reduplication; iv) passive constructions; and v) periphrastic constructions. <![CDATA[<b>The participle as a different form of the verb</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Uit 'n literatuuroorsig het dit duidelik geblyk dat daar min ooreenstemming is oor hoe die deelwoord in Afrikaanse bronne beskryf word (vergelyk ook Breed 2016). Hierdie teenstrydighede kan saamgevat word in drie basiese kwessies: onjuiste terminologiegebruik en formulerings; die onderskeid tussen fleksie en afleiding, in die besonder of die vorming van deelwoorde gesien word as fleksie of afleiding; en die erkenning of nie van die deelwoord as 'n vorm van die werkwoord. Hierdie drie punte staan natuurlik nie los van mekaar nie, inteendeel, hulle is variasies van dieselfde basiese kwessie: die onderskeid tussen fleksie en afleiding. In 'n poging om die verskillende beskrywings van die deelwoord op te los, word daar in die artikel voorgestel om die deelwoordvorm van die werkwoord te onderskei van die perifrastiesekonstruksievorme (PK-vorme) in die verledetyd- en passiefkonstruksies. Deur die fleksie-afleiding-onderskeid as 'n konseptuele glyskaal eerder as 'n absolute binêre onderskeid te sien, is volledig versoenbaar met die voorstel om die deelwoord as 'n ánder vorm van die werkwoord te beskryf. Die fyner onderskeid tussen kontekstuele en inherente fleksie is konsekwent met die onderskeid tussen die verskillende vorme van die werkwoord. Die PK-vorme van die werkwoord stem in alle opsigte ooreen met kontekstuele fleksie en die deelwoordvorm volkome met inherente fleksie. Die voorgestelde onderskeid tussen die deelwoordvorm en die PK-vorme van die werkwoord word ten slotte gemotiveer met uitgebreide beskrywings van die verskillende vorme vanuit n kognitiewe beskrywingsraamwerk. Die verskillende karakteriserings van die verskillende werkwoordvorme word duidelik geïllustreer op sowel die fonologiese as die semantiese pole.<hr/>Afrikaans is an inflection-poor language and, as expected, a literature review revealed that little agreement exists on how the participle in Afrikaans should be analysed and described. These differences are reflected in three basic issues, namely: a) inaccurate terminology use and vague formulations; b) controversy in arguments about the morphological process (including the distinction between inflection or derivation) responsible for the formation of participles; and c) inconsistency in the recognition of the participle as a form of the verb and whether the form of the verb that is used with auxiliaries (het in the past tense and word/is in the passive) should be regarded as participles. The incongruences above are in fact all variations of the same basic problem: the distinction between inflection and derivation. In an attempt to solve the vague and conflicting descriptions of the participle in Afrikaans, this article proposes a distinction between the participle form of the verb and the form of the verb that is used in periphrastic constructions (PC) - i.e. the past tense and the passive (Figure A). Grammatical analyses and descriptions of Afrikaans are relatively outdated. Before the publication of Kontemporêre Afrikaanse taalkunde (Carstens & Bosman) in2014,thelastrevised grammar was published more than a decade ago. Therefore, new theoretical insights have not yet been applied to the description of the participle in Afrikaans. Jenkinson (1993:117-118) and Van Huyssteen (2014:184) argue that the inflection-derivation distinction in Afrikaans should not be seen as an absolute distinction, but rather as conceptual gradience, as described in cognitive linguistics. In this regard Tuggy (1985:210-213) states that an inflection-derivation continuum can be viewed as a form of categorisation that reflects a more natural interpretation ofhumancognition. Booij (2002:19-20; 2006:660) elaborates on this idea by distinguishing contextual inflection from inherent inflection. This distinction supports the distinction between the participle form and the PC form of the verb. The PC form of the verb correlates fully with contextual inflection, whereas the participle form correlates fully with inherent inflection. This finer distinction is also compatible with Langacker's (1987:145; 2008:119-120) view that the participle shows an intermediatecharacter thatissituatedsomewherebetween processes and atemporal relations. From the view of a cognitive descriptive framework, the participle form and the PC form of the verb are compared on both the phonological and the semantic poles. Since the present participle form of the verb cannot be confused with the PC form of the verb, the comparison is made specificallybetween the past participleform (a) and the PCform(b)ofthe verb. (a) Afrikaans ge- kook - te eier PTCP- boil- PTCP egg “boiled egg” (b) Afrikaans Ek het . eier ge- kook. I AUX an egg PST- boil. "boiled an egg." On the phonological pole, the past participle form of the verb is often used in syntactic constructions with a copula verb, while the PC form of the verb in past tense constructions is always used with the auxiliary het, and with word/is in passive constructions. Furthermore, the word final -d/-t deletion rule in Afrikaans is complete in the PC form, but not in the participle form. This implies that the PC forms of the verb are never formed by the ambifix ge-V-d/-t (like the participle form) but only with the prefix ge-V. The difference on both the phonological and semantic poles is clear when a prototypical construction schema of a participle form (c) is compared to that of a PC form (d) by making use of the formalism of construction morphology (Booij 2010a:28). (c) [ge [V]i d/t]A¡↔ [completed state of SEMi ].j [PTCP [V]i PTCP]Aj ↔[completed state of SEM ]. (d) [ge [V]v j ↔ [PST 'of SEMi ].j [PST [V]i]Vj ↔ [PST of SEMi ]. Although the morphological structure ofthe various forms differs, they are often seen as the same form because the participle form is often used without the -d/-t It is, however, only when the past participle is used pre-nominally that the -d/-t is realised. Yet, examples exist of past participle forms where the use of the -d is compulsory and they are key in the distinction between the different verb forms. In (e), (f) and (g) the English form of the verb is consistently confused. That is not the case with Afrikaans. In Afrikaans, the PC forms in the past tense (e) and passive (f) would be ungrammatical if -d was used, and (g) would have a different meaning without the -d - i.e. that someone confused the speaker and not that the speaker experienced confusion. (e) JD se notas het my verwar. JD's notes confused me. (f) Ek word maklik deur JD se notas verwar. I am easily confused by JD's notes. (g) Ek is só verward vandag. I am so confused today. On the semantic pole, diagrammatic illustrations are presented to demonstrate the difference between the semantic characterisations of the participle form and the passive form of the verb. Both these forms have process bases that are transformed to atemporal relations as a result of summative scanning. Another similarity is the reversed trajectory-landmark organisation. The difference, though, is that the participle form only profiles the final state of the process, while the passive form profiles all the states of the process as they unfold. Adding to this difference, the passive form of the verb needs the auxiliary as another component structure in the resulting composite structure of the passive construction where the auxiliary (word/is) retemporalises the specific content of the passive form (Langacker 2008:125). The participle form and the past tense form of the verb are also distinguished on the semantic pole. Afrikaans does not have the same perfect construction as Dutch or English. When one needs to express a perfect aspectual contour in Afrikaans, one has to make use of adverbs. The past tense construction in Afrikaans (het + ge-V) originated from the Dutch perfect construction and developed into an exclusive tempus marker (Ponelis 1993; Conradie 1999). Consequently, the past tense construction in Afrikaans is a fixed, conventional unit that includes the construction as a whole: auxiliary + past tense form of the verb. The construction marks the verb as preceding the moment of speech. <![CDATA[<b>Factors that determine the omission of the Afrikaans complementiser <em>dat</em> "that"</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die stelbysin in geskrewe Afrikaans vertoon twee variante. Die onderskikker dat word saam met afhanklike woordorde (SXV) gebruik in die een vorm, terwyl die ander vorm sonder die onderskikker voorkom en hoofsinwoordorde (SVX) gebruik. In hierdie artikel word die korpuslinguistiek as metode gebruik om ondersoek in te stel na die faktore wat verband hou met die keuse tussen die twee variante. 'n Analise van die Taalkommissiekorpus dui daarop dat die werkwoord van die hoofsin veral deurslaggewend is vir die keuse. Werkwoorde met 'n algemene betekenis wat met hoë frekwensie voorkom word eerder saam met die stelbysin sonder 'n onderskikker gebruik, terwyl werkwoorde met 'n meer spesifieke betekenis en dikwels laer frekwensie kombineer met die stelbysin wat 'n eksplisiete onderskikker bevat. Verder speel die register van tekste 'n rol, deurdat meer formele registers eerder die variant met dat verkies. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat die vorm sonder dat geassosieer word met hoër tematiese prominensie vir die stelbysin, terwyl die vorm met dat die prominensie verskuif na die hoofsin.<hr/>Verb complement clauses in written Afrikaans have two formal variants. One form has an overt complementiser dat "that", followed by dependent word order (dat+SXV), while the other form has no complementiser and independent word order (0+SVX). Previous research on Afrikaans has not yielded conclusive findings about the factors that influence the choice between the variants, although the factors conditioning the alternation have been studied extensively in English and German. Based on that research, a number ofpotential conditioning factors are identified, which relate to the syntactic complexity of the main clause (its subject, modification of tense and modality features of the main verb, passivisation, negation or additional modifiers between the main clause and the complement clause); the semantics, lexical choice and frequency of the verb of the main clause; and the formality of the register. This article adopts corpus linguistics as method to determine which factors best predict the choice between the variants. The data are drawn from the Taalkommissiekorpus ("Corpus of the Language Commission"), which is a 57 million word corpus of contemporary written Afrikaans. A sample of 10 084 instances of the declarative complement clause were extracted from the corpus by using 104 different verb lemmas (see Appendix A) as extraction terms. These were classified manually for their complementation pattern, and all the potential features identified as potential conditioning factors in the literature review were annotated for every valid instance in the sample. The classified data were then subjected to decision tree modelling, to yield a classification tree that identifies the most important factors related to the choice between the two variants of the declarative complement construction in Afrikaans. The results indicate that the verb of the main clause is the most important factor. A few very general verbs with high frequency, such as sê "say", weet "know" and dink "think" are strongly associated with the variant Ø+SVX. Verbs that are more specific in their meaning and less frequent tend to take the variant dat+SXV In addition, register is an important conditioning factor for verbs that allow combination with both variants. More formal registers, such as academic writing, study guides and published popular books are more likely to make use of the variant dat+SXV, while the less formal registers of newspapers, magazines and fiction make more frequent use of the variant without a complementiser (Ø+SVX). The findings are interpreted as support for the view that thematic prominence is the underlying force behind the variability. When the main clause is very general and low in informativity, the most prominent information is contained in the complement clause, which is therefore presented without an overt complementiser and with main clause word order (0+SVX). However, when the main clause is thematically prominent, carries a higher information load, and demands the attention of the reader, the complement clause is overtly marked as subordinate by means of an overt complementiser and the use of dependent word order (dat+SXV). <![CDATA[<b>On lexical preferences in the alternation between the <i>skoon bysin </i>"bare complement clause" and the <i>dat-bysin </i>"<i>that</i>-complement clause": A distinctive collexeme analysis</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Het is bekend dat de variatie in het hedendaagse Afrikaans tussen (i) de complementzin met bijzinsvolgorde en het onderschikkend voegwoord dat en (ii) de zgn. "skoon bysin" zonder voegwoord en met hoofdzinsvolgorde onder meer bepaald wordt door lexicale factoren: de skoon bysin zou vooral voorkomen na matrixzinnen met sê, dink, glo, hoop of een ander (hoog frequent) werkwoord van communicatie of cognitie (zie bv. Malherbe 1966; Feinauer 1990; Bosch 1999). Empirisch onderzoek naar de lexicale voorkeuren van allerlei matrixwerkwoorden voor deze of gene constructie is echter nog nauwelijks voorhanden. In deze bijdrage wordt aan de hand van een distinctieve collexeemanalyse (Gries & Stefanowitsch 2004) nagegaan welke werkwoorden een significante voorkeur vertonen voor de dat-bijzin dan wel de skoon bysin in een corpus hedendaags journalistiek taalgebruik. We vergelijken de resultaten met de bevindingen van Van Rooy & Kruger (2016) en formuleren enkele voorzichtige conclusies over de semantische subtypes van werkwoorden die wel en niet worden aangetrokken tot de constructie met een skoon bysin.<hr/>It is well-known that the alternation in current Afrikaans between (i) the complement clause with dependent word order and an overt complementiser dat ("that"), and the so-called skoon bysin "bare complement clause" without an overt complementiser and with independent word order is determined inter alia by lexical factors. The bare complement clause is said to occur particularly after main clauses with sê ("say"), dink ("think"), glo ("believe") and similar high-frequency verbs. However, not much empirical research into the preferences of various matrix verbs for the one or the other construction has been done. This article is aimed at identifying, by means of a distinctive collexeme analysis (Gries & Stefanowitsch 2004), the verbs that show a significant preference for either the dat-complement clause or the bare complement clause in a corpus of general journalistic text. We selected 180 test verbs: 76 verbs were taken from Braeckeveldt (2013) and 104 verbs were added to this corpus, mainly from Van Rooy and Kruger (2016). These verbs were all manually analysed and the observed frequencies extrapolated, using all available articles of Die Burger for the period 02/01/2003 to 01/05/2003, in total 6,3 million words. We identified 27 distinctive collexemes for the bare complement clause, i.e. verbs which show a significantly above-average preference for this construction, vs. 59 distinctive collexemes for the dat-complement clause. When we compare the results ofthe collexeme analysis with thefindings of Van Rooy and Kruger (2016) on the effect of the variable matrix verb, the similarities are greater than the differences. This indicates that the lexical preferences of verbs are quite solid: generally the same verbs are attracted to either the bare complement clause or the dat-clause in different corpora of present-day written Afrikaans. Distinctive collexeme analysis can be seen as an exploratory technique that can yield hypotheses about the semantic variables potentially playing a role in a specific alternation. The results from the quantitative analysis allow for a number of generalisations about the semantic sub-types of verbs attracted towards the bare complement clause or towards the dat-clause. For instance, causative matrix verbs consistently show a strong preference for the dat-clause: five of the ten most distinctive dat-collexemes belong to this type (sorg ("provide"), veroorsaak ("cause"), toelaat ("allow"), meebring ("cause/involve"), keer ("prevent")). The distinctive collexemesof the bare complement clause, by contrast, almost all belong to the semantic classes of verbs of communication (e.g. sê ("say"), vertel ("tell"), laat weet ("let know")) and, especially, verbs of cognition (e.g. dink ("think"), glo ("believe"), meen ("think", "mean"), besef ("realise"), weet ("know")), including the closely related sub-class ofverbs ofperception (sien ("see"), hoor ("hear"), voel ("feel")). With this article, we wanted to present empirical data on the lexical preferences of a large and heterogeneous set of matrix verbs for either the bare complement clause or the dat-clause, with a view to refining existing views on the exact kinds of verbs attracted to both constructions, and, hence, on the semantic variables that can be included in multifactorial work on the alternation in question. In future research, it would also be interesting to compare the semantic variables co-determining the alternation in Afrikaans to those that potentially play a role in other (Germanic) languages with an alternation between "ordinary" complement clauses and complement clauses displaying main clause characteristics such as different word order and/or the absence of a complementiser (e.g. English, German, Danish). <![CDATA[<b>Neoliberalism, "Empire" and global violence</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die huidige tyd is een van eindelose, ofskoon sporadiese, gewapende globale geweld, soos duidelik uit internasionale nuusberigte in die media blyk. Sodanige geweld, hetsy as deel van die "oorlog teen terreur", of tussen regeringsmagte en rebellemagte in verskeie wêrelddele, vind onder die huidige hegemoniese orde van neoliberale kapitalisme plaas, waar ekonomiese en politieke mag saamsmelt tot wat Hardt en Negri die "kapitalistiese orde" van "Imperium" noem. Binne laasgenoemde orde word militêre handeling toenemend volgens hierdie denkers as "polisiëring" verstaan, ofskoon dit gewoonlik met gewelddadige konflik gepaardgaan. Ter beantwoording van die vraag, of "oorlog" vandag nog dieselfde betekenis dra as in vroeër tye, onderneem die artikel 'n vergelykende historiese ondersoek van hierdie toedrag van sake, en poog vervolgens om die vraag te beantwoord, naamlik, hoe sodanige globale geweld aan die hand van die psigoanalities-teoretiese begrip van "aggressiwiteit" as moontlikheidsvoorwaarde van aggressie of geweld verstaan kan word. Lacan se teorie van die subjek, asook sy diskoersteorie, word saam met Derrida se interpretasie van die gebeurtenis van 9/11 benut om die voorgestelde interpretasie uit te voer.<hr/>The present is a time of endless, albeit sporadic violence or armed conflict globally. This is abundantly evident in news programmes on international television channels such as CNN, Sky News or Al Jazeera, as well as in newspapers. Such armed conflict, whether as part of "the war on terror", or between government forces and rebels challenging such governments in different parts of the world (for example in Syria), is happening under the regime of the currently hegemonic economic order, namely neoliberal capitalism, where political power and economic power are increasingly fused into what Hardt and Negri (2001:9) describe as "a properly capitalist order". No doubt representatives of the world's dominant states would justify such (particularly military) violence as being necessitated by the requirements for global peacekeeping, or by "terrorist" attempts to undermine the "forces of law and order". The fact remains, however, that military action, even if conceived of, according to Hardt and Negri in Empire, as international "policing", is invariably accompanied by violent conflict. What would a comparative historical investigation into this state of affairs bring to light, and if understood as "aggressive" acts, would the violence uncovered by such an account lend itself to a psychoanalytic-theoretical interpretation in terms of "aggressivity" as condition of the possibility of aggression? An attempt to answer these questions in an exploratory manner is undertaken here. In light of the military character of global armed conflict today, one might ask whether "war" still means the same thing as in former eras, for example during the time of the two World Wars of the 20th century. Hardt and Negri's work in this regard is instructive - they call the present the age of "Empire", which means the emergence of a novel, supranational force at various levels, including the political, juridical, technological, economic and cultural. In Multitude - War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2006), the sequel to Empire (2001), they elaborate on the changed meaning of war in the present age, compared to what it meant in the modern age (namely, legal and "legitimate" state violence), to the point where it "tends toward the absolute" (2006:18) in the sense that it has become the rule, rather than the exception. They claim that this global condition has to be addressed first, before a global democracy can be conceived at all. The Thirty-Years (German-European) War of the 17th century is seen by them as marking the transition from a medieval conception of war to a distinctly modern concept, which introduces the notion of the sovereign nation state. For them, the attacks on the Pentagon and on the World Trade Centre in New York on September 11, 2001, on the other hand, marked the symbolic transition from a modern to a postmodern notion of war. While warfare in the modern era was conceived of as a matter of armed struggle between two or more sovereign nation states, and was known as "conventional warfare" (Hardt & Negri 2006:3-6), the idea of civil war applied where intra-national, armed conflict erupted. Today, however, Hardt and Negri (2006:12-14) claim, war is no longer what it was in modern terms. There is no longer clearly recognizable differences between the role of the military and police functions, with the result that one increasingly witnesses military personnel executing "police" missions aimed at "keeping the peace" in global political space. In other words, they assert, modern warfare between sovereign states is no longer the reigning paradigm; war has become a pervasive condition in the postmodern era of globalization, and it has increasingly assumed the guise of global civil war, if the latter means military, armed conflict between different groups within the "same" (previously sovereign national, but now increasingly sovereign, inter- and even supra-national, neoliberal, globalised) space. Given the crucial role played by images - including images of violence - in the distinctive media-oriented or "informatised" character of contemporary society (Hardt & Negri 2001:280-289; 297-300; 322-323), Lacanian psychoanalysis presents itself as an appropriate theory for understanding global violence. In Lacanian terms, images play a crucial role regarding aggressivity, which is the condition of the possibility of violence or actual aggression (Evans 1996:534). Lacan 's early work on the family complexes (Lee 1990:13-17), the mirror stage and on aggressivity (Lacan 1977 and 1977a) therefore proves to be helpful in making sense of the conditions of pervasive, image-related violence in global neoliberal space today. Aggressivity towards others is in the first place aggressivity towards oneself in the guise of the misleadingly unified (mirror-) image, ambivalently experienced as being oneself and as being "other" simultaneously (Olivier 2009). This "otherness" is transferred to other individuals (or collectively, the "image" of other nations or groups) in various social relations, and forms the basis for rivalry and aggressivity as the condition ofviolence. Seen through the lens of Lacan 's theory of imaginary identification and aggressivity, the attacks of September 11, 2001, on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in the United States display the same pattern of identification with an (ideological) image of spurious unity, which simultaneously attracts and alienates, concomitantly engendering aggressive rivalry with the "other" in oneself as well as in others. A closer psychoanalytical look at 9/11, the event referred to by Hardt and Negri as marking a symbolic transition between "modern" war and "postmodern" war, and one in which images in global media space played a crucial role, yields interesting insights, therefore, particularly when combined with Derrida's (2003) analysis of the event. He shows that a network of mutually reinforcing agencies, including the media, technoscience, as well as military, economic and diplomatic institutions, produced what subsequently became known as 9/11. This incident first became visible as "event" in its constituent mediatised forms after having been beamed through the "prism" of language, dominant discourses, images, media and communication channels. Hence the name, 9/11, within which the image of the imploding towers has been inscribed, has become a site of identification in globalized space, dominated by the forces of Empire. The logic of identification and rivalry, accompanied by aggressivity, is inseparable from such an identification process in light of what the image signifies, and one can therefore conclude that such rivalry and aggression, or violence (engendered by latent aggressivity) is playing itself out globally between the forces ofEmpire and those agencies that oppose them. David Pavón-Cuéllar 's (2010:284-285) Lacanian discourse-analytical perspective helps one understand this as "symbolic" (as opposed to directly "physical") violence insofar as discourse must, of necessity, "kill" the real being of subjects. (Recall that, for Lacan, the signifier always "kills" the "real", or that which surpasses symbolisation.) Hence, in addition to the people who died in the collapse of the twin towers, at the level of the Lacanian "real", the subjects who have articulated their resistance to the hegemony of the capitalist states comprising Empire (not only in language, but through the work and suffering of their bodies), are repeatedly "killed" by the master's discourse emanating from the reactionary reassertion of global power in the wake of 9/11. <![CDATA[<b>"Koos says..." : A critical discourse analysis of the meta-capital of a prominent South African media tycoon</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hierdie artikel onderneem 'n kritiese diskoersanalise van die openbare uitsprake van die Afrikaanse mediamagnaat Koos Bekker van Naspers-faam, sodat die diskursiewe magsverhoudings waarbinne hy hom bevind duideliker omskryf kan word. Behalwe dat Bekker baie media-blootstelling gekry het, het hy die afgelope dekade of meer ook verskeie meningsartikels tot die koerante van Naspers bygedra, en die argument is dat hy as 'n invloedryke meningsvormer (die draer van "meta-kapitaal" in n Bourdieuaanse sin) in die samelewing funksioneer. In dié verband verwys die artikel na die diskoersteorie van Foucault en Bourdieu se vergelykbare teorieë oor die verband tussen taalgebruik en magsuitoefening. Daaruit vloei die metodiek van kritiese diskoersanalise, wat na aanleiding van die werk van Fairclough en Van Dijk hier op drie vlakke - teks, konteks van produksie, en samelewingskonteks - geskied. Die bevinding van die artikel is onder meer dat Bekker se komplekse posisionering ten opsigte van Afrikaans en Afrikaners gekenmerk word deur 'n identifisering met wit en bruin Afrikaanse jeugdiges, maar dat hy minder begrip vertoon vir die ouer geslag wit Afrikaners. Bekker beklemtoon ook gereeld die positiewe aspekte van kulturele inklusiwiteit en diversiteit, en is oor die algemeen optimisties, maar by tye ook skerp krities oor die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Sy skryfstyl, keuse van onderwerpe en publikasieplatforms getuig van strategiese berekendheid.<hr/>This article, "Koos says...": A critical discourse analysis of the meta-capital of a prominent South African media tycoon, engages the public statements of Koos Bekker, CEO of Africa's largest media company, Naspers. Bekker is renowned as a visionary entrepreneur and has made a personal fortune in the process of taking Naspers from a national and rather sectarian print-based media company to an international digital television and e-commerce concern. The aim of the article is to analyse and describe the discursive power relations in which Bekker is situated. In the last few decades, Bekker received much media coverage, and also contributed a number of opinion pieces to the newspapers owned by Naspers. The argument here is that he functions as an opinion leader by virtue of his influence and standing in the field of business, and the "meta-capital" (Bourdieu & Wacquant 1992; Couldry 2003) it affords him - in part due to media access and exposure -across other fields in society. In this regard the article refers to the discourse theory of Michel Foucault and the comparable work of Pierre Bourdieu on the link between language and power. According to this view, language is the medium of construction and circulation of knowledge/power in society. Those who have access to the media, are able to influence the construction of readers' reality. Flowing from this theoretical framework is the methodology of critical discourse analysis, as it was developed by Norman Fairclough and Teun van Dijk. Thus the analysis takes place on three levels - text, context of production, and the larger context of society. The analysis focused on a number of selected articles, in the main interviews with or opinion pieces written by Bekker, in which he commented on issues outside his primary field of interest, Naspers and the media. The following eight discursive themes emerged: (Koos Bekker as) supporter of Darwinian evolution theory, critical patriot, champion for Afrikaans, critic of some Afrikaners, honorary Chinese citizen, strategic opinion leader, informed casual writer, and youth "worshipper". It was noted that Bekker occasionally moved close to institutional power, for example as a member of the Board of Stellenbosch University, and the Bid and Local Organising Committee of the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup. Interestingly, on at least two occasions Bekker engaged critically with the views of two former National Party ministers, Naspers'former allies, in opinion pieces. In the first instance Bekker displayed relative conservative views on the maintenance of Afrikaans at South African universities, and in the second case he argued against conservative Afrikaners who tried to stop Stellenbosch University from awarding an honorary doctorate to deceased (Afrikaner Communist) freedom fighter Bram Fischer. Thus, the CDA found that Bekker displayed a complex positioning towards Afrikaans and Afrikaners. On the one hand he clearly identified with "white" and "brown" Afrikaans speakers of a younger generation. His argument was that they should not be blamed for the "sins" of apartheid because they were born after the fact. But Bekker had far less empathy for the older generation of white Afrikaners. He identified two "types", on the one hand those who had become bitter and reactionary about the loss of political power, and on the other those who had resigned themselves to an inferior position for their language and culture. Writing in English for a wider audience on some occasions, Bekker emphasised South African inclusiveness and diversity as the key to unlocking the potential of the country. He was generally optimistic about the "new" South Africa, but also cautioned against tendencies such as "cader deployment" and a devisive polarisation between black and white. It is argued in closing that his informed style and rhetoric displayed a sense of careful and strategic planning, dressed down by seeming nonchalance and a deliberate informal approach. <![CDATA[<b>Schreiner vs Joubert: Their innovating role in the South African literary system</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die doel van hierdie artikel is om die wedersydse werking tussen literatuur en die samelewing te illustreer aan die hand van twee konkrete literêre voorbeelde. Daar word in hierdie verband gekyk na die invloed van die maatskappy op dit waaroor hierdie gekose skrywers op 'n gegewe moment skryf en die invloed van die sosiopolitieke omstandighede op die beoordeling van sodanige tekste. Binne die literêr-sistemiese benadering wat hier gevolg word, met die aanname dat die literêre teks slegs een (hoewel belangrike) aspek is van 'n literêre sisteem, word ook gekyk of die tekste en die ontvangs daarvan weer 'n uitwerking het op die maatskappy/sosiale of sosiopolitieke omgewing waaroor daar geskryf is. Die werk van twee alombekende Suid-Afrikaanse vroueskrywers, Olive Schreiner (1855-1920) en Elsa Joubert (1922-), spesifiek Schreiner se teks, The Story of an African Farm (1883), en Joubert se baanbrekende roman, Die swerfjare van Poppie Nongena (1978), word gebruik om hierdie resepsie-ondersoek1 te loods. Daarom is die fokus ook op die ontvangs van hierdie tekste deur hekwagters2 in die literêre veld3 tydens die onderskeie resepsie-periodes.4 Daar word tot die slotsom gekom dat beide skrywers onderskeidelik met elk van hierdie romans literêre verwagtings deurbreek het, literêre vernuwing gebring het, en naas literêre waardering, ook erkenning gekry het van 'n breër (lesers)publiek. Ten slotte word op η vergelykende wyse aangedui hoe hierdie literêre normdeurbreking nie net bygedra het tot vernuwing van die afsonderlike literatuursisteme nie, maar ook die sosiopolitieke sfeer in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het.<hr/>This article is an illustration of the reciprocity between literature and society and their mutual interdependence. The underlying hypothesis is that literary texts are not a random selection but form part of a system. This (literary) system is a hypothesised construct, and owing to the internal relations there should be a hierarchical structure - which infers a competition as far as positions are concerned - and the system (although not necessarily hermetically closed) has a boundary. Critics stress the fact that a system should be described as interdependent rather than merely interconnected or interwoven and that the interdependence of entities within the system is the basic focus of systems theory. Cultural (or literary) systems are open systems because they cannot function in isolation and are dependent on their economic, political, etc. environment for their continuing existence and survival. A cultural field is for Bourdieu a representative social space of cultural activity where different hierarchically arranged institutions, rules, rituals, conventions, categories, etc. produce (and legitimize) discourses and activities. In his terminology a cultural field is a network of relations between groups and individuals that are in constant flux and in contestation for what he terms "capital" and the distribution thereof. The extent of power that belongs to any said individual is determined by his or her position within the field and the capital that he or she owns. According to Bourdieu the field of power is divided between competing groups and polarised between the holders of economic and political power, who are dominant over all, and the holders of "cultural capital", who are structurally subordinate, but with the (symbolic) power to legitimize or discredit the dominant group. In this article it is illustrated that the two exemplary texts, A story of an African Farm, 1883 (by Olive Schreiner) and Die swerfjare van Poppie Nongena, 1978 (by Elsa Joubert) indeed deeply influenced the political field in South Africa. Both novels are seminal texts in the canon of South African literature and both focus on the plight of women. Where Schreiner 's text is mainly concerned with male domination, Joubert's text also focusses on racial domination. And both novels make a strong case for a feministic consciousness. In this article society is seen as the starting point, that which is represented by both auhors, that which influences the reception of both novels and that which in the final analysis is deeply influenced by the novels. This inter-connectedness of texts, authors, publishers and reviewers is a central thesis of all systems-related theories: Even-Zohar (1990:43-44) defines a producer as groups or social communities engaged in the production of "products" which can be "an utterance, a text, an artifact, an edifice, an 'image ' or an 'event'". The production of these "cultural items" is closely linked to what he calls reportorium, "the aggregate of rules and materials which govern both the making and handling or production and consumption of any given product" (p. 39), the "shared knowledge necessary for producing (and understanding) a 'text'" (p.40). This article focusses on the reception¹ of the two novels by gate keepers² in the Literary Field³ within the specific periods4. The conclusion is that both novels can be seen as watershed-novels due to the fact that they transgressed the horizon of expectation (Jauss), that they were norm-breaking novels that brought about fundamental literary innovation and enjoyed a great deal of recognition, not only by literary critics but by society at large. In conclusion, a comparative approach reveals that literary transgression of norms not only fundamentally changes and enhances literary systems, but also society at large. <![CDATA[<b>The First World War as factor in the South African entry into the international community</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die doel van hierdie artikel is om die wedersydse werking tussen literatuur en die samelewing te illustreer aan die hand van twee konkrete literêre voorbeelde. Daar word in hierdie verband gekyk na die invloed van die maatskappy op dit waaroor hierdie gekose skrywers op 'n gegewe moment skryf en die invloed van die sosiopolitieke omstandighede op die beoordeling van sodanige tekste. Binne die literêr-sistemiese benadering wat hier gevolg word, met die aanname dat die literêre teks slegs een (hoewel belangrike) aspek is van 'n literêre sisteem, word ook gekyk of die tekste en die ontvangs daarvan weer 'n uitwerking het op die maatskappy/sosiale of sosiopolitieke omgewing waaroor daar geskryf is. Die werk van twee alombekende Suid-Afrikaanse vroueskrywers, Olive Schreiner (1855-1920) en Elsa Joubert (1922-), spesifiek Schreiner se teks, The Story of an African Farm (1883), en Joubert se baanbrekende roman, Die swerfjare van Poppie Nongena (1978), word gebruik om hierdie resepsie-ondersoek1 te loods. Daarom is die fokus ook op die ontvangs van hierdie tekste deur hekwagters2 in die literêre veld3 tydens die onderskeie resepsie-periodes.4 Daar word tot die slotsom gekom dat beide skrywers onderskeidelik met elk van hierdie romans literêre verwagtings deurbreek het, literêre vernuwing gebring het, en naas literêre waardering, ook erkenning gekry het van 'n breër (lesers)publiek. Ten slotte word op η vergelykende wyse aangedui hoe hierdie literêre normdeurbreking nie net bygedra het tot vernuwing van die afsonderlike literatuursisteme nie, maar ook die sosiopolitieke sfeer in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het.<hr/>This article is an illustration of the reciprocity between literature and society and their mutual interdependence. The underlying hypothesis is that literary texts are not a random selection but form part of a system. This (literary) system is a hypothesised construct, and owing to the internal relations there should be a hierarchical structure - which infers a competition as far as positions are concerned - and the system (although not necessarily hermetically closed) has a boundary. Critics stress the fact that a system should be described as interdependent rather than merely interconnected or interwoven and that the interdependence of entities within the system is the basic focus of systems theory. Cultural (or literary) systems are open systems because they cannot function in isolation and are dependent on their economic, political, etc. environment for their continuing existence and survival. A cultural field is for Bourdieu a representative social space of cultural activity where different hierarchically arranged institutions, rules, rituals, conventions, categories, etc. produce (and legitimize) discourses and activities. In his terminology a cultural field is a network of relations between groups and individuals that are in constant flux and in contestation for what he terms "capital" and the distribution thereof. The extent of power that belongs to any said individual is determined by his or her position within the field and the capital that he or she owns. According to Bourdieu the field of power is divided between competing groups and polarised between the holders of economic and political power, who are dominant over all, and the holders of "cultural capital", who are structurally subordinate, but with the (symbolic) power to legitimize or discredit the dominant group. In this article it is illustrated that the two exemplary texts, A story of an African Farm, 1883 (by Olive Schreiner) and Die swerfjare van Poppie Nongena, 1978 (by Elsa Joubert) indeed deeply influenced the political field in South Africa. Both novels are seminal texts in the canon of South African literature and both focus on the plight of women. Where Schreiner 's text is mainly concerned with male domination, Joubert's text also focusses on racial domination. And both novels make a strong case for a feministic consciousness. In this article society is seen as the starting point, that which is represented by both auhors, that which influences the reception of both novels and that which in the final analysis is deeply influenced by the novels. This inter-connectedness of texts, authors, publishers and reviewers is a central thesis of all systems-related theories: Even-Zohar (1990:43-44) defines a producer as groups or social communities engaged in the production of "products" which can be "an utterance, a text, an artifact, an edifice, an 'image ' or an 'event'". The production of these "cultural items" is closely linked to what he calls reportorium, "the aggregate of rules and materials which govern both the making and handling or production and consumption of any given product" (p. 39), the "shared knowledge necessary for producing (and understanding) a 'text'" (p.40). This article focusses on the reception¹ of the two novels by gate keepers² in the Literary Field³ within the specific periods4. The conclusion is that both novels can be seen as watershed-novels due to the fact that they transgressed the horizon of expectation (Jauss), that they were norm-breaking novels that brought about fundamental literary innovation and enjoyed a great deal of recognition, not only by literary critics but by society at large. In conclusion, a comparative approach reveals that literary transgression of norms not only fundamentally changes and enhances literary systems, but also society at large. <![CDATA[<b>Student learning engagement at a private higher education institution</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Voorgraadse residensiële studente in Suid-Afrika se studie- en leerbehoeftes verskil beduidend van dié van vorige geslagte. Dit blyk duidelik uit die onlangse studente-onrus oor aangeleenthede soos studie-bekostigbaarheid, studente-toegang tot hoër onderwys en die leermodusse in hoër onderwys. Nuwe leerbehoeftes hou ook verband met aspekte soos tegnologiese geletterdheid, onmiddellike behoeftebevrediging, die beskikbaarheid van kennisbronne, studente se sosiale aspirasies en -verbintenisse, hul self-gesentreerdheid asook die mate van studentebetrokkenheid by onderrig- en leersituasies. Hierdie navorsingsprojek se eerste doel was om te bepaal wat die leerbehoeftes van 'n groep studente aan 'n gekose privaat hoëronderwysinstelling is; tweedens is gepoog om vas te stel hoe betrokke hierdie groep studente, volgens hul eie waarneming en dié van hul dosente, by leersituasies is en derdens, wat gedoen kan word om leerbetrokkenheid te bevorder en derhalwe studente se potensiaal tot leersukses te verhoog. Deur 'n gemengde-metode navorsingsontwerp en deelname van die studente en dosente, maak die ondersoek drie hoofbevindings: Eerstens dat veranderende leerbehoetes van huidige studente in privaat hoëronderwys deeglik besef en erken word. Tweedens dat sodanige studente hul betrokkenheid by leer deurgaans as belangrik beskou, maar dat voldoende leergeleenthede enersyds moontlik nie optimaal deur die instelling geskep word nie, of andersyds, waar dit wel geskep word, dit nie optimaal benut word nie. Derdens blyk dit dat studente in privaat hoëronderwys bepaalde leerbehoeftes het wat, indien dit bevredig word, kan bydra tot groter leerbetrokkenheid. Die bevindinge dui ook op implikasies vir dosente aan hierdie tipe instellings om beter vir 'n nuwe generasie studente se leerbehoeftes voorsiening te maak.<hr/>Student engagement happens when students make a psychological investment in their own learning. They put much effort into learning opportunities that are offered and take pride not simply in earning the formal indicators of success (marks and grades), but in understanding what they learn and incorporating or internalising it in their lives. Since student dropout rates in South Africa are high, student engagement is increasingly seen as an indicator of successful teaching and learning in higher education. Students are considered to be engaged in their own learning when they are involved in their work, persist despite challenges and obstacles, and take visible delight in accomplishing their work. The term also refers to a student's willingness, need, desire and compulsion to participate in, and be successful in, the learning process promoting higher level thinking for enduring understanding. Sometimes student engagement can be seen as an ambiguous term that can be used to recognise the complexity of engagement beyond the fragmented domains of cognition, behaviour, emotion or affect, and in doing so encompass the historically situated individual within their contextual variables such as personal and institutional circumstances and contexts. It can thus be said that engaged students do not only refer to engagement at the personal, but also at the institutional level, whether it represents in-class or out-of-class learning. Currently, many higher education institutions in South Africa are experiencing times of student-related turbulence and trouble. This situation emphasises the significant responsibilities the higher education system and its institutions have towards their current and future students. Such responsibilities include the obligation to provide an evolving workforce with affordable relevant knowledge and skills to become responsible employees, entrepreneurs, leaders and citizens. It thus seems important that higher education institutions promote conditions conducive to students' study success. The relationship between study success and students' engagement in their own learning has been well researched and authors have indicated its importance within many higher education contexts. What seems clear is that classroom teaching on its own and the transfer of information do not necessarily lead to study success and thus the emphasis is increasingly placed on student learning activities and a variety of learning opportunities; this includes out of class learning. Such a new emphasis has much to do with the characteristics of the modern-day student or the so-called "new generation" of students. The literature contains numerous indications that the current generation of students in higher education is very different from past generations. This difference is especially noticeable when one considers aspects such as students' informed use of technological advancements, their need for instant gratification, the vast proliferation of information and its availability, students ' social habits and the way they engage with learning. In this study the first aim was to gauge the need for student engagement at a selected small private higher education institution by involving all its current students and teaching staff in the research. The results were institution based and cannot necessarily be generalised to public higher education institutions. A second aim was to determine, according to their own opinions as well as those of their educators, the extent of students ' engagement at the said private higher education institution. The third and final aim was to ascertain how students can become more engaged in their own learning and how this may relate to increased student study success. A mixed-methods research design was employed to generate relevant questionnaire and interview data from students and lecturers. Three clear findings emerged: Firstly, changes in the characteristics and learning needs of students, also in private higher education, are real and require promiment attention; secondly, students in private higher education consider learning engagement important and require more and varied opportunities towards such engagement; lastly, the study established that private higher education students are more engaged in their own learning if their specific learning needs are met, indicating to educators in South African private higher education, but also elsewhere, that better provision should be made for the diverse needs of the current student body, particularly in terms of social and technological needs. Findings also point to possibilities for further relevant research on how to strengthen students ' learning engagement. <![CDATA[<b>The influence of biographical factors on care in school leadership</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die ervaring van sorg in skoolleierskap het h invloed op opvoeders se werksbevrediging asook hul belewing van die gehalte van werkslewe. Die sorgsaamheid van die skoolhoof kan die effektiwiteit en werkverrigting van opvoeders in die onderrig- en leersituasie verhoog, wat weer die effektiwiteit van die skool as organisasie kan verhoog. Hierdie navorsing het gewentel om die vraag: Watter invloed het sekere biografiese faktore op die gee van sorg deur skoolhoofde en die ervaar daarvan deur die opvoeders? Die navorsing is uitgevoer in die vorm van h opname wat gedoen is onder h steekproef skoolhoofde en opvoeders in die Noordwes-Provinsie. Die resultate toon dat skoolhoofde uit voorheen bevoordeelde groepe hulle in h groter mate as sorgsaam evalueer as voorheen benadeelde skoolhoofde. Oor die algemeen beskou skoolhoofde uit voorheen bevoordeelde groepe hulleself ook as meer sorgsaam jeens opvoeders uit voorheen bevoordeelde groepe as teenoor opvoeders uit voorheen benadeelde groepe. Opvoeders uit voorheen benadeelde groepe ervaar self h mindere mate van sorg, veral ten opsigte van die werkplek-bepalers. Skoolhoofde behoort meer opleiding te ontvang in emosionele intelligensie en die ander psigologiese aspekte van sorg. Verder moet die Departement van Basiese Onderwys kennis neem van die nadelige invloed van gebrekkige infrastruktuur op die ervaring van sorg in voorheen benadeelde gebiede.<hr/>Experiencing of care in school leadership influences educators 'job satisfaction as well as their experience of the quality of work life. The principals' caring leadership can increase educators ' performance and effectiveness in the teaching and learning situation. This in turn increases the effectiveness of the school as an organisation. The absence of caring leadership in the school could firstly lead to a decrease in performance of educators. Secondly, it could lead to negative organisational relationships which could contribute to a negative school climate. It could thirdly contribute to lower levels of organisational (school) effectiveness and lastly to lower levels of commitment from educators. South African schools differ in terms of their cultural composition, race composition, gender composition as well as age and experience of educators and management in the school. These demographical aspects could potentially influence the school leaders' caregiving as well as educators ' experiences of care. The research was directed by the following question: What is the influence of biographical factors on the giving of care by school principals and experiencing thereof by educators? Care in school leadership entails the real interest of the school principal in the wellbeing of the educator, which manifests in empathy, sympathy and a commitment to the educator. Determinants of care in school leadership could be divided into three main categories, which include psychological determinants, workplace determinants and management determinants. The psychological determinants of care focus on educators ' experience of emotional care and include aspects such as emotional intelligence and demonstration of sympathy, empathy and interest in the educator as a person. Workplace determinants have to do with the physical working environment in which educators find themselves, which may include safety, security and resources. Management determinants address aspects such as communication, listening, empowerment, decision making and staff development. A quantitative research design in the form of a survey was used among a sample of principals and educators in the North-West Province. In total, 1 041 educators and 65 principals participated in the survey. Data were collected using the CSLQ (Caring school leadership Questionnaire). This is a standardised instrument with 59 items in a Likert scale format, which was specifically designed to measure the extent of care experienced by educators as well as the extent of care given by school principals. Data were analysed applying various statistical techniques, including descriptive and inferential statistics in the form of t-tests and ANNOVA's. The results showed that female principals, more experienced principals and principals with postgraduate qualifications rated themselves higher in the execution of their caring role towards educators than male principals, principals with less experience and principals having only a diploma. The results also showed that principals from previously disadvantaged groups rated themselves less caring than principals from previously advantaged groups. Principals in general saw themselves less caring towards educators from previously disadvantaged groups. From the results it emanated that educators younger than 30 years of age and educators with less than 5 years' teaching experience experienced more care from the principal than did older, more experienced educators. The results further showed that educators from previously disadvantaged groups experienced less care than educators from previously advantaged groups, specifically with regard to workplace determinants. Related to this, educators with principals from previously advantaged groups experienced more care than educators having principals from previously disadvantaged groups. Some of these results could be explained by and correlated with similar findings in the literature. There is, however, little explanation from literature regarding the role of race and cultural grouping with regard to both the giving and experiencing of care in school leadership. School leaders need more training in emotional intelligence and other aspects of psychological determinants of care. The department of Basic Education should take note of the negative impact of inadequate infrastructure and resources on the experience of care by educators from previously disadvantaged communities. The Department of Basic Education should honour its caring role toward schools in terms of providing adequate resources. Principals should be exposed to the development of emotional intelligence to address psychological aspects of care in a more understanding manner. This development should receive attention during formal professional training opportunities as well as in the personal development plan of school leaders. <![CDATA[<b>Looking for new perspectives on Mass and the Lord's Supper</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In opvolging van ’n historiese bydrae in hierdie tydskrif (Van der Walt 2015) van verskillende beskouinge oor die nagmaal gedurende die sestiende eeu, waarin op Bybels onverantwoordbare filosofiese invloede gewys is, wil hierdie artikel op ’n meer sistematiese wyse vanuit ’n Christelik-filosofiese benadering in die lig van die Skrif na nuwe perspektiewe op hierdie sakrament soek. Eers word sekere van die vroeëre beskouinge - wat vandag in baie opsigte na 500 jaar nog voortduur - verder filosofies geanaliseer, om daarteenoor die nodige korreksies vanuit ʼn nuwe visie te kan stel. In ’n vergelyking tussen die Roomse verstaan van die mis en die Gereformeerde kyk op die nagmaal word die aandag op ooreenkomste sowel as verskille gevestig. Dit blyk dat die Katolieke visie vanuit ’n synsfilosofie uitgaan, terwyl Gereformeerdes ’n antropologiese bewussynsfilosofie as vertrekpunt hanteer en dat beide vanuit h Bybels-georiënteerde, Reformatoriese filosofie bevraagteken kan word. Hierdie ondersoek loop dus uit op ’n herbesinning in die lig van wat Christus self by die instelling van hierdie sakrament gedoen en gesê het. Die nagmaal is, van menslike kant beskou, nie ’n ontiese of antropologies-verspiritualiseerde gebeure nie, maar van diep en omvattende religieuse aard. Soos wat ’n moeder nie net vir haar kind sê dat sy hom/haar liefhet nie, maar dit ook met ’n soen bevestig, getuig God van sy kant nie net in sy Woord van sy grenselose liefde nie, maar bevestig Hy dit ook met sy liefdeskus by die nagmaal.<hr/>This investigation provides a follow-up on a previous contribution in this journal (cf. Van der Walt, 2015) which, from a historical-philosophical point of view, dealt with four different sixteenth century views about Christ's presence at Mass and the Lord's Supper. In the present article, of a more systematic-reflective nature, an effort is made to arrive, from a Christian philosophical perspective, at some new perspectives on the celebration of this sacrament. Since the new can only be clearly stated by contrasting it to the old, the first main section compares the Catholic and Reformed views by indicating some of their major differences as well as similarities. One of the most important differences is that in the first (Catholic) viewpoint an explanation of Mass was attempted from a philosophy of being, while the second in its view on the Lord's Supper tended to employ an anthropological model in which either the intellect (Zwingli) or the emotions of the heart (Calvin) served as a key. The following four similarities are also identified, the first being that both groups tried to theorise and thus comprehend, albeit in different ways, the sacrament. However, in their use of biblically foreign philosophies to do so, the full meaning and power of this sacrament was narrowed and obscured. In their views on the sacrament a second similarity is evident between the Catholic distinction between nature and supernature (grace) and a similar Reformed distinction between a worldly and heavenly kingdom. The third similarity - reducing the meaning of the sacrament to either something bodily or spiritual - is that both groups of thinkers based their understanding on dichotomist anthropologies of body and soul/spirit. A fourth similarity is also evident, because both viewpoints contained (different) mystical tendencies. The second main section provides a more detailed analysis of the philosophical presuppositions of both viewpoints. Regarding the Catholic perspective, attention is given to the following: its philosophy of being, its distinction between a realm of nature and grace and its idea about substance. In the case of the Reformed viewpoint, critical reflection is focussed mainly upon its dichotomist anthropology, emphasising certain faculties of the soul or spirit in order to faithfully understand and be spiritually strengthened by the Lord's Supper. Against this spiritualising tendency the author prefers a holistic, biblically-oriented view of concepts like "soul", "spirit", "body", and "flesh". Since all these concepts indicate the whole human being from different perspectives, the entire wo/man partakes in the Lord's Supper. With this critical review of both Catholic and Reformed views in mind, the third main section outlines an attempt to arrive at a more biblically-sound perspective on the Lord's Supper. This is done by paying careful attention to what Christ Himself did and said when He fulfilled the promise ofthe Passover and introduced the first Holy Communion as recorded in Matthew 26:26-29, Mark 14:22-25, Luke 22:14-20, also referred to by Paul in 1 Corinthians 11:23-26. The fact that Christ did not only officiate at that ceremony but that He also explained its meaning, draws one's attention to the importance that Word and sacrament, in spite of their own distinct nature and purpose, should never be separated or the one regarded as more important than the other. A mother not only tells her child that she loves her/him, but confirms her words with a kiss. Likewise God's words of love in the Bible are confirmed by His kiss of love in the sacrament. We hear God's Word, but also see and taste the bread and wine. Christ's command "eat... and drink" should be regarded as a friendly invitation to participate in something very special. "This is My body... this is My blood" should not be interpreted literally but as symbolic language. Nor should these words be understood in a dichotomist way(referring to a separate bodily component of Christ's humanity) but indicating the sacrificial death of Christ as a full human being. The sacrament also did not strengthen his disciples merely spiritually, but promised the restoration of their full humanity, their total human existence. In Christ's request "do it in remembrance of Me", remembrance should not be understood as a mere rethinking or emotional experience of what He did in our place. Remembrance, for instance, not only tries to explain something, but also to consider its meaning; it is also not confined to the past, but encompasses past, present and future. Finally, attention is asked for Christ's words that the cup symbolises the new covenant. The biblical concept of a covenant is that God in his steadfast love takes the initiative to establish such a relationship, while man as a religious being has to respond in obedience to all God's ordinances, summarised in his law of love. This religious relationship is furthermore fundamental and encompassing, not to be confused with or confined to spiritual personal devotions or worship in church. After man's disobedience to this covenantal relationship, Christ established it anew. This glorious fact is commemorated at His Supper. Understood in the past in a more or less ontic or anthropological (e.g. intellectual or emotional) and therefore mystical way, the Lord's Supper may be viewed more appropriately as a very rich covenantal, religious feast of remembrance, encompassing every aspect of being human, celebrating God's incomprehensible love (Ephesians 3:18-19). <![CDATA[<b>The role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography: The Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die studie stel ondersoek in na die rol van die Universiteit Stellenbosch se Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands in die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse leksikografie te midde van 'n fel Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd in die wordingsjare van die Afrikaanse leksikografie. Daar word eerstens gefokus op die aanvang van die Afrikaanse leksikografie aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch deur die publikasie van Mansvelt se Idioticon. Vervolgens word 'n oorsig gegee oor die spellingstryd tussen die voorstanders van Nederlands, met W.J. Viljoen aan die stuur, en die voorstanders van Afrikaans, onder leiding van J.J. Smith, beide dosente aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch, wat geheers het in die tydperk waarin hierdie universiteit hom as 'n Afrikaanse universiteit onderskei het. Ten slotte word gedui op die voortgesette Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd soos wat dit in die daaropvolgende jare in die woordeboek vir spesiale doeleindes, die Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, tot uitdrukking gebring is en die blywende invloed wat die stryd op die Afrikaanse spelling gehad het.<hr/>In many respects Stellenbosch University can be regarded as the cradle of Afrikaans lexicography. It is home to one of the most comprehensive and lengthy lexicographic projects in Afrikaans, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal ("Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language"). Being one of the first university departments in South Africa to appoint a Chair for Afrikaans in 1920, the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch especially played an important role in developing the Afrikaans lexicography. However, not everyone in die Department of Afrikaans and Dutch was convinced from the outset that Afrikaans could or even should make its mark in the field of lexicography. It was, in fact, a lecturer of Dutch who first alluded to the fact that Afrikaans is distinctfrom Dutch through his lexicographic work on Afrikaans. This uncertainty about Afrikaans ' ability to gain lexicographic independence gave rise to great contention between Afrikaans and Dutch during the early years of Afrikaans lexicography, especially in Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch. It resulted, amongst other things, in lexicographers often relying heavily on Dutch in the lexicographical embodiment of Afrikaans. This article investigates the role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography amidst an intense Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years of Afrikaans lexicography. Firstly, the paper shows why the dictionary Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon met Toelichtingen en Opmerkingen betreffende Land, Volk en Taal by the Dutch lecturer at Stellenbosch, Nicolaas Mansvelt, could be regarded as the genesis of Afrikaans lexicography. It is shown that, by studying Afrikaans as a language independent from Dutch, Mansvelt broke away from the tradition of his time which often viewed Afrikaans as a depraved form of Dutch, thereby making an important contribution to the development of Afrikaans lexicography. This is followed by an overview ofthe initial battle in the Afrikaans speech community between proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans that took place in the period during which Stellenbosch University distinguished itself as an Afrikaans university. On the one hand there was a pro-Dutch movement, led by Stellenbosch lecturer W.J. Viljoen, which sought to make Dutch the future language of South Africa by introducing a simplified form of Dutch, the Vereenvoudigde Nederlandse Spelling ("Simplified Dutch Spelling"), through the publication of various dictionaries. On the other hand the pro-Afrikaans movement, consisting mostly of students under the leadership of the first lecturer of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch, J.J. Smith, campaigned for Afrikaans to be adopted as medium of instruction at Stellenbosch University. The two opposing parties were eventually united in the formation ofthe Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns ("South African Academy for Science and Arts") which endeavoured to develop both Dutch and Afrikaans in South Africa. Although the initial idea with the formation of the Academy was to create a truce between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans, this battle continued with the compilation of the special-purpose dictionary, the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls ("Afrikaans word list and spelling rules") by the Academy's Taalkommissie ("Language Commission"), on which several lecturers from Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch served over the years. As a special-purpose dictionary the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls promoted the standard spelling of Afrikaans which would have an influence on several bilingual and descriptive dictionaries in later years. The focus in the next part of the article thus falls on the continued Dutch-Afrikaans battle as it played itself out in the earlier editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, this time with Smith campaigning for more Dutch forms, and the resulting influence of Dutch on the development of Afrikaans orthography, especially as it relates to the spelling of loanwords. Finally it is shown how A frikaans orthography gained independence as it was gradually freed from Dutch influence in subsequent editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. In closing it is, however, suggested that, although great strides have been made in the development of an independent Afrikaans orthography, the Dutch-Afrikaans battle has had a lasting influence on Afrikaans lexicography through this special-purpose dictionary. <![CDATA[<b>Nog een Nobelprijs voor Zuid-Afrika?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die studie stel ondersoek in na die rol van die Universiteit Stellenbosch se Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands in die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse leksikografie te midde van 'n fel Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd in die wordingsjare van die Afrikaanse leksikografie. Daar word eerstens gefokus op die aanvang van die Afrikaanse leksikografie aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch deur die publikasie van Mansvelt se Idioticon. Vervolgens word 'n oorsig gegee oor die spellingstryd tussen die voorstanders van Nederlands, met W.J. Viljoen aan die stuur, en die voorstanders van Afrikaans, onder leiding van J.J. Smith, beide dosente aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch, wat geheers het in die tydperk waarin hierdie universiteit hom as 'n Afrikaanse universiteit onderskei het. Ten slotte word gedui op die voortgesette Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd soos wat dit in die daaropvolgende jare in die woordeboek vir spesiale doeleindes, die Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, tot uitdrukking gebring is en die blywende invloed wat die stryd op die Afrikaanse spelling gehad het.<hr/>In many respects Stellenbosch University can be regarded as the cradle of Afrikaans lexicography. It is home to one of the most comprehensive and lengthy lexicographic projects in Afrikaans, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal ("Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language"). Being one of the first university departments in South Africa to appoint a Chair for Afrikaans in 1920, the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch especially played an important role in developing the Afrikaans lexicography. However, not everyone in die Department of Afrikaans and Dutch was convinced from the outset that Afrikaans could or even should make its mark in the field of lexicography. It was, in fact, a lecturer of Dutch who first alluded to the fact that Afrikaans is distinctfrom Dutch through his lexicographic work on Afrikaans. This uncertainty about Afrikaans ' ability to gain lexicographic independence gave rise to great contention between Afrikaans and Dutch during the early years of Afrikaans lexicography, especially in Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch. It resulted, amongst other things, in lexicographers often relying heavily on Dutch in the lexicographical embodiment of Afrikaans. This article investigates the role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography amidst an intense Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years of Afrikaans lexicography. Firstly, the paper shows why the dictionary Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon met Toelichtingen en Opmerkingen betreffende Land, Volk en Taal by the Dutch lecturer at Stellenbosch, Nicolaas Mansvelt, could be regarded as the genesis of Afrikaans lexicography. It is shown that, by studying Afrikaans as a language independent from Dutch, Mansvelt broke away from the tradition of his time which often viewed Afrikaans as a depraved form of Dutch, thereby making an important contribution to the development of Afrikaans lexicography. This is followed by an overview ofthe initial battle in the Afrikaans speech community between proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans that took place in the period during which Stellenbosch University distinguished itself as an Afrikaans university. On the one hand there was a pro-Dutch movement, led by Stellenbosch lecturer W.J. Viljoen, which sought to make Dutch the future language of South Africa by introducing a simplified form of Dutch, the Vereenvoudigde Nederlandse Spelling ("Simplified Dutch Spelling"), through the publication of various dictionaries. On the other hand the pro-Afrikaans movement, consisting mostly of students under the leadership of the first lecturer of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch, J.J. Smith, campaigned for Afrikaans to be adopted as medium of instruction at Stellenbosch University. The two opposing parties were eventually united in the formation ofthe Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns ("South African Academy for Science and Arts") which endeavoured to develop both Dutch and Afrikaans in South Africa. Although the initial idea with the formation of the Academy was to create a truce between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans, this battle continued with the compilation of the special-purpose dictionary, the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls ("Afrikaans word list and spelling rules") by the Academy's Taalkommissie ("Language Commission"), on which several lecturers from Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch served over the years. As a special-purpose dictionary the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls promoted the standard spelling of Afrikaans which would have an influence on several bilingual and descriptive dictionaries in later years. The focus in the next part of the article thus falls on the continued Dutch-Afrikaans battle as it played itself out in the earlier editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, this time with Smith campaigning for more Dutch forms, and the resulting influence of Dutch on the development of Afrikaans orthography, especially as it relates to the spelling of loanwords. Finally it is shown how A frikaans orthography gained independence as it was gradually freed from Dutch influence in subsequent editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. In closing it is, however, suggested that, although great strides have been made in the development of an independent Afrikaans orthography, the Dutch-Afrikaans battle has had a lasting influence on Afrikaans lexicography through this special-purpose dictionary. <![CDATA[<b>Taalrubriek: Twee terme vertaal</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die studie stel ondersoek in na die rol van die Universiteit Stellenbosch se Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands in die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse leksikografie te midde van 'n fel Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd in die wordingsjare van die Afrikaanse leksikografie. Daar word eerstens gefokus op die aanvang van die Afrikaanse leksikografie aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch deur die publikasie van Mansvelt se Idioticon. Vervolgens word 'n oorsig gegee oor die spellingstryd tussen die voorstanders van Nederlands, met W.J. Viljoen aan die stuur, en die voorstanders van Afrikaans, onder leiding van J.J. Smith, beide dosente aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch, wat geheers het in die tydperk waarin hierdie universiteit hom as 'n Afrikaanse universiteit onderskei het. Ten slotte word gedui op die voortgesette Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd soos wat dit in die daaropvolgende jare in die woordeboek vir spesiale doeleindes, die Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, tot uitdrukking gebring is en die blywende invloed wat die stryd op die Afrikaanse spelling gehad het.<hr/>In many respects Stellenbosch University can be regarded as the cradle of Afrikaans lexicography. It is home to one of the most comprehensive and lengthy lexicographic projects in Afrikaans, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal ("Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language"). Being one of the first university departments in South Africa to appoint a Chair for Afrikaans in 1920, the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch especially played an important role in developing the Afrikaans lexicography. However, not everyone in die Department of Afrikaans and Dutch was convinced from the outset that Afrikaans could or even should make its mark in the field of lexicography. It was, in fact, a lecturer of Dutch who first alluded to the fact that Afrikaans is distinctfrom Dutch through his lexicographic work on Afrikaans. This uncertainty about Afrikaans ' ability to gain lexicographic independence gave rise to great contention between Afrikaans and Dutch during the early years of Afrikaans lexicography, especially in Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch. It resulted, amongst other things, in lexicographers often relying heavily on Dutch in the lexicographical embodiment of Afrikaans. This article investigates the role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography amidst an intense Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years of Afrikaans lexicography. Firstly, the paper shows why the dictionary Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon met Toelichtingen en Opmerkingen betreffende Land, Volk en Taal by the Dutch lecturer at Stellenbosch, Nicolaas Mansvelt, could be regarded as the genesis of Afrikaans lexicography. It is shown that, by studying Afrikaans as a language independent from Dutch, Mansvelt broke away from the tradition of his time which often viewed Afrikaans as a depraved form of Dutch, thereby making an important contribution to the development of Afrikaans lexicography. This is followed by an overview ofthe initial battle in the Afrikaans speech community between proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans that took place in the period during which Stellenbosch University distinguished itself as an Afrikaans university. On the one hand there was a pro-Dutch movement, led by Stellenbosch lecturer W.J. Viljoen, which sought to make Dutch the future language of South Africa by introducing a simplified form of Dutch, the Vereenvoudigde Nederlandse Spelling ("Simplified Dutch Spelling"), through the publication of various dictionaries. On the other hand the pro-Afrikaans movement, consisting mostly of students under the leadership of the first lecturer of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch, J.J. Smith, campaigned for Afrikaans to be adopted as medium of instruction at Stellenbosch University. The two opposing parties were eventually united in the formation ofthe Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns ("South African Academy for Science and Arts") which endeavoured to develop both Dutch and Afrikaans in South Africa. Although the initial idea with the formation of the Academy was to create a truce between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans, this battle continued with the compilation of the special-purpose dictionary, the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls ("Afrikaans word list and spelling rules") by the Academy's Taalkommissie ("Language Commission"), on which several lecturers from Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch served over the years. As a special-purpose dictionary the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls promoted the standard spelling of Afrikaans which would have an influence on several bilingual and descriptive dictionaries in later years. The focus in the next part of the article thus falls on the continued Dutch-Afrikaans battle as it played itself out in the earlier editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, this time with Smith campaigning for more Dutch forms, and the resulting influence of Dutch on the development of Afrikaans orthography, especially as it relates to the spelling of loanwords. Finally it is shown how A frikaans orthography gained independence as it was gradually freed from Dutch influence in subsequent editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. In closing it is, however, suggested that, although great strides have been made in the development of an independent Afrikaans orthography, the Dutch-Afrikaans battle has had a lasting influence on Afrikaans lexicography through this special-purpose dictionary. <![CDATA[<i>As the crow flies. My Bushman experience with 31 Battalion</i>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100019&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die studie stel ondersoek in na die rol van die Universiteit Stellenbosch se Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands in die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse leksikografie te midde van 'n fel Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd in die wordingsjare van die Afrikaanse leksikografie. Daar word eerstens gefokus op die aanvang van die Afrikaanse leksikografie aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch deur die publikasie van Mansvelt se Idioticon. Vervolgens word 'n oorsig gegee oor die spellingstryd tussen die voorstanders van Nederlands, met W.J. Viljoen aan die stuur, en die voorstanders van Afrikaans, onder leiding van J.J. Smith, beide dosente aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch, wat geheers het in die tydperk waarin hierdie universiteit hom as 'n Afrikaanse universiteit onderskei het. Ten slotte word gedui op die voortgesette Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd soos wat dit in die daaropvolgende jare in die woordeboek vir spesiale doeleindes, die Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, tot uitdrukking gebring is en die blywende invloed wat die stryd op die Afrikaanse spelling gehad het.<hr/>In many respects Stellenbosch University can be regarded as the cradle of Afrikaans lexicography. It is home to one of the most comprehensive and lengthy lexicographic projects in Afrikaans, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal ("Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language"). Being one of the first university departments in South Africa to appoint a Chair for Afrikaans in 1920, the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch especially played an important role in developing the Afrikaans lexicography. However, not everyone in die Department of Afrikaans and Dutch was convinced from the outset that Afrikaans could or even should make its mark in the field of lexicography. It was, in fact, a lecturer of Dutch who first alluded to the fact that Afrikaans is distinctfrom Dutch through his lexicographic work on Afrikaans. This uncertainty about Afrikaans ' ability to gain lexicographic independence gave rise to great contention between Afrikaans and Dutch during the early years of Afrikaans lexicography, especially in Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch. It resulted, amongst other things, in lexicographers often relying heavily on Dutch in the lexicographical embodiment of Afrikaans. This article investigates the role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography amidst an intense Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years of Afrikaans lexicography. Firstly, the paper shows why the dictionary Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon met Toelichtingen en Opmerkingen betreffende Land, Volk en Taal by the Dutch lecturer at Stellenbosch, Nicolaas Mansvelt, could be regarded as the genesis of Afrikaans lexicography. It is shown that, by studying Afrikaans as a language independent from Dutch, Mansvelt broke away from the tradition of his time which often viewed Afrikaans as a depraved form of Dutch, thereby making an important contribution to the development of Afrikaans lexicography. This is followed by an overview ofthe initial battle in the Afrikaans speech community between proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans that took place in the period during which Stellenbosch University distinguished itself as an Afrikaans university. On the one hand there was a pro-Dutch movement, led by Stellenbosch lecturer W.J. Viljoen, which sought to make Dutch the future language of South Africa by introducing a simplified form of Dutch, the Vereenvoudigde Nederlandse Spelling ("Simplified Dutch Spelling"), through the publication of various dictionaries. On the other hand the pro-Afrikaans movement, consisting mostly of students under the leadership of the first lecturer of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch, J.J. Smith, campaigned for Afrikaans to be adopted as medium of instruction at Stellenbosch University. The two opposing parties were eventually united in the formation ofthe Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns ("South African Academy for Science and Arts") which endeavoured to develop both Dutch and Afrikaans in South Africa. Although the initial idea with the formation of the Academy was to create a truce between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans, this battle continued with the compilation of the special-purpose dictionary, the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls ("Afrikaans word list and spelling rules") by the Academy's Taalkommissie ("Language Commission"), on which several lecturers from Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch served over the years. As a special-purpose dictionary the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls promoted the standard spelling of Afrikaans which would have an influence on several bilingual and descriptive dictionaries in later years. The focus in the next part of the article thus falls on the continued Dutch-Afrikaans battle as it played itself out in the earlier editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, this time with Smith campaigning for more Dutch forms, and the resulting influence of Dutch on the development of Afrikaans orthography, especially as it relates to the spelling of loanwords. Finally it is shown how A frikaans orthography gained independence as it was gradually freed from Dutch influence in subsequent editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. In closing it is, however, suggested that, although great strides have been made in the development of an independent Afrikaans orthography, the Dutch-Afrikaans battle has had a lasting influence on Afrikaans lexicography through this special-purpose dictionary. <![CDATA[<i>Die familie Changuion van Suid-Afrika: Vanaf Frankryk deur Duitsland en Nederland tot Suid-Afrika, 1560's - 1960's</i>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512016000100020&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die studie stel ondersoek in na die rol van die Universiteit Stellenbosch se Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands in die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse leksikografie te midde van 'n fel Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd in die wordingsjare van die Afrikaanse leksikografie. Daar word eerstens gefokus op die aanvang van die Afrikaanse leksikografie aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch deur die publikasie van Mansvelt se Idioticon. Vervolgens word 'n oorsig gegee oor die spellingstryd tussen die voorstanders van Nederlands, met W.J. Viljoen aan die stuur, en die voorstanders van Afrikaans, onder leiding van J.J. Smith, beide dosente aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch, wat geheers het in die tydperk waarin hierdie universiteit hom as 'n Afrikaanse universiteit onderskei het. Ten slotte word gedui op die voortgesette Nederlands-Afrikaans-stryd soos wat dit in die daaropvolgende jare in die woordeboek vir spesiale doeleindes, die Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, tot uitdrukking gebring is en die blywende invloed wat die stryd op die Afrikaanse spelling gehad het.<hr/>In many respects Stellenbosch University can be regarded as the cradle of Afrikaans lexicography. It is home to one of the most comprehensive and lengthy lexicographic projects in Afrikaans, the Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal ("Dictionary of the Afrikaans Language"). Being one of the first university departments in South Africa to appoint a Chair for Afrikaans in 1920, the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch especially played an important role in developing the Afrikaans lexicography. However, not everyone in die Department of Afrikaans and Dutch was convinced from the outset that Afrikaans could or even should make its mark in the field of lexicography. It was, in fact, a lecturer of Dutch who first alluded to the fact that Afrikaans is distinctfrom Dutch through his lexicographic work on Afrikaans. This uncertainty about Afrikaans ' ability to gain lexicographic independence gave rise to great contention between Afrikaans and Dutch during the early years of Afrikaans lexicography, especially in Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch. It resulted, amongst other things, in lexicographers often relying heavily on Dutch in the lexicographical embodiment of Afrikaans. This article investigates the role of Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch in the development of Afrikaans lexicography amidst an intense Dutch-Afrikaans battle during the formative years of Afrikaans lexicography. Firstly, the paper shows why the dictionary Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon met Toelichtingen en Opmerkingen betreffende Land, Volk en Taal by the Dutch lecturer at Stellenbosch, Nicolaas Mansvelt, could be regarded as the genesis of Afrikaans lexicography. It is shown that, by studying Afrikaans as a language independent from Dutch, Mansvelt broke away from the tradition of his time which often viewed Afrikaans as a depraved form of Dutch, thereby making an important contribution to the development of Afrikaans lexicography. This is followed by an overview ofthe initial battle in the Afrikaans speech community between proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans that took place in the period during which Stellenbosch University distinguished itself as an Afrikaans university. On the one hand there was a pro-Dutch movement, led by Stellenbosch lecturer W.J. Viljoen, which sought to make Dutch the future language of South Africa by introducing a simplified form of Dutch, the Vereenvoudigde Nederlandse Spelling ("Simplified Dutch Spelling"), through the publication of various dictionaries. On the other hand the pro-Afrikaans movement, consisting mostly of students under the leadership of the first lecturer of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch, J.J. Smith, campaigned for Afrikaans to be adopted as medium of instruction at Stellenbosch University. The two opposing parties were eventually united in the formation ofthe Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns ("South African Academy for Science and Arts") which endeavoured to develop both Dutch and Afrikaans in South Africa. Although the initial idea with the formation of the Academy was to create a truce between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans, this battle continued with the compilation of the special-purpose dictionary, the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls ("Afrikaans word list and spelling rules") by the Academy's Taalkommissie ("Language Commission"), on which several lecturers from Stellenbosch University's Department of Afrikaans and Dutch served over the years. As a special-purpose dictionary the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls promoted the standard spelling of Afrikaans which would have an influence on several bilingual and descriptive dictionaries in later years. The focus in the next part of the article thus falls on the continued Dutch-Afrikaans battle as it played itself out in the earlier editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls, this time with Smith campaigning for more Dutch forms, and the resulting influence of Dutch on the development of Afrikaans orthography, especially as it relates to the spelling of loanwords. Finally it is shown how A frikaans orthography gained independence as it was gradually freed from Dutch influence in subsequent editions of the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. In closing it is, however, suggested that, although great strides have been made in the development of an independent Afrikaans orthography, the Dutch-Afrikaans battle has had a lasting influence on Afrikaans lexicography through this special-purpose dictionary.