Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120170004&lang=en vol. 57 num. 3 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Redakteursnota</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Redakteursnota</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[<b>Language as a resource in Intermediate Phase Mathematics teaching</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In Suid-Afrika is dit nie verpligtend dat studente tydens hul wiskunde-onderwysopleiding eers die taal van leer en onderrig (TvLO) moet bemeester nie. Voorts word geen of minimale leiding gegee met betrekking tot ʼn samehangende en sistematiese gebruik van transtaligheid en kodewisseling in die klaskamer tydens of na aanvanklike wiskunde-onderwysopleiding nie. Die huidige praktyk benadeel die kwaliteit van inhoudsoordrag, omdat Pedagogies benadeelde onderwysers wat op hul beurt die meerderheid leerders in openbare skole moet onderrig, nie oor die aanvaarbare taalvermoë in Engels beskik nie. Die meeste van hierdie leerders is meertalig en dus Engelse Tweedetaalleerders (ETtLs), met Engels as Taal van Onderrig aangesien Suid-Afrika se inheemse tale nie genoegsaam ontwikkel is om wiskunde-onderrig te ondersteun nie. In hierdie artikel word 'n moontlike, algemeen aanvaarbare en effektiewe pedagogiek vir wiskunde-onderrig ondersoek. Dit spruit uit deurlopende doktorale navorsing na die verband tussen onderwysers se taalvermoë en Intermediêre Fase wiskunde-onderrig in die Oos-Kaap Provinsie van Suid-Afrika. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat intermediêre fase-onderwysers nie voldoende toegerus is om taal te gebruik as ʼn hulpbron in wiskunde-onderrig en -leer nie. Die artikel bied wenke en strategieë aan onderwysers wat Engelse Tweedetaal Leerders (ETtLs) in staat sal stel om wiskunde effektief te leer. Die tweede gevolgtrekking is, selfs al sou moedertaalonderrig tot sy reg kom in Suid-Afrika, sal vaardigheid in Engels steeds ʼn voorvereiste wees vir toegang tot die globale wêreld.<hr/>Generally, mathematics teacher education in South Africa does not enforce mastery in the language of instruction (Chitera 2016) and provides minimal or no guidance towards coherent and systematic use of translanguaging including code switching in the classroom during or after initial teacher education. Such a practice compromises the quality of content delivery as pedagogically disadvantaged teachers may in turn have a negative impact on the majority of learners in public schools who are multilingual; in other words, those who are also English Language Learners (ELLs). International assessments on education have consistently rated the quality of South African mathematics education as being significantly low (Howie 2001; Reddy 2006, 2012) as reported in Trends in International Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMSS 2013). Of the various reasons cited by the TIMSS Report, this article highlights teachers' competency in English as one of the most significant predictors of mathematics performance, particularly because the country's indigenous languages are yet to be fully developed to support mathematics instruction. South African language dynamics is such that ninety percent of South African learners are not native English speakers (Spaull 2016). Yet their different home languages are used in the FP while from the IP onwards English is used as the official Language of Learning and Teaching (LoLT). Current South African mathematics pedagogy does not foreground knowledge of ELLs or the linguistic features that influence mathematics teaching and learning, which reflects a gap in both practice and research. This contribution to the search for a possible unifying pedagogy for mathematics education is extracted from an on-going doctoral research interrogating relationships between language competency and Intermediate Phase mathematics instruction in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. In this contribution towards searching for a unifying pedagogy, we highlight the requisite contextual aspect of mathematics pedagogy to better serve multilingual learners as it is important to teach learners in a language they understand as reported in United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO 2016). In mathematics, the challenge faced by ELLs is threefold in that they have to acquire the new language of learning, as well as learning mathematics and its register (Barwell, Leung, Morgan & Street 2002; Bohlmann 2001; Setati & Adler 2001). Mathematics is not language free and its particular vocabulary, syntax and discourse may cause problems for ELLs (Barton & Neville-Barton 2003). While many learners who are taught mathematics in their mother-tongue have difficulty in acquiring the mathematics register, this is heightened for ELLs who must learn it in a second, third or even fourth language. English is a difficult language to learn even for first language learners, and a particularly significant hurdle for ELLs is the prevalence of ambiguous words in mathematics. The theoretical frameworks employed in order to investigate other bilingual and multilingual learning contexts, given the increasing number of ELLs receiving education in a dominant language that is not their first language, (Setati & Adler 2001) are Cummins's (2000) Linguistic Threshold Hypothesis; Ellerton's (1989) Framework for Interpreting Language Factors in Mathematics Learning; Gawned's (1990) Socio-Psycho-Linguistic Model and Baker's (2011) Pedagogical Translanguaging Theory. This article seeks to highlight the importance of code switching effectively; not as a substitute for incompetency, but bearing in mind that assessment will be in the prescribed LoLT (Tshuma 2016). As such, the article provides a brief description of the language dynamics in South Africa, followed by linguistic features influencing mathematics instruction including common ambiguous words, and finally provides suggestions for teaching approaches that might improve the teaching of mathematics to ELLs. Since teacher education does not enforce mastery in the language of instruction (Chitera 2016), this article highlights some aspects of the English mathematics register that may be sources of difficulty specifically for IP learners in the transition to English-medium education in the South African education system, and some pedagogical strategies that may be useful in managing the transition. In multilingual communities using a LoLT, which is not the home language to both the learners and the teachers, it is important to equip teachers with the necessary linguistic skills to facilitate mathematics instruction. This article does not seek to enshrine English at the expense of other official languages in South Africa, but endeavours to cater for the ELLs who are in the education system today and supposed to be taught and assessed in English as stipulated by the Language in Education Policy (LiEP), (DoE 1997). Even if policies change and promote mother tongue instruction throughout the entire ordinary education system, proficiency in English will still be a prerequisite for ELLs to access the global world. <![CDATA[<b>Mother-tongue education, mother-tongue learning and identity: Reasons for and problems with choosing Afrikaans as the language of teaching</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In die artikel word die response bespreek van 1707 Afrikaanssprekende studente aan Unisa op ʼn oop vraag in ʼn vraelysopname. Die vraag hou verband met die redes waarom hierdie studente besluit het om in Afrikaans te studeer. Die response word ondersoek teen die agtergrond van die teorie oor die funksies van taal in onderrig, en in die besonder die voordele van moedertaalonderrig en taal as simbool van identiteit. Die diskoerse oor taal in die hoër onderwys word ook in aanmerking geneem. Die response is eerstens tematies ontleed, waarna die frekwensies vir die verskillende temas bereken is. Die grootste kategorie hou verband met die voordele van moedertaalonderrig op 'n verskeidenheid vlakke. Ander belangrike temas hou verband met identiteit, taaltrots, die aandrang op taalregte en taalaktivisme. 'n Aantal respondente het verder ʼn positiewe verband tussen hul keuse van Afrikaans en hul beroepslewe getrek. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat leer in die moedertaal veel meer doeltreffend is as leer in ʼn tweede taal. Daar word verder aangevoer dat universiteite 'n belangrike rol speel in die identiteitsvorming van studente asook in die identiteitsdinamika in die groter samelewing. Ek woon in Upington waar ons slegs Afrikaans praat en ek het juis besluit om deur Unisa te studeer omrede hulle bereid was om LLB vir my in Afrikaans aan te bied. Afrikaanssprekende Unisa-student<hr/>The article discusses the responses of Afrikaans-speaking students to an open question contained in a questionnaire survey. The study focused on the factors influencing language choice in higher education and specifically at Unisa, the largest and oldest open-distance learning institution in Africa. It involved an internet survey of a sample of Unisa students, namely those who indicated on their registration forms that they were Afrikaans speaking or spoke Afrikaans and English as well as students who enrolled for at least one module in Afrikaans. The question, on which the current article focuses, can be translated as "Give the most important reasons(s) why you have chosen to study in Afrikaans". The background against which we investigate the students' responses includes theory on the role of language in education. More specifically, we focus on the role of mother-tongue education and mother-tongue learning as well as the role of language as a symbol of identity. We also discuss aspects of the language policy in higher education in South Africa and discourses on the declining position of Afrikaans as a language of learning and teaching (LoLT). A total of 2 794 completed questionnaires were received. With regard to language choice, 1393 (50,7%) of the respondents had chosen to study in Afrikaans and 1314 (47,8%) in English, while 87 respondents (or 1,5%) did not respond to the question on language choice. The reasons provided for their language choices by the subsample of respondents, who had chosen to study in Afrikaans, were first analysed thematically. Frequencies were then calculated for the themes that emerged. The theme most often mentioned relates to various advantages of mother-tongue education and mother-tongue learning. Respondents used a variety of terms indicating attachment to Afrikaans as their first language, such as "my mother tongue", "my home language" and "my language". The responses furthermore refer to various advantages of being taught and being able to learn in their mother tongue. The respondents indicated, among other things, that they not only learned faster and more effectively in their mother tongue, but that they also achieved deeper insight into the learning material. A distinction was therefore drawn between merely acquiring knowledge or facts - described as rote learning - and acquiring insight and being able to apply and communicate about the learning contents. This was contrasted with learning through the medium of their second language (English), which necessitated - despite the fact that they had a good knowledge of English - the frequent use of a dictionary. Respondents also indicated that communicating in their mother tongue is easier in stressful situations such as examinations. Lastly, they were convinced that mother-tongue teaching and learning enhanced their academic achievement. A second overarching theme revolves around the role of the mother tongue in defining identity and heritage. Responses referred to pride in their language, their language rights and language activism. It was further surprising to find, contrary to the prevailing misconception that English has become the language of the workplace, that a considerable number of respondents connected their choice in a positive way to their occupational environment. Certain students indicated that their choice had been influenced by the fact that they had attended Afrikaans schools. Respondents also noted various problems related to studying through Afrikaans, for example that most textbooks were written in English only. The findings of the study have provided insight into the learning strategies that students use in distance learning and their generally positive experiences of mother-tongue teaching and learning. These findings support claims in the literature regarding the advantages of mother-tongue education, for example that mother-tongue learning facilitates the integration of new knowledge with existing knowledge; allows for a deeper understanding of concepts; and enhances academic achievement. The results of the study emphasise that the role of language in higher education is not restricted to pedagogical concerns and highlights the important role of language as a symbol of identity. Thus language choice in higher education can be seen as both a cause and a consequence of identification processes. The impact of higher education institutions on identity formation and identity dynamics in society at large should therefore not be underestimated. <![CDATA[<b>The radicalization of politics - a threat to democracy</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die afgelope twee dekades word gekenmerk deur ʼn toenemende ideologisering en radikalisering van die politiek. Dit kom neer op ʼn miskenning van die pluraliteit en veelstemmigheid van die mensdom, en as sodanig hou dit ʼn groot gevaar in vir die demokrasie. Politiek (en die begrip "demokrasie") word verskraal tot ʼn postkoloniale stryd teen rassisme en diskriminasie oftewel uitsluiting van die "Ander" as dit wat aan die wortel sou lê van alles wat boos en verkeerd is in die samelewing. Politiek word basies vereenselwig met die uitsluiting van alle uitsluitings. Die enigste wat binne hierdie logika uitgesluit mag, en inderdaad uitgesluit moet word, is diegene wat uitsluit en grense wil handhaaf. In die naam van "bevryding" en "progressiwiteit" word daar genadeloos proses gevoer teen diegene wat nog aandring op erkenning van die verskeidenheid van gemeenskappe, en wat nie (polities korrek) wil meedoen aan die transformasie-agenda van die radikale politiek nie. Diesulkes word beskou as struikelblokke in die opmars na ʼn geluksalige toekoms vir die mensdom en gebrandmerk as "vyande van die mensdom", as oorblyfsels uit ʼn agterhaalde verlede wat liefs uit die weg geruim moet word. Wesentlik bestaan ideologieë en radikale politiek altyd in ʼn negering van konkrete gegewenhede, feite en gebeurtenisse ten gunste van ʼn simplistiese morele basis-skema, naamlik ʼn digotomie (fundamentele kloof of skeiding) tussen goed en kwaad: "toleransie" versus "stigmatisering", "rassisme" versus "antirassisme", "samehorigheid" versus "segregasie", "openheid" versus "etnosentrisme", "onderdrukkers" teenoor "onderdruktes". Die asimmetriese morele kodering van teenstellings en konflikte tussen groepe mense hou ʼn ernstige bedreiging in juis vir dié sfeer waarbinne dit tradisioneel hanteer en so goed as moontlik opgelos word: die politieke sfeer waarin daar politieke vriende en vyande moontlik is, oorloë, maar ook die sluiting van ʼn kompromie en ʼn vredesverdrag. Radikale politiek wil ʼn einde maak aan politiek as die kuns van die moontlike wat rekening hou met objektiewe grense soos histories gegroeide verhoudinge asook nasionale en plaaslike eienaardighede. Sodoende word politiek die kompromislose voltrekking van ʼn taak, ʼn noodsaak, ʼn universele bestemming.<hr/>The past two decades are characterised by a growing radicalization of politics and a resurgence of ideologies. This inevitably leads to a disregard for the plurality and multifariousness of people(s), thereby posing a serious threat to democracy. Politics (and the concept of "democracy") is reduced to a post-colonial struggle against racism and discrimination, against the exclusion of the "other", which allegedly lies at the bottom of all that is bad and evil in society. Politics basically becomes synonymous with the exclusion of all exclusions. The only exclusion which is acceptable and indeed propagated in terms of this logic, is the exclusion of those who exclude, i.e. all those who want to maintain borders. In the name of "liberation" and "progressiveness" a witch hunt is launched against those who insist on recognition of the plurality/diversity of communities. All those who do not succumb to "political correctness", and who are not willing to subject themselves to the transformation agenda of the radicals, are relentlessly hounded down, stigmatised and persecuted. They are seen as stumbling blocks in the march toward a blissful future for mankind. As such they are branded as "enemies of the people", reactionaries, remnants of a bygone era who should best be eliminated. Basically, all ideologies and forms of radical politics tend to neglect, or even to completely negate concrete realities, facts and events in favour of a simplistic moral scheme of judgment, i.e. a dichotomous scheme of arbitrating between good and evil: "tolerance" versus "stigmatising", "racism" versus "anti-racism", "solidarity" versus "segregation", "universality" versus "particularity/ethnocentrism", "oppressors" over against the "oppressed". The asymmetric moral coding of differences and conflicts between groups of people poses a serious threat to the very sphere in which they were traditionally dealt with and settled as best as possible: the political sphere where it is possible to have political friends and enemies, wars, but also to reach a compromise and a peace accord. Radical politics wants to make an end to politics as the art of what is possible, which takes into consideration things such as objectively given borders, historically grown relationships, as well as national and local peculiarities. By rejecting politics in this traditional sense, the radicals opt for a kind of politics as uncompromising and ruthless execution of a task, a mission, a universal destiny. Thus they forget that the worst forms of violence do not result from the tension and conflict between people(s), but rather from the firm belief that one can once and for all liberate them from violence in a state of universal brotherhood. According to Alain Finkielkraut, following the German political thinker Carl Schmitt, this amounts to a far reaching moralisation of politics, which in turn can lead to the end of the political. Indeed, the political distinction friend/enemy is replaced by the distinction between the absolutely good versus the demonic "enemy of the people". When that happens, there is nothing further to discuss or negotiate. The figure of the enemy is replaced by and degraded to the figure of the inhuman, a monster that must be eradicated once and for all. The ideology of anti-racism has been gaining ground over the past few decades among Western liberal democracies. Confronted by the global phenomenon of mass immigration, saddled with feelings of guilt due to their colonial past, and profoundly impressed by the terrifying impact of Nazism and fascism, the Western nations have seemingly become soft targets or even a fertile breeding-ground for the ideology of anti-racism. Several factors have contributed to this situation. I briefly discuss a few of these factors, such as 1) the tendency to mistake pity or compassion for respect, resulting in double standards and second-class citizenship, both of which are irreconcilable with a genuine democracy; 2) a distorted sense of equality; 3) a one-sided emphasis on tolerance; and 4) an obsession with racism and fear of racial conflict. <![CDATA[<b>Operation Packer, March-April 1988, South Eastern Angola: Tumpo, Tumpo and once more Tumpo!!!</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Operasies Moduler, Hooper en Packer (1987-1988) het, benewens die beveiliging van die União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola/Nasionale Unie vir Volkome Onafhanklikheid vir Angola (UNITA)-vestings Mavinga en Jamba, beoog om alle Forças Armadas Populares de Libertação de Angola/Die leër van die Angolese MPLA-regering (FAPLA)-brigades oos van die Cuito-rivier te vernietig of ten minste weswaarts oor dié rivier te verdryf. Tydens Operasies Moduler en Hooper kon die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag (SAW)-UNITA-bondgenote daarin slaag om die FAPLA-bondgenote se aanmars effektief te stuit. Die primêre doelwit om alle FAPLA-brigades oos van die Cuito-rivier te vernietig of ten minste oor die rivier te verdryf, kon egter nie verwesentlik word nie. Tydens Operasie Hooper is twee mislukte aanvalle binne die bestek van sowat twee weke op Tumpo geloods - elke keer vanuit dieselfde rigting of aanmarslyn. Hierdie artikel fokus op die derde en laaste SAW-UNITA-aanval op Tumpo en die aanspraak van kolonel Jan Breytenbach, oud-bevelvoerder van 32 Bataljon, dat "By early the next morning  they had driven the 25th Brigade from their positions and taken Tumpu . This clearly demonstrated that well planned, well led and well coordinated night  attacks by well trained infantary seldom fail." Verskeie dominante faktore het egter die derde aanslag op Tumpo gekelder: ʼn Gebrek aan kreatiewe denke deur bykans dieselfde aanvalsplan en aanmarslyn van die mislukte tweede Tumpo-aanval te herhaal; die gebrek aan ʼn oorwoë logistieke stelsel (byvoorbeeld die tekort aan diesel en meganiese paraatheid van voertuie en toerusting); deeglik verskansde en toegeruste FAPLA-magte; ontoereikende intelligensie (veral betreffende die tweede mynveld); bykans onbegaanbare sanderige en digbeboste terrein; onbemande observasieposte; grotendeels onvoldoende voorbereiding en opleiding van burgermageenhede; die gespanne en gebrekkige vertrouensverhouding tussen burgermageenhede en SAW-staandemagoffisiere; en internasionale druk om uit Angola te onttrek.<hr/>In addition to securing the União Nacional para a Independêcia Total de Angola (UNITA) strongholds at Mavinga and Jamba, Operations Modular, Hooper and Packer (1987-1988) also intended to destroy all Forças Armadas Populares de Libertação de Angola (FAPLA) brigades east of the Cuito River, or to drive them to the west across the river. During operations Modular and Hooper the South African Defence Force (SADF)-UNITA allies succeeded in effectively stopping the advance of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) allies. The primary objective to destroy all FAPLA brigades east of the Cuito River or to drive them across the river at least, could not fully be realised, however. During Operation Hooper, two failed attacks were launched on Tumpo within the scope of about two weeks - each time from the same direction or line of advance. This article focuses on the third and final South African Defence Force (SADF)-UNITA attack on Tumpo and the claim by Colonel Jan Breytenbach, former commander of 32 Battalion, that "By early the next morning  they had driven the 25th Brigade from their positions and taken Tumpu . This clearly demonstrated that well planned, well led and well coordinated night  attacks by well trained infantary seldom fail." The task of launching a third attempt to conquer Tumpo would be undertaken by elements of citizen force units, 32 Battalion and four UNITA infantry battalions under the command of 82 South African Mechanised Brigade (SA Mech Bde). The citizen force units in question were Regiment Mooi River, Regiment President Steyn, Regiment De la Rey, Regiment Great Karoo, Regiment Potchefstroom University, 44 Parachute Brigade, 13 Field Engineering Regiment, 19 Rocket Regiment and 7 Anti-Aircraft Regiment. The maximum number of UNITA infantry had to join the attack, mainly to draw fire, to identify targets and to restrict SADF losses to the minimum. To justify the continued battle, the SADF provided five reasons to leadership and troops: The MPLA was illegally in power in Angola; Angola was used as a firm base by the Union of Socialist Sowjet Republics (USSR) to fight against the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and South West Africa (SWA); the USSR supported the MPLA and the ANC; and UNITA served as a buffer zone for attacks against SWA and therefore the SADF was indirectly fighting for UNITA and directly for the RSA. It would also give the SADF an opportunity to test new weaponry. Several dominant factors, however, led to the failure of the third attack on Tumpo: A lack of creative thinking, by repeating almost exactly the same plan of attack and line of advance of the failed second attack on Tumpo; the lack of an informed logistics system (e.g. shortage of diesel and mechanical readiness of vehicles and equipment); well-entrenched and well-equipped MPLA forces; inadequate intelligence (especially regarding the second minefield); almost impassable sandy and forested terrain; unmanned observer posts; largely insufficient preparation and training of citizen force units; the tension and lack of trust between citizen force units and SADF permanent force officers; and international pressure to withdraw from Angola. The morale of the SADF-UNITA troops reached a low after the third failed attempt. The MPLA morale, in contrast, was particularly high, after successfully defending Tumpo and seizing three SADF tanks. The tanks which were abandoned by the SADF, had strong propaganda value for the MPLA forces. One of the tanks was towed to 25 Battalion's positions while the others were protected by positions to prevent the SADF forces from reaching them. Foreign journalists were even flown in to view the SADF tanks. In addition, amplified broadcasting was used to announce far and wide that the three tanks were in FAPLA hands and that an Afrikaans-speaking SADF soldier was captured. As in previous operations, the SADF did not realise the importance of psychological debriefing. Many traumatised SADF soldiers suffered from post-traumatic stress, which put a damper on their vitality. UNITA suffered serious personnel losses, especially the troops who had moved with the tanks. In addition, many soldiers of the two UNITA battalions who attacked on the western bank, died in action. In contrast, the SADF forces suffered no losses. The objective to minimise SADF losses through the maximum utilisation of UNITA troops, was therefore fully realised. <![CDATA[<b>A missiological investigation of the value of autogenous culture</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Sendelinge het die eiesoortige kulture van bepaalde volke, stamme en groepe soms so hanteer dat daardie hantering tans baie gekritiseer word. 'n Westerse model van die evangelie van Jesus Christus is soms op mense afgedruk sonder om die eiesoortige kultuur van onderskeie groepe in gedagte te hou. Hul kultuur is soms versteur en die evangelieboodskap het nie altyd neerslag gevind nie. 'n Sendingwetenskaplike ondersoek sal die eiesoortige kultuur van groepe in die oordra van die evangelie moet erken. Die groot uitdaging is om kontekstueel te wees sonder om die essensiële elemente van die evangelie prys te gee. Inkulturasie - die benadering waarin gemeenskappe self deelneem om die boodskap wat aan hulle oorgedra word te verstaan - moet ondersoek word. Nuwe uitdagings van subkulture, ook onder Westers-georiënteerde mense, geniet aandag. Die missionale, en selfs die ontluikende kerk, hanteer die vraagstuk op ʼn unieke wyse. Sendingkundig moet die belang van eiesoortige kultuur bevestig word. Kultuur word tans soms as 'n "isme", wat verwerplik is, beskou, maar daar moet besef word dat kultuur 'n ononderhandelbare essensie van menswees is - net die wyse waarop dit onder volkere, groepe en gemeenskappe voorkom, verskil. Volgens die sendinggeskiedenis is verwerping van bepaalde kulture onaanvaarbaar. Die afbreking van bepaalde vorme van kultuur om eenvormigheid te bevorder, soos in die VSA-model, moet verhoed word. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is respek, kultuurverruiming en uitbouing van die kulture van verskeie groepe essensieel. Die missionale kerk kan 'n belangrike rol hierin speel.<hr/>Missionaries have sometimes dealt with the distinctive or unique culture of certain nations, tribes and groups in such a way that currently much criticism is expressed about the manner in which it was handled. The main criticism is that a Western model of the gospel of Jesus Christ was imprinted on people without taking into account that the distinctive culture of various groups was thus wrongfully disrupted. The gospel message was sometimes cast in Western cans and jars and did not really bring the message home to people within the communities where the message was communicated. Scientific missiological research will have to include investigating carefully how the distinctive culture of groups should be recognized when communicating the gospel. The challenge to be contextual without losing the essential elements of the gospel remains high. The way in which inculturation must take place is investigated. Inculturation involves an approach in which the communities participate in understanding the message conveyed to them. The message of the gospel is not only conveyed by the missionary but the community also has input in the understanding of the gospel and the Holy Spirit and the local community are the agents that inform mission. The whole context of the local community is taken into account. There should however also be a critical element in inculturation. Culture is not neutral and needs to be critically evaluated in the light of the gospel. The challenge of inculturation is to be totally involved in the local community. It is also necessary to understand the way in which Paul deals with culture. Two pericopes in the Pauline literature are of importance. In Philippians 3:4-9 and 1Corinthians 9:19-23 Paul refers to the issue of his own culture and the relation of this culture to that of others. He highly regards his own Jewish culture but is prepared to limit his own background and become like the other so as to bring more people to Christ. It is, however, clear that he does not regard indigenous culture as obsolete. He honours the culture of those that he testifies to. New challenges of subcultures, among Western-oriented people as well, also receive attention. The missional church and even the emerging church handle the issue in a unique way. The significance of distinctive cultures should be affirmed in a missionary way. It is important to realise that, against the idea that culture is an "ism" that is reprehensible, culture is an unquestionable essence of being human and that the only difference lies in the way in which it transpires among people, groups and communities. How should it be handled? Rejection of certain cultures is unacceptable, as is evident from the history of mission. To break down certain types of culture to promote uniformity, as in the model of the United States, should also be avoided. When some insist that one language, one culture and one way of living should be accepted, it is important to note that the essence of humanity is disregarded. Culture is part of the human condition and should be valued highly. A danger present in the South African community is that emphasis on indigenous culture may lead to disunity in the communities. The unity in Christ and the unity of the church may then be disregarded. Inculturation must therefore not lead to the building of borders between believers but to acknowledging the value of all cultures and respect for all. Some missionaries have translated the Bible into local languages, which shows respect for distinctive cultures. Within the South African context respect, cultural enrichment, and developing the cultures of various groups, are essential. In this, the missional church can play an important role. <![CDATA[<b>"Apostolic times as nonrepeatable and unique": Pentecostals and Luke-Acts</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Sommige Christene se wetenskaplik-geïnformeerde wêreldbeeld laat min ruimte vir bonatuurlike verskynsels of ingrypings buite die aanvaarde sisteem van verklaarbare oorsaak-en-gevolg. Hulle verwag nie ʼn bonatuurlike/goddelike ingryping nie omdat dit buite hulle verwysingsraamwerk val. Sommige in dié groep is die sogenaamde "cessationists", wat inter alia die Handelinge 2-gebeure van Pinksterdag en die daaropvolgende Geestesdoopervarings (Hand 4:31; 8:14-17; 9:17; 10:44-48; 11:15-16; 13:52; 19:2-6) asook die voorkoms van Geestesgawes in die vroegste Kerk (1 Kor 12-14; Rom 12:6-8; Ef 4:11-13; 1 Pet 4:10-11) beperk tot apostoliese tye. Hierteenoor verwag klassieke Pinkstergelowiges dat die bonatuurlike hulle steeds sal verras en dat die gebeure van Pinksterdag sowel as die werking van die Gees wat die lewe van die apostels en eerste gemeentes gekenmerk het, herhaal word in hulle midde. Trouens, hulle interpreteer en modelleer die huidige werklikheid aan die hand van Bybelse narratiewe en veral Lukas-Handelinge speel ʼn bepalende rol as "geskiedenis" van Jesus en die vroegste Kerk. Pinksterteoloë gebruik dan ook verskeie aspekte van die Lukaanse narratief om aan te dui dat die skrywer gebeure beskryf met die duidelike doel om lesers aan te moedig om hulle praktyk aan die hand daarvan te modelleer teenoor die "cessationist" standpunt dat Lukas se narratiewe vanuit die teologie in Paulus se leerredes geïnterpreteer moet word. Dié interpretasies van Lukas-Handelinge word kortliks beskryf voor enkele aspekte daarvan krities bespreek word.<hr/>Some Christians' scientifically-informed worldview leave little room for supernatural phenomena or divine interventions outside the accepted system of explainable cause and effect. They do not expect a supernatural/divine intervention because it falls outside their frame of reference. A part of these believers are the "cessationists" who inter alia limit the Acts 2 events of Pentecost and the other incidents of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit (Acts 4:31; 8:14-17; 9:17; 10:44-48; 11:15-16; 13:52; 19:2-6) as well as the prevalence of charismata or spiritual gifts in the early church (1 Cor 12-14; Rom 12:6-8; Eph 4:11-13; 1 Pet 4:10-11) to New Testament or apostolic times. On the other hand, classical Pentecostal believers expect that the supernatural would continually surprise them and that the events of the Day of Pentecost as well as the operation of the Spirit that characterized the life of the apostles and first assemblies as described in Acts would be repeated in their midst. In fact, they interpret and model their current reality on the basis of biblical narrative and especially Luke-Acts plays a decisive role as the replicable "history" of Jesus and the early Church. Pentecostal theologians use various aspects of the Lukan narrative to indicate that the author describes events with the clear aim and intention to encourage readers to model their practice on the basis thereof contra the cessationist view that interpret Luke's narrative about the Spirit from the theology in Paul's letters where he responds to specific situations in congregations to teach about the Spirit. These interpretations of Luke-Acts are then briefly described and analysed in contrast to the cessationist view that the events in Acts are unique and nonrepeatable before some aspects of the Pentecostal viewpoint are discussed critically. Pentecostals argue that Jesus' and Peter's sermon in respectively Luke 4:16-30 and Acts 2:14-41 intentionally provides an introduction to the two books in order to emphasize the important role that the Spirit plays in the ministry of Jesus and his disciples. Luke's unique reference to the mission of 70/72 disciples also serves as the fulfillment of Moses' plea that all the Lord's people may be prophets and equipped with the Spirit which is then demonstrated systematically and intentionally in the way Acts unfolds the history of the early Church. Cessationist theology responds to Luke's version of the baptism in the Spirit by interpreting Luke in Pauline terms, when Spirit baptism is limited to the event of initiation of the faithful into the Body of Christ, while Pentecostal theology chooses to describe it as a further experience in the lives of believers, in distinction from the first experience of salvation and the second experience of sanctification. It bases its view on what it perceives to be Luke's presentation of the term "filled with / baptized in the Spirit" as equipment with power in order to be effective witnesses unto the ends of the earth (Acts 1:8). Some object that doctrine or didactic conclusions cannot be based on biblical narrative; Pentecostal theologians argue that they do not base their dogma on the narratives found in the Bible alone but primarily on the continuity of charismatic experiences witnessed in the Bible and repeated in the contemporary situation. However, the danger is that a door is left open for heresies that threaten the church because it allows for charismatic interpretation of scriptures as well as extrabiblical revelations. The issue of the underlying a-scientific worldview that underpins Pentecostal theology has not been discounted adequately. And Pentecostals' ecstatic experiences are difficult to describe; although contemporary descriptions borrow language from the Bible in order to describe these experiences, it is impossible, methodologically speaking, to place the historical and contemporary side by side in an undifferentiated analogous manner. To compare literary and contemporary spirituality with each other is impossible because of the differences in worldview, language and culture. <![CDATA[<b>The Cultural-Historical Activity Theory (CHAT) as a lens to study school principal leadership styles</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die vraag word dikwels gevra of leierskapstyle ingebou of ingebore is en dus nie kan verander nie. Is ʼn leierskapstyl vloeibaar en bepaal die konteks watter styl gevolg moet word? Die beste manier om leierskapstyle te evalueer is deur middel van volgelinge se persepsies. Volgelinge se waarneming van ʼn leierskapstyl kan egter van ʼn leier se siening verskil. Ten einde ʼn geheelbeeld daaroor te kry moet ʼn mens die bydrae van verskeie perspektiewe aanvaar en respekteer. Hierdie studie fokus op die volgende vraag: Tot watter mate verskil skoolhoofde en onderwysers se waarnemings ten opsigte van leierskapstyle in onderpresterende skole? Skoolhoofleierskapstyl word deur die kultuurhistoriese aktiwiteitsteorie bekyk. Kwantitatiewe navorsing is in KwaZulu-Natal gedoen, waar die Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire onder die skoolhoofde en personeel van 72 skole versprei en 56 daarvan terugontvang is. Data is met behulp van verskeie statistiese tegnieke ontleed en geïnterpreteer. Volgens die resultate kan daar wel ʼn redelike onderskeid tussen die transformerende, transaksionele en passief-vermydende skoolhoofleierskapstyle getref word, selfs in wan- of swakpresterende skole wat nie oor al die nodige hulpmiddels beskik nie. Verder is aangetoon dat onderwysers se waarnemings in ag geneem moet word wanneer skoolhoofde ʼn geskikte leierskapstyl kies. Skoolhoofde moet leierskapstyle egter nie rigied toepas nie, maar moet eerder verskeie konfigurasies kombineer ten einde die uitdagings van die bestuur van hul onderskeie skole doeltreffend aan te durf.<hr/>Followers' perceptions are the best evaluation of leadership styles. How followers observe a leadership style may differ from how the leader sees it. In order to understand the entire reality, one should accept and respect the different perspectives and its contribution towards the understanding of a phenomenon. The purpose of any educational institution is to provide successful teaching and learning to all learners. However, one of the main problems contributing towards poor results could be the leadership style of principals. Individuals have a particular perception of a leader they are about to meet, and they expect that leader to act according to those perceptions. Implicit leadership might guide a person to understand and interpret the credibility of such leadership behaviour. The transformational, transactional and passive avoidant leadership styles are researched in different contexts to understand them better. The transformational leadership style distinguishes between idealised influence, inspirational motivation, intellectual stimulation and individual consideration. This style is characterised by the transformation that a leader initiates by motivation, inspiration and clear communication of a mission, vision and goals. Furthermore, the transformational leader tries to develop his or her followers to their fullest. The transactional leadership style is characterised by an exchange between people, which may be economical, political or psychological. The transactional leadership style focuses on mistakes and lowers performance expectations; followers are not empowered by this style. Rewards are exchanged for submission, efforts, productivity and loyalty. Typical of the transactional leadership style is "management for results". A characteristic of this style is the leader's responsibility, especially with regard to important issues. Other characteristics are avoidance, indifference, absence and hesitance when his or her response is required in urgent issues. A leader who follows the passive avoidant style acts when a problem arises, but waits until the problem becomes serious before he or she will intervene. Followers have the freedom to make their own decisions. In this study the researcher looks at the Cultural-Historical Activity Theory (CHAT) as a lens to study school principal leadership styles. CHAT has its origin in the work of Lev Vygotsky. The unit of analysis is an activity system, and in this study two activity systems are used to illustrate the use of CHAT. Furthermore, the study focuses on the interpersonal plane, where the interaction between the principal leadership style and teachers is studied. A quantitative study was conducted in KwaZulu-Natal. The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire was distributed among 72 schools (principals and teachers). Data were analysed and interpreted according to various statistics. The investigation revealed that the conventional distinction between principal leadership styles might be maintained, even with regard to underperforming schools that do not have all the necessary tools. It also showed that principals should take teachers' perceptions into consideration whenever they choose an appropriate leadership style. However, principals should not apply any style rigidly, but should rather combine a variety of configurations in order to manage the challenges in their respective schools effectively. <![CDATA[<b>Carstens's framework of Afrikaans conjunction markers: A more accurate and complete version</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Gedurende die afgelope twee dekades het Carstens se raamwerk van Afrikaanse konjunksiemerkers die standaardindeling geword waaraan konjunksiemerkergebruik gemeet is. Sy kompromisindeling kan as baanbrekerswerk beskou word in dié sin dat Halliday en Hasan (1976) se vier hoofkategorieë konjunksiemerkers met subkategorieë van ander navorsers se indelings gekombineer is. In 2014 is die eerste kritiek teen Carstens se raamwerk uitgespreek op grond van die bevindings van ʼn korpuslinguistiese studie van Jordaan (2014). Fouché (2016) identifiseer twee jaar later verdere leemtes. Die feit dat daar kritiek teen Carstens se raamwerk uitgespreek is, dui ook daarop dat sy indeling gereeld as verwysingsraamwerk in die bestudering van konjunksiemerkergebruik in Afrikaans gebruik word. Juis daarom is die doel van hierdie artikel die saamstel van ʼn akkurater en vollediger raamwerk. Vir die saamstel van so ʼn raamwerk van konjunksiemerkers in Afrikaans, is eerstens indelings van linguiste waarop hy sy raamwerk gebaseer het, en ander indelings wat ook vóór die verskyning van sy raamwerk gepubliseer is, geanaliseer. Tweedens is indelings wat ná sy raamwerk gepubliseer is, sowel as kritiek wat daarteen uitgespreek is, krities geanaliseer. Op grond van die kritiese analise van hierdie bronne, is Carstens se raamwerk met verdere voorbeeldkonjunksiemerkers aangevul. Veranderings is ten opsigte van die plasing van spesifieke konjunksiemerkers in bepaalde kategorieë, en ten opsigte van die verskuiwing en integrasie van kategorieë wat binne Carstens se raamwerk gebruik word, voorgestel, en een hoofkategorie en een subkategorie is bygevoeg.<hr/>For the past two decades, Carstens's framework of Afrikaans conjunction markers has been used as the standard classification for measuring the use of conjunction markers. His classification of compromise can be viewed as the work of a pioneer due to the combining of Halliday and Hasan's (1976) four main categories of conjunction markers with the sub-categories of classifications of other researchers. In this process, he linked the use of Afrikaans conjunction markers for the first time to a framework, which has already received international stature within the literature with regard to the use of conjunction markers. Halliday and Hasan (1976:235) highlights the fact that there exists a shortcoming concerning a uniform inventory for the use of conjunction markers in English, because the function(s) of a particular conjunction marker - recorded into this classification - is dependent on the contexts in which the conjunction marker is used. Moreover, these contexts are not always clearly indicated. The same principle holds true for Afrikaans and other languages. Quite a useful number of classifications for conjunction markers are available in literature concerning Afrikaans and English.¹ Carstens brought together information from all of these Afrikaans and English sources that appeared before the publication of his first framework for his classification of compromise concerning Afrikaans conjunction markers. In 2014, Carstens's framework received its first criticism based on the findings of a corpus linguistic study completed by Jordaan (2014). Two years later, Fouché (2016) identified additional shortcomings. The fact that Carstens's framework received criticism, is a clear indication that his classification is being used as a frame of reference when the use of conjunction markers in Afrikaans is studied. The aim of this article was, therefore, to compile a more accurate and complete framework. For the compilation of such a framework for conjunction markers in Afrikaans, the first classifications of linguists on which Carstens based his framework were analysed (compare the above-mentioned sources published before 1996) together with other classifications that were published before his framework came into being (compare inter alia Ponelis 1979 and Van der Merwe 1996). Secondly, classifications that were published after his framework (compare inter alia Jordaan 2014:39-40; 2016:157-159, 164-167 and Fouché 2016:71-80, 109-111) as well as subsequent criticism were critically analysed. In preference to a critical analysis of these sources, Carstens's framework was complemented with examples and changes were made. His framework was complemented with conjunction markers, such as in stede van, totdat, aangesien, buiten, anders, in die eerste/tweede/derde/ laaste plek, ten eerste/tweede/derde/slotte and samevattend (provided these markers have the function of combining sentences). Proposals were made with regard to changes in the placement of specific conjunction markers, in particular subcategories and the reallocation and integration of categories used in Carstens's framework. An example is the reallocation of nogtans from the main category redegewend to the main category teenstellend. In addition, the following conjunction markers - die voorwaarde dat, met dien verstande and dus − have all been moved to the main category redegewend due to the function of explanation these markers fulfil (these markers indicate cause-effect-relationship between two sentences) to initiate joining or to indicate comparisons. Carstens's framework was also changed by integrating two of the sub-categories, namely ordenend and rangskikkend, because the difference between these two sub-categories was not clearly indicated. The largest proposed change with regard to Carstens's framework is the adding of a fifth main category (introductors to projected subordinate clauses) and one sub-category (i.e. the expansion of Carstens's main category aaneenskakelendwith a sub-category illustrerend and verduidelikend). <![CDATA[<b>Koesister op 'n Royal Albert piering: 'n Kritiese nabetraging van 'n nie-moedertaalonderwyservaring</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Keuses wat omgee-ouers uitoefen word gewoonlik met die beste bedoelings gemaak, maar het dikwels onvoorsiene gevolge. Min ouers deurdink die kritieke rol wat taal in 'n komplekse omgewing soos die klaskamer speel. Sommige glo ook dat 'n onderrigtaal bloot 'n leivoor is vir die oordrag van kennis, en is nie altyd bewus van die sterk, tog onsigbare verbintenis tussen die skool en die huisomgewing nie. My mededelings versteur moontlik die meningsekwilibrium wat talle ouers tans ten opsigte van 'n onderrigtaal mag huldig. Dit is egter noodsaaklik dat 'n verreikende besluit soos die keuse van 'n skool - veral vir aanvangsleer - nie bloot op grond van die onderrigtaal gemaak word nie. Aan die hand van 'n persoonlike taalbiografie word verskeie mites rakende die rol van taal, kultuur en identiteit in die onderwys krities bekyk. <![CDATA[<b>Form, matter and the Aristotelian-political hermeneutic. The continuing paradigm debate on politocratic communitarianism</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die antieke Griekse kultuur was ooglopend religieus; dit was nie georiënteer volgens die belange van die individu nie, maar gerig op die Griekse polis. In 'n vorige artikel is daarop gewys dat politokratiese kommunitarisme se organismiese politieke filosofie tot ooglopende dilemmas lei: abstrakte universalisme en abstrakte partikulariteit; 'n "alternatief-moderne" dialektiese bemiddelingsteorie; 'n trans-individuele utopie van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe; 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van verstaatlikte politieke gemeenskap; voorkeur vir 'n staatstipe wat sonder erkenning van fundamentele regte funksioneer; asook politieke gemeenskap wat 'n beeld van innerlik-teenstrydige proporsies na vore bring en wat 'n ongedifferensieerde vorm van verstaatlikte assosiasie onderskryf. In antwoord daarop identifiseer Danie Goosen die leemte van "onhermeneutiese hermeneutiek" aan die kant van "Dooyeweerdse denkers" en bemerk pogings tot "sisteembou" by Aristoteliese kritici, terwyl Koos Malan die feit bekla dat sy werke en dié van sy mede-Aristoteliaan Goosen (binne die konteks van die staatsfilosofiese grondslae-debat) nie na behore gelees word nie. 'n Wesenlike leemte in die diskoers is dat Aristoteliese kommunitariërs nie voldoende aandag aan die grondmotiewe, grondidees en ideologiese ladings van wetenskaplike begrippe in die antieke Griekse politieke denke skenk nie. Bygevolg is tot dusver in die diskoers onvoldoende oor die Aristoteliese grondmotief, die grondidees wat daaruit voortspruit en die grondbegrippe wat die vorm van die Aristoteliese polis-staat bepaal, besin. Ter verrekening van die implikasies van politokratiese kommunitarisme word daarby stilgestaan. Die verwagting is dat, anders as wat die politokraat Alasdair MacIntyre tot dusver gepropageer het, politokrate die teoretiese erfenis van relativistiese politieke diskoers vir 'n diepgaande gesprek - met 'n nie-relativistiese inslag - oor grondslagkwessies sal verruil.<hr/>Greek culture was emphatically religious; its centre of orientation was not the individual and his fulfilment, but rather the city-state and its destiny. In a previous article it was pointed out that politocratic communitarianism's embrace of the organismic state culminates in state absolutism. According to Eric R. Dodds, classical Greece was closer to the Japan of the Samurais than to modern civilization. At the heart of Greek religious and philosophical thought was the form-matter motive. This religious force, which was fundamental to Greek thought, drew no line of demarcation between gods and men; the difference between gods and men was not a difference of being, but a difference of power and station. The concept of continuity of being manifested in distinct ground ideas of a dialectical nature: amongst others, chaos and order; the one and the many; and space and place. These dialectical tensions were hermeneutically interpreted in terms of the ground idea of the hierarchy of being. The chaos-order dialectic stands against the background of continuity, so that ultimately the hermeneutic vision is one of unity. Chaos and order represent aspects of being and stages of growth. Chaos is brought to order by the principle of the androgyn. The city-state is the androgyn manifestation of the mystical bond of heaven and earth, and the polis wholly comprehends man's life. Whereas Heraclitus viewed change as the key to understanding reality, Parmenides took Being to be the cosmic substance, which is the same as thought. Politocratic communitarianists ground their views on place on Parmenides' theory of static being. The upshot is that this manifestation of Aristotelian communitarianism remains encapsulated in insurmountable conflicts of and tensions between the political "place" of the Greek polis and the conceptual "space" of the "territorial" state. <![CDATA[<b>The significance of philosophical distinctions for reflecting on state and society with special reference to the work of Koos Malan on <i>Politocracy</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Afrikaanse akademici voer tans 'n lewendige gesprek oor staat en samelewing met onder meer gespreksgenote soos Danie Goosen, Koos Malan en Andries Raath. Uiteraard kan met velerlei gesigspunte en insigte saamgestem word. Ter wille van 'n goeie begrip van die aard van staat en samelewing is dit egter wenslik om perspektiewe en onderskeidinge na vore te bring wat vrugbaar mag wees vir die ondersoek wat in hierdie artikel aan die orde gestel word. Die historiese lyn vanaf die Grieks polis (stadstaat) herberg 'n organiese gemeenskapsidee waarin die geheel-dele relasie sentraal staan. In die geskrif van Koos Malan oor die politokrasie kontrasteer hy dit met fasette in die denke van figure soos Hobbes, Locke en Rousseau wat getipeer word as abstrak, atomisties (individualisties) en die afwesigheid van 'n hegter gemeenskap. Die aard van 'n "staatlike orde" word gesien as 'n "tydelike historiese en dus veranderlike verskynsel" - waarmee die probleem van duursaamheid en verandering vanself na vore gebring word. Sonder die onderskeiding tussen aspekte as bestaanswyses en konkrete (natuurlike en samelewings-)entiteite kan beswaarlik ingesien word dat die regsaspek byvoorbeeld nie aan die staat (of enige ander samelewingsvorm) behoort nie want elke samelewingsvorm funksioneer bloot in hierdie (en alle ander aspekte) op 'n struktuurtipiese wyse. In selfstandige artikels sal egter nader ingegaan word op die onvermelde wortels van hierdie intellektuele tradisie wat ook teruggryp na die na-Kantiaanse vryheidsidealisme.<hr/>Recently reflections on state and society were enriched by the contributions of various authors in Afrikaans. Of particular interest in this regard is a work written by Koos Malan (professor in Constitutional Law). It displays a positive appreciation of the Greek polis which provides a starting-point for his discussion of the ecclesiastically unified culture of the Medieval era. He points out that the term "state" emerged fairly recently, preceded by earlier designations such as realm, body politic, commonwealth, civitasandrepublic. In his definition of "staatlikheid" ("stateliness") the intention is to capture key traits of the ideology of the state. In some instances stateliness and state are equated. When the element "territory" is added to the concept of the "state" the idea of the "territorial state" emerges. However, according to Malan the expression territorial state does not instantiate the positive features of a genuine community. The latter is understood not in terms of abstract individuals, but from the perspective of a whole and in terms of the whole-parts relation. At the same time the jural side of reality is seen as related to the state. He holds that the state order is seen as a reified, fixed and permanent entity, instead of as a temporal, historical and therefore changeable phenomenon. This view highlights the classical philosophical problem of constancy and change (dating back to Plato and Heraclitus). It became once more prominent at the beginning of the 19th century with the rise of modern historicism which emphasized change at the cost of constancy. However, in the same context Malan does evince an understanding of Plato's insight, namely that change can only be detected on the basis of persistence (constancy), for he refers to the "royal office" which is an "enduring" ("blywende") and an "immutable" ("onveranderlike") juridical given. This insight borders upon a key element in our understanding of the nature of a principle as a universal and constant starting-point for human action that can only be made valid (positivized) through the intervention of a competent organ in varying circumstances. Malan speaks of "rules" contained in "legal principles" that ought to be applied - without realizing that a rule is already an applied principle. Defending the supposed changefulness of the "state order" is only possible if an element of persistence is recognized in the constancy of the structural principle of the state, for otherwise Malan becomes a victim of the shortcoming of historicism by emphasizing change at the cost of what endures. The relationship between state and law points at another important philosophical distinction, namely distinguishing between concrete (natural and societal) entities and the various modes of existence in which they function. The various modes of being ("bestaanswyses") of reality are captured in concepts of function distinct from thing concepts, which in turn are correlated with modal laws (displaying an unspecified universality) and type laws (evincing a specified universality). The functioning of the state within all aspects of reality presupposes the universality of each one of these aspects because the scope of modal laws encompasses all possible classes of entities. The type law for being a state, by contrast, displays a specifieduniversality: it holds for all states (its universality), but it is at once also limited to states only (its specified universality), for not everything is a state. Malan does not employ the distinction between modal universality and typicality. As a result he defends the view that concepts such as "law," "freedom," "authority" and "sovereignty" are "state-related." However, if "law" finds its "foundation and starting-point" in the state, as he alleges, the question arises if law (just like the state) only arrives on the scene relatively late. Moreover, societal entities distinctfrom the state also function (in their own typical way) within the jural aspect of reality. Therefore no single aspect, including the jural aspect, could be allocated to one or another entity merely functioning within it. The state does not "own" the jural aspect. The terms "authority" and "sovereignty" are analyzed in a similar way, by focusing on the modal aspects in which they have their foundation. Malan is justifiably critical of the totalitarian side of the concept of sovereignty introduced into modern political science and the science of law by Bodin (1981). But the "organological view of society" present in Bodin's concept of sovereignty still reflects the over-extended application of the whole-parts relation derived from the philosophy of Aristotle. Malan is not critical of this legacy. While holding on to this he analyzes the philosophical orientations of Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau by focusing on their atomism (individualism) and their "anti-communitarian" ("anti-kommunitêre") inclination. What is absent in the analyses of Malan is an investigation of the direction-changing influence of late-scholastic nominalism. This shortcoming influenced his restricted understanding of modern humanism because his approach does not enhance an insight into the ultimate dialectic of nature and freedom operative within modern philosophy. It also prevents his approach from appreciating the modern social contract theories as an outcome of the primacy of the humanistic science ideal and the motive of logical creation. Contrary to his claim that humanism lasted up to the middle of the 16th century its dialectic influence is still operative in Western culture. Although he does briefly refer to the encompassing work of Mekkes (1940) on the Ontwikkeling der humanistische rechstaatsteorieën a more penetrating study of this work would have presented alternative options to avoid most of the problems mentioned in our current analysis. That the positive appreciation of the holistic legacy does not merely relate to the Greek-Medieval tradition will be shown in follow-up articles, in which universalism will be examined in more detail, directed at the post-Kantian freedom-idealism of Schelling, Fichte and Hegel. The current article concludes by pointing out that the directional antithesis between good and evil should not be interpreted in structural terms, entailing that the norming structural principle of the state is not inherently antinormative, i.e. evil by definition. Al Wolters (1981) captures the depth perspective on the distinctness of structure and direction as follows: "All aspects of created life and reality are in principle equally good, and all are in principle equally subject to perversion and renewal." <![CDATA[<b>Oor deeltekens en koppeltekens</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Afrikaanse akademici voer tans 'n lewendige gesprek oor staat en samelewing met onder meer gespreksgenote soos Danie Goosen, Koos Malan en Andries Raath. Uiteraard kan met velerlei gesigspunte en insigte saamgestem word. Ter wille van 'n goeie begrip van die aard van staat en samelewing is dit egter wenslik om perspektiewe en onderskeidinge na vore te bring wat vrugbaar mag wees vir die ondersoek wat in hierdie artikel aan die orde gestel word. Die historiese lyn vanaf die Grieks polis (stadstaat) herberg 'n organiese gemeenskapsidee waarin die geheel-dele relasie sentraal staan. In die geskrif van Koos Malan oor die politokrasie kontrasteer hy dit met fasette in die denke van figure soos Hobbes, Locke en Rousseau wat getipeer word as abstrak, atomisties (individualisties) en die afwesigheid van 'n hegter gemeenskap. Die aard van 'n "staatlike orde" word gesien as 'n "tydelike historiese en dus veranderlike verskynsel" - waarmee die probleem van duursaamheid en verandering vanself na vore gebring word. Sonder die onderskeiding tussen aspekte as bestaanswyses en konkrete (natuurlike en samelewings-)entiteite kan beswaarlik ingesien word dat die regsaspek byvoorbeeld nie aan die staat (of enige ander samelewingsvorm) behoort nie want elke samelewingsvorm funksioneer bloot in hierdie (en alle ander aspekte) op 'n struktuurtipiese wyse. In selfstandige artikels sal egter nader ingegaan word op die onvermelde wortels van hierdie intellektuele tradisie wat ook teruggryp na die na-Kantiaanse vryheidsidealisme.<hr/>Recently reflections on state and society were enriched by the contributions of various authors in Afrikaans. Of particular interest in this regard is a work written by Koos Malan (professor in Constitutional Law). It displays a positive appreciation of the Greek polis which provides a starting-point for his discussion of the ecclesiastically unified culture of the Medieval era. He points out that the term "state" emerged fairly recently, preceded by earlier designations such as realm, body politic, commonwealth, civitasandrepublic. In his definition of "staatlikheid" ("stateliness") the intention is to capture key traits of the ideology of the state. In some instances stateliness and state are equated. When the element "territory" is added to the concept of the "state" the idea of the "territorial state" emerges. However, according to Malan the expression territorial state does not instantiate the positive features of a genuine community. The latter is understood not in terms of abstract individuals, but from the perspective of a whole and in terms of the whole-parts relation. At the same time the jural side of reality is seen as related to the state. He holds that the state order is seen as a reified, fixed and permanent entity, instead of as a temporal, historical and therefore changeable phenomenon. This view highlights the classical philosophical problem of constancy and change (dating back to Plato and Heraclitus). It became once more prominent at the beginning of the 19th century with the rise of modern historicism which emphasized change at the cost of constancy. However, in the same context Malan does evince an understanding of Plato's insight, namely that change can only be detected on the basis of persistence (constancy), for he refers to the "royal office" which is an "enduring" ("blywende") and an "immutable" ("onveranderlike") juridical given. This insight borders upon a key element in our understanding of the nature of a principle as a universal and constant starting-point for human action that can only be made valid (positivized) through the intervention of a competent organ in varying circumstances. Malan speaks of "rules" contained in "legal principles" that ought to be applied - without realizing that a rule is already an applied principle. Defending the supposed changefulness of the "state order" is only possible if an element of persistence is recognized in the constancy of the structural principle of the state, for otherwise Malan becomes a victim of the shortcoming of historicism by emphasizing change at the cost of what endures. The relationship between state and law points at another important philosophical distinction, namely distinguishing between concrete (natural and societal) entities and the various modes of existence in which they function. The various modes of being ("bestaanswyses") of reality are captured in concepts of function distinct from thing concepts, which in turn are correlated with modal laws (displaying an unspecified universality) and type laws (evincing a specified universality). The functioning of the state within all aspects of reality presupposes the universality of each one of these aspects because the scope of modal laws encompasses all possible classes of entities. The type law for being a state, by contrast, displays a specifieduniversality: it holds for all states (its universality), but it is at once also limited to states only (its specified universality), for not everything is a state. Malan does not employ the distinction between modal universality and typicality. As a result he defends the view that concepts such as "law," "freedom," "authority" and "sovereignty" are "state-related." However, if "law" finds its "foundation and starting-point" in the state, as he alleges, the question arises if law (just like the state) only arrives on the scene relatively late. Moreover, societal entities distinctfrom the state also function (in their own typical way) within the jural aspect of reality. Therefore no single aspect, including the jural aspect, could be allocated to one or another entity merely functioning within it. The state does not "own" the jural aspect. The terms "authority" and "sovereignty" are analyzed in a similar way, by focusing on the modal aspects in which they have their foundation. Malan is justifiably critical of the totalitarian side of the concept of sovereignty introduced into modern political science and the science of law by Bodin (1981). But the "organological view of society" present in Bodin's concept of sovereignty still reflects the over-extended application of the whole-parts relation derived from the philosophy of Aristotle. Malan is not critical of this legacy. While holding on to this he analyzes the philosophical orientations of Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau by focusing on their atomism (individualism) and their "anti-communitarian" ("anti-kommunitêre") inclination. What is absent in the analyses of Malan is an investigation of the direction-changing influence of late-scholastic nominalism. This shortcoming influenced his restricted understanding of modern humanism because his approach does not enhance an insight into the ultimate dialectic of nature and freedom operative within modern philosophy. It also prevents his approach from appreciating the modern social contract theories as an outcome of the primacy of the humanistic science ideal and the motive of logical creation. Contrary to his claim that humanism lasted up to the middle of the 16th century its dialectic influence is still operative in Western culture. Although he does briefly refer to the encompassing work of Mekkes (1940) on the Ontwikkeling der humanistische rechstaatsteorieën a more penetrating study of this work would have presented alternative options to avoid most of the problems mentioned in our current analysis. That the positive appreciation of the holistic legacy does not merely relate to the Greek-Medieval tradition will be shown in follow-up articles, in which universalism will be examined in more detail, directed at the post-Kantian freedom-idealism of Schelling, Fichte and Hegel. The current article concludes by pointing out that the directional antithesis between good and evil should not be interpreted in structural terms, entailing that the norming structural principle of the state is not inherently antinormative, i.e. evil by definition. Al Wolters (1981) captures the depth perspective on the distinctness of structure and direction as follows: "All aspects of created life and reality are in principle equally good, and all are in principle equally subject to perversion and renewal." <![CDATA[<b>Huldigingsbundels</b><b>: Afrikaanse skrywers/digters/dramaturge</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512017000400015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Afrikaanse akademici voer tans 'n lewendige gesprek oor staat en samelewing met onder meer gespreksgenote soos Danie Goosen, Koos Malan en Andries Raath. Uiteraard kan met velerlei gesigspunte en insigte saamgestem word. Ter wille van 'n goeie begrip van die aard van staat en samelewing is dit egter wenslik om perspektiewe en onderskeidinge na vore te bring wat vrugbaar mag wees vir die ondersoek wat in hierdie artikel aan die orde gestel word. Die historiese lyn vanaf die Grieks polis (stadstaat) herberg 'n organiese gemeenskapsidee waarin die geheel-dele relasie sentraal staan. In die geskrif van Koos Malan oor die politokrasie kontrasteer hy dit met fasette in die denke van figure soos Hobbes, Locke en Rousseau wat getipeer word as abstrak, atomisties (individualisties) en die afwesigheid van 'n hegter gemeenskap. Die aard van 'n "staatlike orde" word gesien as 'n "tydelike historiese en dus veranderlike verskynsel" - waarmee die probleem van duursaamheid en verandering vanself na vore gebring word. Sonder die onderskeiding tussen aspekte as bestaanswyses en konkrete (natuurlike en samelewings-)entiteite kan beswaarlik ingesien word dat die regsaspek byvoorbeeld nie aan die staat (of enige ander samelewingsvorm) behoort nie want elke samelewingsvorm funksioneer bloot in hierdie (en alle ander aspekte) op 'n struktuurtipiese wyse. In selfstandige artikels sal egter nader ingegaan word op die onvermelde wortels van hierdie intellektuele tradisie wat ook teruggryp na die na-Kantiaanse vryheidsidealisme.<hr/>Recently reflections on state and society were enriched by the contributions of various authors in Afrikaans. Of particular interest in this regard is a work written by Koos Malan (professor in Constitutional Law). It displays a positive appreciation of the Greek polis which provides a starting-point for his discussion of the ecclesiastically unified culture of the Medieval era. He points out that the term "state" emerged fairly recently, preceded by earlier designations such as realm, body politic, commonwealth, civitasandrepublic. In his definition of "staatlikheid" ("stateliness") the intention is to capture key traits of the ideology of the state. In some instances stateliness and state are equated. When the element "territory" is added to the concept of the "state" the idea of the "territorial state" emerges. However, according to Malan the expression territorial state does not instantiate the positive features of a genuine community. The latter is understood not in terms of abstract individuals, but from the perspective of a whole and in terms of the whole-parts relation. At the same time the jural side of reality is seen as related to the state. He holds that the state order is seen as a reified, fixed and permanent entity, instead of as a temporal, historical and therefore changeable phenomenon. This view highlights the classical philosophical problem of constancy and change (dating back to Plato and Heraclitus). It became once more prominent at the beginning of the 19th century with the rise of modern historicism which emphasized change at the cost of constancy. However, in the same context Malan does evince an understanding of Plato's insight, namely that change can only be detected on the basis of persistence (constancy), for he refers to the "royal office" which is an "enduring" ("blywende") and an "immutable" ("onveranderlike") juridical given. This insight borders upon a key element in our understanding of the nature of a principle as a universal and constant starting-point for human action that can only be made valid (positivized) through the intervention of a competent organ in varying circumstances. Malan speaks of "rules" contained in "legal principles" that ought to be applied - without realizing that a rule is already an applied principle. Defending the supposed changefulness of the "state order" is only possible if an element of persistence is recognized in the constancy of the structural principle of the state, for otherwise Malan becomes a victim of the shortcoming of historicism by emphasizing change at the cost of what endures. The relationship between state and law points at another important philosophical distinction, namely distinguishing between concrete (natural and societal) entities and the various modes of existence in which they function. The various modes of being ("bestaanswyses") of reality are captured in concepts of function distinct from thing concepts, which in turn are correlated with modal laws (displaying an unspecified universality) and type laws (evincing a specified universality). The functioning of the state within all aspects of reality presupposes the universality of each one of these aspects because the scope of modal laws encompasses all possible classes of entities. The type law for being a state, by contrast, displays a specifieduniversality: it holds for all states (its universality), but it is at once also limited to states only (its specified universality), for not everything is a state. Malan does not employ the distinction between modal universality and typicality. As a result he defends the view that concepts such as "law," "freedom," "authority" and "sovereignty" are "state-related." However, if "law" finds its "foundation and starting-point" in the state, as he alleges, the question arises if law (just like the state) only arrives on the scene relatively late. Moreover, societal entities distinctfrom the state also function (in their own typical way) within the jural aspect of reality. Therefore no single aspect, including the jural aspect, could be allocated to one or another entity merely functioning within it. The state does not "own" the jural aspect. The terms "authority" and "sovereignty" are analyzed in a similar way, by focusing on the modal aspects in which they have their foundation. Malan is justifiably critical of the totalitarian side of the concept of sovereignty introduced into modern political science and the science of law by Bodin (1981). But the "organological view of society" present in Bodin's concept of sovereignty still reflects the over-extended application of the whole-parts relation derived from the philosophy of Aristotle. Malan is not critical of this legacy. While holding on to this he analyzes the philosophical orientations of Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau by focusing on their atomism (individualism) and their "anti-communitarian" ("anti-kommunitêre") inclination. What is absent in the analyses of Malan is an investigation of the direction-changing influence of late-scholastic nominalism. This shortcoming influenced his restricted understanding of modern humanism because his approach does not enhance an insight into the ultimate dialectic of nature and freedom operative within modern philosophy. It also prevents his approach from appreciating the modern social contract theories as an outcome of the primacy of the humanistic science ideal and the motive of logical creation. Contrary to his claim that humanism lasted up to the middle of the 16th century its dialectic influence is still operative in Western culture. Although he does briefly refer to the encompassing work of Mekkes (1940) on the Ontwikkeling der humanistische rechstaatsteorieën a more penetrating study of this work would have presented alternative options to avoid most of the problems mentioned in our current analysis. That the positive appreciation of the holistic legacy does not merely relate to the Greek-Medieval tradition will be shown in follow-up articles, in which universalism will be examined in more detail, directed at the post-Kantian freedom-idealism of Schelling, Fichte and Hegel. The current article concludes by pointing out that the directional antithesis between good and evil should not be interpreted in structural terms, entailing that the norming structural principle of the state is not inherently antinormative, i.e. evil by definition. Al Wolters (1981) captures the depth perspective on the distinctness of structure and direction as follows: "All aspects of created life and reality are in principle equally good, and all are in principle equally subject to perversion and renewal."