Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0041-475120180001&lang=en vol. 58 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Father of holism: Was Jan Smuts an intellectual?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Jan Smuts was uiters intelligent, 'n wetenskaplike in eie reg, 'n beskermheer van die wetenskappe en 'n bydraer tot wetenskaplike literatuur en diskoerse. Kwalifiseer hy deur sy intellektuele bydraes om as 'n intellektueel geklassifiseer te word? Sy aanspraak op die status van intellektueel sentreer om die konsep van holisme, wat hy oor dekades ontwikkel het en wat in Holism and evolution (1926) uiteengesit is. In hierdie boek het hy in 'n sintese van die bestaande kennis van sy tyd holisme voorgehou as die kreatiewe en koördinerende beginsel in die heelal, wat materie, lewe en gees saamvoeg. Hy het teleologies argumenteer dat evolusie 'n proses is wat al meer komplekse gehele tot stand bring en dat die natuur in die rigting van voortdurende verbetering beweeg. Smuts se konsep het positiewe openbare en wetenskaplike kommentaar uitgelok, maar hom ook betrek in 'n dispuut met Arthur Tansley, waarin sy idealistiese beskouing teen Tansley se materialistiese benadering te staan gekom het. Dekades later, in die 1980's, het holisme weer sterk op die voorgrond getree as teenvoeter vir reduksionisme. Dit het 'n sleutelkomponent van die sisteemteorie en -wetenskap geword, maar het ook prominent geword in diskoerse in verskillende soorte wetenskappe en in die werk van vooraanstaande wetenskaplikes in verskillende dissiplines. My gevolgtrekking is dat Smuts wel as 'n intellektueel kwalifiseer. Hierdie gevolgtrekking word eerstens gebaseer daarop dat Smuts se holisme die resultaat van oorspronklike denke was en intuïtief die weg aangedui het vir verdere ondersoek om die werklikheid te verklaar en te verstaan. Smuts het hiermee 'n konstruktiewe en steeds geldige bydrae tot die wetenskaplike paradigmaskuif in die twintigste eeu gelewer. Tweedens het holisme 'n beduidende impak op die samelewing gemaak, beide in Smuts se eie tyd en later. As intellektueel was en bly Smuts 'n belangrike rolspeler in openbare diskoerse.<hr/>Jan Smuts (1870-1950), the famous South African statesman, politician and military commander, made significant intellectual contributions to society. There is difference of opinion as to whether these contributions are of such a nature that they entitle him to be called an intellectual. The aim of the article is to try and establish whether Smuts was indeed an intellectual and, if so, on which grounds he deserves to be classified as such. Smuts's extraordinary record as student at Stellenbosch and Cambridge confirms that he was highly intelligent. Even Einstein had a high regard for his intelligence. He was a scientist in his own right, a botanist with expert knowledge on grasses. He was a patron of the sciences and contributed to scientific literature and discourses. In this article an attempt is made to determine whether Smuts's intellectual achievements and contributions were of such a high order that they elevated him to the status ofan intellectual. The starting point was to try and measure Smuts's career against a generally accepted definition of what it means to be an intellectual and the accompanying criteria set for a person to be classified as an intellectual. However, from the extensive literature on the concept of the intellectual it is evident that it is such a fluid and changing concept that no single definition or single set of criteria for a person to qualify as an intellectual is possible. In the light of the evasiveness of the concept of the intellectual the following two questions were formulated to measure Smuts's intellectual contributions against some of the widely accepted characteristics of the intellectual: • Did Smuts make an original contribution to public discourse in his lifetime? • Was his contribution recognised and did it have a significant impact on society during and after his lifespan? The claim that Smuts deserves to be classified as an intellectual revolves around his concept of holism and its impact. He explained his concept, which he had been developing since his youth, in his book Holism and evolution, first published in 1926. Smuts is regarded as the "father of holism", although he was not the first person to reflect on the relationship between parts and wholes. Smuts introduced the concept of holism at a time when a paradigm shift was occurring in scientific thinking, which led people to view the universe as a dynamic ever-changing whole. Smuts was aware of the latest developments in scientific thinking. By incorporating the ideas of Kant, Freud, Einstein, Spinoza, Hegel, Leibniz and Darwin into his own holistic thinking, he tried to synthesise the existing knowledge available in his time. In Holism and evolution Smuts attempted to explain the relationship between matter, life and mind by arguing that holism was the creative and coordinating principle thatjoined these elements and kept the parts of complex organisms together. Although Smuts failed to explain the origin of life, his book was acclaimed. Holism became a prominent topic of discussion in scientific circles. Through the work of Smuts's contemporaries it became an influential concept in some disciplines, e.g. through Alfred Adler's and Adolf Meyer's work in psychology and psychiatry. Prominent scholars supported Smuts's holistic ideas. Smuts rose in esteem, he received invitations to address scientific associations and he was even elected as president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Smuts's ideas about holism had the effect of involving him in an intense dispute between the idealistic and materialistic approaches to the ecological sciences. Smuts resisted the materialistic approach that was becoming dominant at the time and preferred the teleologic view of purposiveness in creation, arguing that through evolution a hierarchy of wholes was being created that represented progression towards perfection in nature. Smuts was supported by other idealists, including Fredric Clements, the American plant ecologist whose theory of botanic succession towards a climax was influential. South African ecologists and botanists, including John Phillips and John Williams Bews, were also in Smuts's camp. Materialists, including Lancelot Hogben, Hyman Levy, H.G. Wells, Julian Huxley and G.P. Wells, opposed the teleologic-idealistic concept of ecological holism. Arthur Tansley, a leading British ecologist, was the main adversary of Smuts and his supporters. He strongly criticised the ideas that ecological succession was inherently progressive and that holism was the cause and effect of everything in nature. As counter he developed his materialistic-holistic ecosystem concept, that would supersede Clements's climax theory as the dominant paradigm in ecology. Tansley and others one-sidedly linked Smuts's ideas about race to his holism and alleged that he used holism to try and justify racial discrimination and oppression in South Africa. Some critics speciously argued that Smuts's racism compromised the value of his holistic insights. In the 1980s the concept of holism was revived as a central issue in scientific thinking. The explosion of knowledge made it obvious to scientists that reductionism, the study of constituent parts in isolation, was inadequate for the understanding of complex systems and that a holistic approach was indispensable. Holism became a basic concept in complexity studies, systems science and general systems theory and an important element in academic discourses in a variety of natural, applied, human and social sciences. Many prominent scientists in various fields of research associated themselves with holistic thinking. Holism found practical application in different disciplines. Several scholars, including J.C. Poynton, Daniel Christian Wahl, Claudius van Wyk and Dalene Heyns, have argued that Smuts, who had meagre scientific resources at his disposal, intuitively and imaginatively pointed the way towards future investigation. He was ahead of his time and holism has only recently come into its own as a key concept in scientific thinking as a counter to reductionism and mechanistic materialism. Smuts's concept of holism was part of the twentieth-century paradigm shift in scientific thinking and today remains a valid epistemological approach. My conclusion is that both questions posed above can be answered in the affirmative and that Smuts can indeed be regarded as an intellectual who has made significant contributions to public discourses in the twentieth and even the twenty-first centuries. Einstein's forecast that relativity and holism would be the key scientific concepts in the new millennium was not far off the mark. <![CDATA[<b>Self-government in deeply divided societies - the kaleidoscope of efforts by the Afrikaans community to develop a comprehensive model for self-management</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Jan Smuts was uiters intelligent, 'n wetenskaplike in eie reg, 'n beskermheer van die wetenskappe en 'n bydraer tot wetenskaplike literatuur en diskoerse. Kwalifiseer hy deur sy intellektuele bydraes om as 'n intellektueel geklassifiseer te word? Sy aanspraak op die status van intellektueel sentreer om die konsep van holisme, wat hy oor dekades ontwikkel het en wat in Holism and evolution (1926) uiteengesit is. In hierdie boek het hy in 'n sintese van die bestaande kennis van sy tyd holisme voorgehou as die kreatiewe en koördinerende beginsel in die heelal, wat materie, lewe en gees saamvoeg. Hy het teleologies argumenteer dat evolusie 'n proses is wat al meer komplekse gehele tot stand bring en dat die natuur in die rigting van voortdurende verbetering beweeg. Smuts se konsep het positiewe openbare en wetenskaplike kommentaar uitgelok, maar hom ook betrek in 'n dispuut met Arthur Tansley, waarin sy idealistiese beskouing teen Tansley se materialistiese benadering te staan gekom het. Dekades later, in die 1980's, het holisme weer sterk op die voorgrond getree as teenvoeter vir reduksionisme. Dit het 'n sleutelkomponent van die sisteemteorie en -wetenskap geword, maar het ook prominent geword in diskoerse in verskillende soorte wetenskappe en in die werk van vooraanstaande wetenskaplikes in verskillende dissiplines. My gevolgtrekking is dat Smuts wel as 'n intellektueel kwalifiseer. Hierdie gevolgtrekking word eerstens gebaseer daarop dat Smuts se holisme die resultaat van oorspronklike denke was en intuïtief die weg aangedui het vir verdere ondersoek om die werklikheid te verklaar en te verstaan. Smuts het hiermee 'n konstruktiewe en steeds geldige bydrae tot die wetenskaplike paradigmaskuif in die twintigste eeu gelewer. Tweedens het holisme 'n beduidende impak op die samelewing gemaak, beide in Smuts se eie tyd en later. As intellektueel was en bly Smuts 'n belangrike rolspeler in openbare diskoerse.<hr/>Jan Smuts (1870-1950), the famous South African statesman, politician and military commander, made significant intellectual contributions to society. There is difference of opinion as to whether these contributions are of such a nature that they entitle him to be called an intellectual. The aim of the article is to try and establish whether Smuts was indeed an intellectual and, if so, on which grounds he deserves to be classified as such. Smuts's extraordinary record as student at Stellenbosch and Cambridge confirms that he was highly intelligent. Even Einstein had a high regard for his intelligence. He was a scientist in his own right, a botanist with expert knowledge on grasses. He was a patron of the sciences and contributed to scientific literature and discourses. In this article an attempt is made to determine whether Smuts's intellectual achievements and contributions were of such a high order that they elevated him to the status ofan intellectual. The starting point was to try and measure Smuts's career against a generally accepted definition of what it means to be an intellectual and the accompanying criteria set for a person to be classified as an intellectual. However, from the extensive literature on the concept of the intellectual it is evident that it is such a fluid and changing concept that no single definition or single set of criteria for a person to qualify as an intellectual is possible. In the light of the evasiveness of the concept of the intellectual the following two questions were formulated to measure Smuts's intellectual contributions against some of the widely accepted characteristics of the intellectual: • Did Smuts make an original contribution to public discourse in his lifetime? • Was his contribution recognised and did it have a significant impact on society during and after his lifespan? The claim that Smuts deserves to be classified as an intellectual revolves around his concept of holism and its impact. He explained his concept, which he had been developing since his youth, in his book Holism and evolution, first published in 1926. Smuts is regarded as the "father of holism", although he was not the first person to reflect on the relationship between parts and wholes. Smuts introduced the concept of holism at a time when a paradigm shift was occurring in scientific thinking, which led people to view the universe as a dynamic ever-changing whole. Smuts was aware of the latest developments in scientific thinking. By incorporating the ideas of Kant, Freud, Einstein, Spinoza, Hegel, Leibniz and Darwin into his own holistic thinking, he tried to synthesise the existing knowledge available in his time. In Holism and evolution Smuts attempted to explain the relationship between matter, life and mind by arguing that holism was the creative and coordinating principle thatjoined these elements and kept the parts of complex organisms together. Although Smuts failed to explain the origin of life, his book was acclaimed. Holism became a prominent topic of discussion in scientific circles. Through the work of Smuts's contemporaries it became an influential concept in some disciplines, e.g. through Alfred Adler's and Adolf Meyer's work in psychology and psychiatry. Prominent scholars supported Smuts's holistic ideas. Smuts rose in esteem, he received invitations to address scientific associations and he was even elected as president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Smuts's ideas about holism had the effect of involving him in an intense dispute between the idealistic and materialistic approaches to the ecological sciences. Smuts resisted the materialistic approach that was becoming dominant at the time and preferred the teleologic view of purposiveness in creation, arguing that through evolution a hierarchy of wholes was being created that represented progression towards perfection in nature. Smuts was supported by other idealists, including Fredric Clements, the American plant ecologist whose theory of botanic succession towards a climax was influential. South African ecologists and botanists, including John Phillips and John Williams Bews, were also in Smuts's camp. Materialists, including Lancelot Hogben, Hyman Levy, H.G. Wells, Julian Huxley and G.P. Wells, opposed the teleologic-idealistic concept of ecological holism. Arthur Tansley, a leading British ecologist, was the main adversary of Smuts and his supporters. He strongly criticised the ideas that ecological succession was inherently progressive and that holism was the cause and effect of everything in nature. As counter he developed his materialistic-holistic ecosystem concept, that would supersede Clements's climax theory as the dominant paradigm in ecology. Tansley and others one-sidedly linked Smuts's ideas about race to his holism and alleged that he used holism to try and justify racial discrimination and oppression in South Africa. Some critics speciously argued that Smuts's racism compromised the value of his holistic insights. In the 1980s the concept of holism was revived as a central issue in scientific thinking. The explosion of knowledge made it obvious to scientists that reductionism, the study of constituent parts in isolation, was inadequate for the understanding of complex systems and that a holistic approach was indispensable. Holism became a basic concept in complexity studies, systems science and general systems theory and an important element in academic discourses in a variety of natural, applied, human and social sciences. Many prominent scientists in various fields of research associated themselves with holistic thinking. Holism found practical application in different disciplines. Several scholars, including J.C. Poynton, Daniel Christian Wahl, Claudius van Wyk and Dalene Heyns, have argued that Smuts, who had meagre scientific resources at his disposal, intuitively and imaginatively pointed the way towards future investigation. He was ahead of his time and holism has only recently come into its own as a key concept in scientific thinking as a counter to reductionism and mechanistic materialism. Smuts's concept of holism was part of the twentieth-century paradigm shift in scientific thinking and today remains a valid epistemological approach. My conclusion is that both questions posed above can be answered in the affirmative and that Smuts can indeed be regarded as an intellectual who has made significant contributions to public discourses in the twentieth and even the twenty-first centuries. Einstein's forecast that relativity and holism would be the key scientific concepts in the new millennium was not far off the mark. <![CDATA[<b>Day labourers: A case study of the vulnerability of the social fabric and cohesion in South Africa's informal economy</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Dagloners is werklose mense, meestal mans, wat 'n poging aanwend om 'n inkomste te verdien deur hul arbeid en vaardighede in 'n arbeidsmark langs die pad of by 'n kruising te verkoop. Die groeiende aantal dagloners wat 'n lewe uit informele indiensname maak, is 'n duidelike teken dat Suid-Afrika nie die werkloses in die arbeidsmark kan absorbeer nie - veral nie die laag- en ongeskoolde arbeiders nie. Om in die informele ekonomie te oorleef en 'n bestaan te maak, impliseer n onsekere inkomste en bestaan. Hierdie nasionale studie is in twee fases uitgevoer. Tydens 'n verkenningsfase het die outeurs n landwye verkenning in 2005 en 2006 onderneem. Dit het 'n geskatte aantal dagloners in Suid-Afrika van tussen 45 000 en 50 000 opgelewer. Die tweede fase van die studie het bestaan uit die ontwerp van die vraelys, die opstel van die steekproef vir die gevallestudie asook die uiteindelike veldwerk. Die steekproef is saamgestel proporsioneel tot die aantal dagloners wat in die geïdentifiseerde stede en dorpe aanwesig was tydens die eerste fase van die projek. Die outeurs het van bondelsteekproefneming en sneeubalsteekproefneming gebruik gemaak om te verseker dat die dagloners in stedelike en landelike gebiede nie onder- of oorverteenwoordig word nie. Die opleiding van die veldwerkers het deeglike aandag geniet en die veldwerk self het van Februarie 2007 tot November 2008 geduur, waartydens 3 830 onderhoude gevoer is. Alle etiese oorwegings het ook deeglike aandag ten tye van die navorsing geniet. Die doel van die artikel is om die sosio-ekonomiese profiel van dagloners in Suid-Afrika te beskryf as 'n gevallestudie wat illustreer watter druk op die maatskaplike samehorigheid van die gesinne en gemeenskappe in die informele ekonomie geplaas word. Daar word in besonder aandag gegee aan die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede van die dagloners en die beleids- en institusionele maatreëls wat ingestel moet word om ondersteuning aan die dagloners te kan bied, sodat samehorigheid bevorder kan word en nie bedreig word, soos tans die geval is nie.<hr/>The concepts social fabric and social cohesion refer to complex and interdependent systems that exist in a community. Social cohesion includes aspects such as the level ofrespect people have for each other, people's experiences of belonging, identification with the community, identity, their experiences of social justice, and participation. Social cohesion is further evident in the extent that people are accepting each other, taking responsibility for themselves and others and providing safety and security. South Africa's political and racially-based history and the current high poverty and inequality do not provide a conducive context for a cohesive society. This is evident in the high prevalence of poverty, unemployment, crime, substance dependency and the neglect and abuse of women and children. Facilitating a socially cohesive society is high on the agenda of the current government, but the current policy frameworks and institutional structures cannot create a socially cohesive society. Failing to create a socially cohesive South African society is evident in the more than 50 000 day labourers who are standing on the street corners of our cities and towns daily, with the hope to access a job and an income for the day. Day labourers are unemployed people, mostly men, making a living by selling their labour and skills on the street corners of South African cities and towns. The growing number of day labourers who make a living in the informal economy is a clear indication that South Africa cannot absorb the unemployed in the formal economy. In particular, South Africa is unable to accommodate the low-skilled and uneducated labourers in the formal labour market. To make a living and survive in the informal economy imply an insecure existence. The aim of the article is to describe the socio-economic profile of the 3 830 day labourers interviewed during the first national study in South Africa as a case study that illustrates the vulnerability of the social cohesion and social fabric of poor families and communities surviving in the informal economy. The national study was implemented in two phases. The first phase lasted approximately two years, which were spent travelling throughout South Africa to determine on which street corners and open spaces the day labourers are standing in the cities and towns of South Africa. This reconnaissance phase of the study resulted in the estimation that there are at least 50 000 day labourers occupying street corners of South African towns and cities daily. The second, or fieldwork, phase of the research consisted of the completion of3 830 interviews with day labourers throughout South Africa during 2007 and 2008. In this phase, the authors developed the survey instrument, recruited field workers, provided appropriate training and tested the questionnaire. This was followed by the sampling, where a combination of cluster and snowball sampling was used to proportionally represent the research population. A representative sample of approximately 9% enabled meaningful statistical analysis. All ethical principles were adhered to. The questionnaires were completed with the assistance of well-trained fieldworkers who were fluent in the languages spoken by the day labourers. The results of the study show that, given the high unemployment rate and slow economic growth in South Africa, the informal economy and day labouring are here to stay and should be supported with relevant facilitating policies and institutions/structures. Day labouring is furthermore a survivalist strategy and it implies an irregular income. It became clear that the day labourers in general have very low education and skills levels and will not be able to access formal labour in the current economic climate. Day labourers are the result of a vulnerable socially exclusive society. It will remain in an increasingly vulnerable exclusive society if not addressed through the implementation of policies and practices that will enhance social cohesion and strengthen the social fabric of the South African society. <![CDATA[<b>Current demographic, political and religious global and educational tendencies for the promotion of interreligious tolerance</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Hoewel die wêreld aansienlike veranderinge ondergaan het weens 'n verskeidenheid van kontekstuele magte wat invloed uitoefen op regerings, gemeenskappe, onderwysstelsels en uiteindelik ook skole, het die probleem van religieuse onverdraagsaamheid ongelukkig nie gewyk nie. Die uitwissing van hierdie probleem van godsdienstige geweld en gedrag kan nie bedink word sonder om die plek en rol van onderwys en onderwysstelsels in die hedendaagse voortdurend veranderende wêreld in ag te neem nie. Al die magte wat 'n invloed uitoefen op die lewens van mense en ook op die onderwys en onderwysstelsels het 'n aantal benaderings tot godsdiens en godsdiensonderwys in skole na die oppervlak gebring. Nadat die verskillende benaderings in die artikel beoordeel is, word die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat 'n benadering bekend as lewensbeskoulike saamlewe tesame met 'n konfessionele benadering (deur die keuse van die ouers van die skool se leerders bepaal) in die onderwys as die beste beskou moet word omdat dit strook met die wyd aanvaarde leer van menseregte, en ook omdat dit strook met die perspektiewe van die teorie wat in die artikel gebruik is as konseptuele en teoretiese lens waardeur die problematiek bekyk is, te wete die sosiale ruimte- en etiese handelings- of funksieteorie.<hr/>A variety of religiously inspired anti-social acts have recently been recorded worldwide and also in South Africa as such. Such acts attest to the fact that religion has remained a global bone of contention, and that efforts have to be made to address this problem, particularly in as far as it concerns schools and the place of religion in education systems. Organised education is generally grasped at as an instrument for the eradication of religiously intolerant behaviour and for the recognition of religious differences, thereby contributing to world peace (cf. policy documents issued by UNESCO). In theory, the problem can be alleviated through the promotion of an attitude of inter-religiosity and religious tolerance, among others, through education. However, before effort in this regard can be contemplated, one has to gain an understanding of the demographics of the world today, of the political situation and particularly of the religious nature and composition of the current world population. This background knowledge enables one to reflect on the reasons for religiously inspired intolerance among individuals and among the communities they belong to, and particularly about the role of schools and education in the amelioration of the problem. In the research reported in this article, the social space and ethical action or function theory was employed as theoretical lens for examining education and education systems in the modern world, including how the demographic and other characteristics of the world are impacting on education and the systems in which it is provided, more particularly how the most recent developments have impacted the provision of religion education in schools. The theory posits that education and education systems respectively occupy unique social niches where people interact with one another for the purpose of realising commonly shared ideals and purposes. Each social system such as a school or an education system has a unique function in the world and should strive at executing that function effectively in conjunction and cooperation with all other systems in its life-world. This implies interaction between education (systems) and the prevailing demographics, the religious compositions of communities as well as political and economic conditions. Such interactions should furthermore be characterised by respect for the autonomies of the respective cooperating institutions such as parents, the state and religious groups. Interaction is in fact unavoidable because of the interwovenness of social groups: a particular child could at the same time be learner in a school, a member of a family, a member of the church and a citizen of the state. It is, inter alia, because of misunderstandings regarding the differences between the mandates of the different societal relationships that boundary trespassing occurs, for example in the form of abusing schools for non-educational purposes. Schools are teaching-learning institutions and should not be abused for any other, including religious, purposes. At the same time, schools operate in a world characterised by religious diversity. The accommodation of religious and other forms of diversity should be ethically inspired; in other words, each person should be treated in ways that one would prefer oneself to be treated by others. It follows that interreligious tolerance and coexistence should be the norm in a community where the ethical principle encapsulated in the social space and ethical function or action theory is applied. Education and education systems, as the theory furthermore suggests, are the outcomes of contextual social forces in the world, among others, the geography, demography, economy, socio-cultural composition, political and religious-life conceptual tendencies. Education systems form the social spaces in which all these forces are joined together in a "system-atic" unit. This unit, the social system, can be examined from various angles: a system perspective, a contextual perspective and a comparative perspective. Analyses based on these perspectives reveal that education and education systems are constantly changing as a result of the various social forces impacting on them. A substantial part of the article is devoted to a discussion of such forces, as will now be briefly summarised. • The world has since the 1950s undergone substantial population growth, from more than two billion to the present more than seven billion. Around 90 million people are added to the population annually, by far the most in the developing countries. • People have become more mobile in recent years as a result of the communication and transport revolution. The number of immigrants has also increased, to the extent that one in every 31.6 people in the world can nowadays be regarded as an international migrant. The migrations reveal two major patterns: from the south to the north, and from the east to the west. This is a result of forces pushing people away from (weak economic conditions) and forces pulling people towards other parts of the world (better living conditions and job opportunities). • Because of migrations, communities have become more heterogeneous and religiously diverse. Communities have as a result become more complex in that shifts in value patterns have occurred. A new religious continuum with infinite shades has replaced the previously limited number of clear-cut categories. The previously rigid geographical patterns of religions have dissipated and an individualisation of religious beliefs has been occurring. Religion has nevertheless retained a persistently strong presence in societies worldwide and remains a significant factor in social dynamics. • Another development is the general acceptance and internationalisation of the doctrine of human rights. Most of the documents that embody this doctrine contain provisions regarding the right to education, the right to freedom of choice, including of religion. Increased migration has brought renewed attention to all the different rights contained in the doctrine of human rights, particularly the demand that newcomers should be afforded the same religious rights as the current citizens of a state. • The rise of communication and information technology and of globalisation has contributed to the decline of the power of nation states. People have gained so much power at grassroots level that they have in the recent past contributed to the collapse of governments (e.g. the recent Egyptian revolution inspired by Facebook inscriptions). Theocratie governments /rulers have traditionally used (and abused) religion by imposing a particular religion on upcoming generations, on schools and even communities and states, thereby maintaining a powerful grip on society. This approach has been relinquished since the middle of the twentieth century. The growing respect for human rights and religious diversity has brought an end to the hegemony of a ruling class. This has had several repercussions in the religious domain. Some countries opted for a secularist approach that entailed the total banning of religion from the public domain and hence from all public schools. Other countries opted for widening the range of religions about which learners could learn in school. Other approaches gradually also took shape, for instance integrative religion education for the purpose of acquainting the learners with as many religions as possible to help them function in a multi-cultural and multi-religious social environment and to learn to be tolerant towards those with a different religious background and commitment. This embodied a shift away from a confessional approach, i.e. the teaching of youngsters to make them adherents of a single religion. In addition to these approaches, researchers have identified four other basic approaches to religion: exlusivism and inclusivism, with pluralism and life conceptual coexistence on the continuum between these two extremes. Exclusivism is rejected by experts in the field since it does not reckon with religious diversity. Inclusivism is in turn regarded as over-optimistic; interreligious differences, conflict and the rise of individualism are so rife in the world that inclusivism can hardly be contemplated. They are also sceptical about pluralism because it fails to establish firm religious roots in children. Secularism, as the banning of all religion from the public domain, is also met with scepticism because children need religious commitment in their lives to become fully-fledged mature individuals. The banning of religion from schools and the public domain is also not consonant with the tenets of the doctrine of human rights. To allow learners a choice among only a few (top-down prescribed) religions in schools also seems questionable in that it appears too narrow and too static; it does not take into account the huge diversity and dynamic nature of religions in the world, and of the growing multi-religious nature of modern populations. Integrative religion education, in turn, could receive favourable consideration if offered in conjunction with confessional religion education. Integrative religion education is unacceptable, however, if offered instead of confessional religion education. Rejection of this option is based on the fact that integrative religion education can only deal with the superficial features of religions and cannot help learners decide on a religion that they could truly commit to. Of all the available approaches to religion in education available in the contexts of the different education systems worldwide, and of the dynamics of the modern world (notably its demographics as a result of mass migrations and increased mixes of religions), it seems best to allow parents and school communities to exercise a choice regarding the religion or the mix of religions to which they wish to expose the learners in their school. The ethos and confessional orientation of the school should reflect the religious preferences of the parents. This approach seems to be the most democratic and feasible in current conditions. This conclusion chimes with the perspectives flowing from the social space and ethical action or function theory. A school is a local entity or societal relationship that occupies a specific space in our life-world. It is employed by a particular community (parents, the wider community, learners and so on) and performs a unique function in society. While the central government and other higher authorities may promulgate broad policy guidelines, also regarding religion in / and education, it should be left to the school community to decide for itself about the religious character of the school. In view of the discussion above, it would be most prudent for governments to prescribe an approach of life-conceptual coexistence as general guideline for school communities and to expect each school community to express its own unique interpretation of the guideline. This would be the most appropriate approach in countries characterised by multi-culturalism and multi-religionism and would also be an apt expression of the ethical demands expounded by the theory in that it expresses care for the interests of the "other" (i.e. adherents of all religions that differ from one's own). <![CDATA[<b>A comparative study of the nature and role of education governance in the education systems of the BRICS countries</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die doel van hierdie navorsing is om te bepaal hoe die aard en rol van onderwysbeheer in die vyf BRICS-lande (internasionale organisasie wat bestaan uit Brasilië, Rusland, Indië, China en Suid-Afrika) gebruik kan word om mekaar tot voordeel te strek. Ten einde hierdie doel te bereik, word eerstens bepaal wat die aard en rol van onderwysbeheer op nasionale (makro-), provinsiale (meso-) en plaaslike (mikro-)vlak in die BRICS-lande behels en tweedens word die aard en rol van die onderwysbeheerstrukture van die BRICS-lande met mekaar vergelyk. Die onderlinge vergelyking van die aard en rol van die onderwysbeheerstrukture van die vyf lidlande se onderwysbeheerstelsels het ten doel om lesse wat geleer kan word met betrekking tot beste praktyke in die onderwysbeheerstelsels van die BRICS-lande, te formuleer. Laasgenoemde lesse kan tot voordeel van elke land se onderwysbeheerstelsel strek. Verskeie bronne is geraadpleeg ten einde die doel van die navorsing te bereik. Die literatuurstudie sluit onder andere 'n dokumentanalise van wetgewings, beleide, artikels en staatspublikasies in. Ander tersaaklike literatuur is ook gebruik as bronne om die teoretiese begronding te staaf. Aan die einde van die artikel word verduidelik dat, in al die lidlande, strukture op die drie onderwysbeheervlakke saamgestel word en dat, hoewel die aard en rol van hierdie onderwysbeheerstrukture van mekaar verskil, die gemeenskaplike ideaal is om gelyke, toeganklike en lewenslange onderwysgeleenthede vir almal beskikbaar te stel.<hr/>The aim of this study is to determine how the nature and role of education governance of the five BRICS countries (international organisation consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) can be to the benefit of one another. In order to achieve this aim research is done, firstly, to determine the nature and role of education governance on national (macro), provincial (meso) and local (micro) levels in the BRICS countries and, secondly, to compare the nature and role of the education governing structures in the BRICS countries. The reason for this comparison ofthe nature and role ofthe education governing structures is to formulate lessons to be learned from best practices in the different BRICS countries. These lessons can be to the benefit of all five countries, regarding their education governance. Different sources are used to meet the aims of the study. The literature study consists of a document analysis of acts, policies, articles and government publications. Other relevant literature is also used in the theoretical discussion. The documents that were used contributed to a clear understanding of what kind of education governance is used on the three levels of education governance in the five member states of the BRICS organization. It is also clear that the member states are moving to a more decentralised education governance system and therefore it makes it a more acceptable education system from a democratic point ofview. It is also clear that the different role players on all levels of governance must have a clear understanding of what is expected from them; and they must also have the knowledge, skills and attitude to make a meaningful contribution to the effectiveness of the education system. The strong influence of the government and political role players in all the countries under discussion is noteworthy, but the effectiveness or the benefit for the education system of these influences is questioned. It was also noted that where a country was divided into different states, the nature and role of the educational governance structures in the different states were not the same. The reason for this statement is because the different states are governed by different means of governance. At the end ofthe article it is shown that well established structures exist on the three education governance levels in the five countries and that, although the nature and role ofthese structures differ from one another, the general ideal is that education must be equally available to all and that there is a lifelong learning opportunity for all. <![CDATA[<b>Post-colonial theology and mission: Challenges and threats</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die heersende debat oor die postkoloniale teologie is vir die sending van groot belang. Die groot sendingprojek van die negentiende en twintigste eeue het dikwels ten nouste met kolonialisme, wat tans sterk gekritiseer word, saamgeloop. Alle vorme van magsoorheersing moet volgens verskeie denkers dus afgewys word. Die teologie sluit hierby aan deur aan te toon dat vorme van oorheersing en mag wat in die teologie voorkom, ook afgewys moet word. Eurosentrisme was essensieel deel van kolonialisme en daarmee is die eie stem van die kultuur van byvoorbeeld Afrika misken, word gereken. Die bydrae van Afrika-kognisie en -denke is veral misken. Postkoloniale teologie beteken dat die globale juis te vinde is in die ooreenkomste wat gevind word tussen Jesus Christus en byvoorbeeld die oortuigings van die Afrika Tradisionele Godsdienste. 'n Reformatoriese benadering sal egter krities wees teenoor die postkoloniale teologie en juis 'n teologie van die respek van God beklemtoon, en ook mense oproep tot bekering en die erkenning van Jesus as enigste Here. Daar kan geen twyfel bestaan dat die sending op die voorpunt moet wees om diskriminasie, uitbuiting en miskenning teen te gaan nie, maar dan ook om te bely dat Jesus waarlik EEN met God is.<hr/>The current debate on post-colonial theology is of great importance to mission. It is known that the great missionary project of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries often coincided with colonialism even though there were sometimes strong voices warning against it. Colonialism is currently being severely criticised by many. The fact that different perspectives and actions have occurred in different countries are sometimes overlooked. Suppression, slavery and exploitation are regarded as the central heritage of colonialism. According to various authors, all forms of hegemony ofpower must therefore be rejected. Theology adds to this by showing that all forms of domination and power that occur in theology must also be rejected. Discrimination against women, the LGBT community, and indigenous groups are shown as abuse of power - post-colonial theology, however, goes beyond these issues. Western domination in theological points ofview is rejected and Africa's own voice must be heard. The confession that Jesus is the only saviour, that He is the true mediator between God and man, and that He, according to the confession of Nicea, is also truly God and therefore totally unique, is sometimes rejected. Differences between religions must be resolved by finding common ground in the fight against oppression, exploitation and discrimination. Eurocentrism was an essential part of colonialism, and thus the own voice of the culture of, for example, Africa was denied. The contribution of African cognition and thinking is especially disregarded. Sometimes culture and religion are both considered to be equally unacceptable and therefore there is exploitation on an unprecedented scale, especially in the field of labour; ethnic disputes were exploited and continued, authority relations were disturbed, artificial boundaries were established and people were artificially divided, cultures were destroyed, and political control has hampered the development of own government. However, there were also positive developments, namely the usage of Western medicine, creation of infrastructure, liberation and expansion of culture through the Christian gospel and control of communities that did set boundaries and restricted political violence. Post-colonial theology means that the global can be found in the similarities found of Jesus Christ and, for example, the beliefs of the African Traditional Religions. A reforming approach would emphasise a theology of respect for God. In addition, principles of exegesis in the light of the sola Scriptura also emphasise the principle of the priority of the text, with the reformed principle of sacra Scriptura sui ipsius interpres est. Mission would therefore call people to repent and the recognition of Jesus as the only Lord. He is not just the good teacher, the one among many. There can be no doubt that mission must be at the forefront of opposing discrimination, exploitation, and disregard, but also of confessing that Jesus truly is ONE with God. It is not only the Gospel of John that confesses this, but there are several theologians who recently confirmed that Jesus is considered to be ONE with God in the context of Jewish monotheism, such as Paul (See Van de Beek, NT Wright and Hurtado). The classical theoretical concept of God is analysed differently. Post-colonial and decolonial theology put important questions to mission of the past and present. However, a reforming approach will guard against the inherent abuse of power that appears in it and the denial of confessing that Jesus is the only Lord. Sometimes missionary theology must go against the growing general view to confess that Jesus is the Lord, the Mediator between God and Man. <![CDATA[<b>"A time of plenty; a time of want": Utopian and dystopian elements in Lien Botha's <i>Wonderboom</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In her debut novel, Wonderboom (2015), Lien Botha embraces established novelistic traditions such as the travel narrative and literary dystopia, but at the same time she succeeds in working within these genre boundaries in an innovative and expanding manner. Unlike many dystopian novels that have appeared in Afrikaans over the last three decades or so, Wonderboom is not dominated by a pessimistic or fatalistic attitude. The novel rather articulates the optimistic belief that things can be different from the bleak outlook portrayed at narrative level, despite the process of undoing that is present at the structural and content levels. Wonderboom (2015), Lien Botha se debuutroman, speel soos Eben Venter se Horrelpoot (2006) en Deon Meyer se Koors (2016), in 'n postapokaliptiese Suid-Afrika af, met die gevolg dat dit teen die agtergrond van distopiese toekomsliteratuur in Afrikaans gelees kan word, maar dan as welkome vroulike bydrae tot 'n genre wat die afgelope paar jaar deur manskrywers gedomineer is. Barendse (2013:76) wys daarop dat hoewel hedendaagse internasionale distopiese literatuur 'n sterk feministiese inslag vertoon, die toekomsromans wat sedert die 1990's in Afrikaans verskyn het, almal geskryf is "deur wit Afrikaanse manlike skrywers" en almal "wit manlike hoofkarakters" bevat. Met Wonderboom sluit Botha by tekste aan wat eerder onder die noemer "kritiese distopieë" as "klassieke distopieë" tuisgebring kan word. Volgens Mohr (2005:10) behoort hierdie tekste tot die eiesoortige genre wat sy "grensoor-skrydende utopiese distopieë" noem, aangesien dit bepaalde utopiese elemente by die oorwegend distopiese vertelling inkorporeer en die binêre logika van die klassieke distopie bevraagteken, ondermyn en oorstyg. In hierdie artikel word daar, in die lig van bogenoemde, ondersoek ingestel na die wyses waarop Wonderboom die konvensies van die sogenaamde klassieke distopie bevestig, maar terselfdertyd ook aan die hand van utopiese perspektiewe uitdaag en op grensoorskrydende wyse ondermyn.<hr/>As Jaco Botha's Miskruier (2005) and Deon Meyer's Koors (2016), Wonderboom can be classified as a "critical dystopia" rather than a "classical dystopia" in that it contains at least one utopian enclave, as well as the hope that the described dystopia can be replaced by a utopia. Mohr (2005:10) calls these texts transgressive utopian dystopias, since they incorporate certain utopian elements into the chiefly dystopian narrative, often questioning, undermining and transcending the binary logic of the classical dystopia. Although Botha's novel can be seen as an example of such a transgressive utopian dystopia, it does not function in exactly the same way and does not use similar textual strategies than other critical dystopias. This article examines the manner in which Botha's novel opens up a conversation with other classical and critical dystopias, as well as the novel's unique undermining and transgression of boundaries. The way in which the novel confirms the conventions of the classical dystopia, but also challenges them with utopian perspectives, is subjected to scrutiny. Like most literary dystopias, Wonderboom takes place in a social "somewhere else" that, to all outward appearances, looks much worse than the current society and which is the consequence of some or other post-apocalyptic event. Although the precise causes of the apocalypse are not clear, the socio-economic and political issues that South Africa are currently facing - poverty, crime and violence - are intensified in the novel. In the Western Cape, inhabitants like the main character Magriet Vos, are subjected to the dictatorship of Albino X, who strictly regulates and controls their thinking, behaviour and movement. Although Magriet and Joe Bloom initially enjoy Albino X's favour as artists, they are well aware of the fact that their fate can change in a split second and that they will then be killed. According to Gerhard (2012:17), resistance to control of the masses in dystopian texts often takes the form of a main character who makes every possible effort to call up, conserve and recount memories of the past. Throughout the novel, Magriet, for instance, keeps a diary of her personal memories and a record of the names of former friends, family members and acquaintances who can be of help on her expedition to the north. Baran (2013:27) points out that these memories can pose a possible threat to a dystopian regime, since they enable inhabitants to compare and to come to the conclusion that things can be different and better. However, Magriet's personal memories reveal that a nostalgic longing for the past is not necessarily "healthy" or advantageous. For one, it is impossible to unconditionally classify a previous time or regime as "better" within the South African context. When readers become aware of the fact that memory loss is slowly setting in with Magriet and that she is systematically forgetting everything, the implication ofthis realization (especiallyfor Magriet) is not singularly negative. Hunt (1987:114-138) claims that ecological decay and environmental destruction are often portrayed with reference to the symbolic destruction of the paradisiac garden. Like in many other dystopian presentations of the future, this paradise-like garden had already been destroyed at the start of Wonderboom: animals are rare or completely absent, while even plants are unusual. At a textual level the absence ofthe natural world is underlined by chapter titles such as "Trees are wanting", "Ghost Tree" and "Dismal, the dead tree", and by the fact that the letters of the word Paradise on the cardboard box in the image sequence at the start of each chapter disappears bit by bit. The only way in which Magriet still has "unlimited access" to the paradise-like garden, is by way of recollection and imagination, which is fundamentally threatened by her gradual memory loss. At the end of the novel it may seem to some readers as if Magriet'sjourney was unsuccessful, or at least incomplete. In my view, the end of the novel is anything but overwhelmingly negative. It is rather deliberately open and ambiguous - as is the case with most critical dystopias. Not only did Magriet ultimately succeed in escaping Albino X's control, but her amnesia to a large extent also frees her from the burden of memories and guilt that she as privileged South African and member of the Vos family carries throughout the novel. It makes a complete immersion into her desperate position impossible and serves as an important warning that the desire to return to her origins and her family was potentially misleading and even dangerously nostalgic. "[T]he Great Forgetting" therefore also offers Magriet a measure of grace and even facilitates a kind of rebirth, without the baggage of the past. Unlike Magriet, the reader of the novel is ultimately comforted by (the presentation) of the Wonderboom's leaftapis and is left with the impression that an entire forest of "word trees" have been planted by the author in the unfolding landscape of the text. In this way, the paradisiac garden is won back while reading, even if it is only figuratively. <![CDATA[<b>Statistical evaluation and prediction of word recognition test scores of the Foneties Verteenwoordigende Eenlettergrepige Woordlyste in Afrikaans <i>(FVEWA)</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en TEORETIESE RAAMWERK: In die oudiologiese toetsbattery word spraakoudiometrie klinies meer sensitief as suiwertoon-oudiometrie geag om verlaagde ouditiewe analitiese vaardigheid in terme van komplekse akoestiese strukture in individue te identifiseer, omdat dit ook hoër vlak linguistiese funksie in die evaluering insluit. Hoewel spraakoudiometrie dus as 'n belangrike komponent geag word, is daar tot op hede geen foneties gebalanseerde Afrikaanse spraakmateriaal beskikbaar om woordherkenning mee te meet nie. Woordherkenning moet in individue se eerste taal bepaal word ten einde 'n meer verteenwoordigende beeld van hul daaglikse kommunikasie funksionering te verkry. DOEL: Die hoofdoel van hierdie navorsing was om die geldigheid van die Foneties Verteenwoordigende Eenlettergrepige Woordlyste in Afrikaans (FVEWA) statisties te bepaal om woordherkenning in 'n bepaalde Afrikaanse populasie te meet. METODIEK: Die navorsing is gebaseer op 'n kwantitatiewe retrospektiewe studie van die oudiologierekords van deelnemers wat by 'n privaat oudiologiepraktyk geassesseer is. Die FVEWA is geëvalueer in terme van interlys-ekwivalensie en prestasie-intensiteit funksie vir gebruik in kliniese praktyk. BEVINDINGS: Daar is bevind dat die ses FVEWA-woordlyste statisties ekwivalent is wat moeilikheidsgraad betref. Die gemiddeld waar deelnemers 50% korrekte woordherkenning bereik het, was 14.2 dBGP. Die helling van die woordlyste wat in die FVEWA gebruik is, was 3.1%/dB by 50% (%/dB).<hr/>THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: In audiology, speech audiometry is generally accepted as clinically more sensitive than pure tone audiometry to detect reduced auditory analytical skill in terms of complex acoustic structure, as it includes higher-level linguistic function in the evaluation. Although speech audiometry is considered to be an integral part of the audiometric test battery, there is currently no phonetically balanced Afrikaans speech material available to measure speech recognition. In order to obtain an accurate picture of an individual's speech recognition abilities of monosyllabic words, it is important to perform speech recognition tests in a person's first language. AIM: The purpose of this study was to determine the reliability of the Foneties Verteenwoordigende Eenlettergrepige Woordlyste in Afrikaans (FVEWA) to measure speech recognition abilities in members of an Afrikaans-speaking population. METHODOLOGY: The research is based on a quantitative retrospective study of audiological records ofparticipants assessed at a private audiology practice. The FVEWA is evaluated in terms of interlist equivalence as well as performance-intensity or psychometric function for use in clinical practice. RESULTS: The six FVEWA wordlists were found to be statistically equivalent in terms of difficulty level. The average intensity at which participants obtained 50% word recognition was 14.2 dBGP. The slope, at 50% (%/dB), of the wordlists used in the FVEWA was 3.1%/dB. <![CDATA[<b>Redakteursnota</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en TEORETIESE RAAMWERK: In die oudiologiese toetsbattery word spraakoudiometrie klinies meer sensitief as suiwertoon-oudiometrie geag om verlaagde ouditiewe analitiese vaardigheid in terme van komplekse akoestiese strukture in individue te identifiseer, omdat dit ook hoër vlak linguistiese funksie in die evaluering insluit. Hoewel spraakoudiometrie dus as 'n belangrike komponent geag word, is daar tot op hede geen foneties gebalanseerde Afrikaanse spraakmateriaal beskikbaar om woordherkenning mee te meet nie. Woordherkenning moet in individue se eerste taal bepaal word ten einde 'n meer verteenwoordigende beeld van hul daaglikse kommunikasie funksionering te verkry. DOEL: Die hoofdoel van hierdie navorsing was om die geldigheid van die Foneties Verteenwoordigende Eenlettergrepige Woordlyste in Afrikaans (FVEWA) statisties te bepaal om woordherkenning in 'n bepaalde Afrikaanse populasie te meet. METODIEK: Die navorsing is gebaseer op 'n kwantitatiewe retrospektiewe studie van die oudiologierekords van deelnemers wat by 'n privaat oudiologiepraktyk geassesseer is. Die FVEWA is geëvalueer in terme van interlys-ekwivalensie en prestasie-intensiteit funksie vir gebruik in kliniese praktyk. BEVINDINGS: Daar is bevind dat die ses FVEWA-woordlyste statisties ekwivalent is wat moeilikheidsgraad betref. Die gemiddeld waar deelnemers 50% korrekte woordherkenning bereik het, was 14.2 dBGP. Die helling van die woordlyste wat in die FVEWA gebruik is, was 3.1%/dB by 50% (%/dB).<hr/>THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: In audiology, speech audiometry is generally accepted as clinically more sensitive than pure tone audiometry to detect reduced auditory analytical skill in terms of complex acoustic structure, as it includes higher-level linguistic function in the evaluation. Although speech audiometry is considered to be an integral part of the audiometric test battery, there is currently no phonetically balanced Afrikaans speech material available to measure speech recognition. In order to obtain an accurate picture of an individual's speech recognition abilities of monosyllabic words, it is important to perform speech recognition tests in a person's first language. AIM: The purpose of this study was to determine the reliability of the Foneties Verteenwoordigende Eenlettergrepige Woordlyste in Afrikaans (FVEWA) to measure speech recognition abilities in members of an Afrikaans-speaking population. METHODOLOGY: The research is based on a quantitative retrospective study of audiological records ofparticipants assessed at a private audiology practice. The FVEWA is evaluated in terms of interlist equivalence as well as performance-intensity or psychometric function for use in clinical practice. RESULTS: The six FVEWA wordlists were found to be statistically equivalent in terms of difficulty level. The average intensity at which participants obtained 50% word recognition was 14.2 dBGP. The slope, at 50% (%/dB), of the wordlists used in the FVEWA was 3.1%/dB. <![CDATA[<b>Communities within a differentiated society</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Op die basis van verskillende tipes grondbegrippe ondersoek hierdie artikel die aard van verskillende wyses van omgang en verkeer in 'n gedifferensieerde samelewing - as alternatief op die eensydighede van individualistiese en universalistiese samelewingsbeskouings. Jellinek verwys selfs na hierdie twee sienings as wêreldbeskouings. Dit verantwoord die aard van maatskapsverhoudinge, gemeenskapsverhoudinge en verbandsverhoudinge en sluit af met 'n saaklike bespreking van enkele grondmomente van die wysgerige grondidee waarmee Goosen opereer.<hr/>As modes of existence and modes of explanation the aspects of reality call for an idea of what is unique and mutually cohering. Two mutually exclusive ismic orientations, known as individualism (atomism) and universalism (holism) dominated theoretical reflection on human society since ancient Greece. Goosen's preference for community brings to expression a positive appreciation of the main traits of the Greek city state (the polis) as well as a positive inclination towards the ideas on state and society in the thought of Plato and Aristotle. Jellinek even depicts these two isms as opposing world views. In addition the history of reflecting about human society knows attempts to understand societal entities as imitating living organisms. Vitalism faced the obstacle of closed physical systems only allowing for a stasis or increase of entropy, until Schrödinger pointed out that a living entity, as an open system, can extract more order from its environment than what it can built up internally within itself. Multiple societal entities exist on the basis of a similar continuous exchange of their members. Analogies of the most basic aspects of reality are indeed constitutive for the meaning of the social intercourse. Physical entities exist, plants are alive, animals are experiencing their world, while humans lead a life, guided by normative points of view. The interconnections between entities, as they are manifested in enkaptic relations and subject-object relations, shed a different light on the way in which Goosen speaks about things as "mere objects," particularly when the opening-up of object-functions is contemplated. In addition it should be realized that terms derivedfrom any modal aspect could be employed in a conceptual as well as a concept-transcending manner. For example, concept-transcending (idea-)statements exploring the first four aspects are: (i) everything is unique; (ii) everything coheres with everything else; (iii) everything is constant and (iv) everything changes. It is applied to what Goosen holds regarding the "incomprehensibility" but at once "beaming fullness" of things. The different ways in which we can classify social interaction depend on all the constitutive (modal analogical) structural elements within the social aspect. An analysis of these total concepts enables a classifcation of social forms of interaction into three distinct categories, identified on the basis of two structurally specified features, namely (a) a solidary unity character (the coming and going of members do not affect the enduring identity of the social form of life) and (b) a permanent relation of super- and subordination. When both of the features are present we encounter societal collectivities (Afrikaans: "verbande") - such as the state, a church or mosque, a firm, a university or a nuclear family. If only one of them is present communities are at stake and when both are absent co-ordinational (co-ordinated) relationships are encountered. Rousseau is used to illustrate a distorted application of the whole-parts scheme which resulted in the idea of "forcing people to be free." The idea of the political whole (the state) as the community of communities misunderstands the nature of citizenship and at once eliminates the sphere-sovereignty of the non-political communities and societal collectivities. Johannes Althusius was the first legal scholar who realized that churches, business enterprises and the like are not parts of the state, because genuine parts could only be provinces and municipalities. Acknowledging the principle of sphere-sovereignty underlies an account of the differences between civil and non-civil private law, as well as public law while acknowledging public legal freedoms, civil freedoms and societal freedoms. A human being can assume multiple social roles without ever being fully absorbed by anyone of them. Goosen has the sound insight that constancy and change should both be acknowledged. Unfortunately some of his formulations still contain elements of the space metaphysics of Parmenides. This is rather strange because he objects to a spatializing method of thinking, but does not realize that he then should also steer clear of employing the whole-parts relation, because in its original sense it has a spatial meaning as well. The problematic idea of Goosen regarding a "rational order" is questioned because it contradicts his correct principled stance against the conception of the construction ofreality. It still reflects the idea of logical creation - an idea found in the thought of Hobbes. This element of nominalism reached its rationalistic peak in the view of Kant according to which human understanding is the formal law-giver of nature. The God-given creational order is intelligible but not rational. The so-called "transcendentalia" of Greek-Medieval philosophy, namely unity, truth, beauty and goodness, are actually a poor, one-sided and extremely reductionist account of the multiple modal aspects of reality. Their selection ultimately depends upon die ground-motive of form and matter directing Greek philosophy. There does not exist an all-encompassing human community, and if it is contemplated, for example the political domain as a community of communities, the inevitable consequence will be that the principle of sphere-sovereignty is jeopardized and that no limits could be set to the authority of government. <![CDATA[<b>Can Althusius save the politocrats?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association. <![CDATA[<b>Girardin's Ethical Hexagon: Democratic government and the role of ethics and integrity in politics and public life</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association. <![CDATA[<b>Op de radio flonkerde het Afrikaans . De Afrikaanse literatuur in Nederland in 2017</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association. <![CDATA[<b>Die Dorslandtrek 1874-1881</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association. <![CDATA[<b>Die afbreek van woorde aan reëleindes</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association. <![CDATA[<b>Huldigingsbundels: Afrikaanse skrywers/digters/ dramaturge</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512018000100016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In 'n bydrae tot die debat oor die grondslae van politokratiese kommunitarisme, het Danie Goosen in die Desember 2016-uitgawe van hierdie tydskrif beweer dat die idee van die Griekse polis voortlewe deur Johannes Althusius se moderne federale politieke teorie van die sewentiende eeu. In hierdie artikel word die houdbaarheid van Goosen se standpunt in die lig van Althusius se onderskrywing en toepassing van die Ramistiese logika en dialektiese metodologie ondersoek. Ramus se logika was nie gewortel in die Aristoteliese sillogisme nie, maar in definisies en Stellings behorende tot die betrokke empiriese wetenskapsterreine. Althusius het 'n duidelik onderskeibare Reformatoriese inslag aan die Ramistiese metodologie verleen. Dié metodologie sou as 'n beperkte vorm van transendentaal-empiriese metodologie beskryf kon word. In hierdie artikel word geargumenteer dat die filosofiese wortels van politokratiese kommunitarisme in direkte teenstelling staan tot Althusius se politieke teorie. Die implikasie is dat die politokratiese onderskrywing en akkommodering van Althusius se politieke standpunte vereis dat die Aristotelies-universalistiese statisme en die onderliggende idee van diensbaarheid aan die belange (en behoeftes) van die organismiese staat vaarwel toegeroep sal word. Althusius se insig in die onderskeid tussen die strukture van die burgerlike samelewing en die staat as publiekregtelike instelling, noodsaak die verwerping van die kernidees van politokratiese kommunitarisme tot die mate dat laasgenoemde 'n vergestalting van abstrakte gemeenskapslewe is, dit 'n totalitêre (en absolutistiese) vorm van politieke gemeenskap omhels, dit fundamentele burgerregte verwerp en 'n innerlik teenstrydige en ongedifferensieerde vorm van politieke assosiasie weerspieël.<hr/>In a contribution to the debate on the fundamentals ofpolitocratic communitarianism, Danie Goosen in the December 2016-issue of this journal remarked that the idea of the Greek polis continued through Johannes Althusius' modern federal political theory of the seventeenth century. This article investigates the tenability of Goosen's views in the light of Althusius' application of and subscription to the Ramist logic and dialectical methodology. Ramus'logic was not rooted in the Aristotelian syllogism but in definitions and postulates, the material of which was found in the empirical sciences themselves. Althusius added a distinct Reformational flavour to the Ramist method, thereby developing an approach to thefield ofpolitical philosophy which could be described as a rudimentary form of transcendental-empirical methodology. In this article it is argued that the philosophical roots of politocratic communitarianism stand diametrically opposed to Althusius' theory. The upshot is that for politocrats to subscribe to and accommodate Althusius' political views demand departing from Aristotle's universalistic statism and his underlying idea of serving the interests (and needs) of the organismic state. Althusius' insight into the distinction between the structures of civil society and the state as a public legal institution demands bidding farewell to the core-ideas of politocratic communitarianism to the measure that it is a manifestation of abstract trans-individual life, it embraces a totalitarian (and absolutistic) form of political community, it vehemently opposes fundamental civil rights and it reflects an inner-dialectical and undifferentiated form of political association.