Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20120001&lang=pt vol. 57 num. 1 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>"More comfort, better prosperity, and greater advantage"</b>: <b>Free burghers, alcohol retail and the VOC authorities at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1680</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100001&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt After 1680, alcohol retail at the Cape of Good Hope was controlled through a lease (pacht) system whereby free burghers could buy, on a competitive basis, the right to sell a specific type of alcohol in a certain region for one year. In this way, the VOC remained assured of a major direct source of revenue. However, this lease system was not in place with the establishment of a VOC outpost in 1652, but had a troubled and complex development in the decades before 1680. This article traces this development and shows how it was linked to changing ideas about the role of free burghers in the nascent colony, their economic conditions, and their relationship with the VOC authorities. It is argued that the system of alcohol retail as it was established in 1680, constituted a victory for free burgher interests, and that this development demonstrates how local political and economic interests were linked to the changing fortunes of the VOC in a wider context.<hr/>Ná 1680 is die drankkleinhandel aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop beheer deur 'n pagstelsel waarvolgens vryburgers kon meeding vir die reg om 'n sekere soort drank in 'n gegewe area te verkoop. Op hierdie wyse het die VOC seker gebly van 'n waardevolle direkte bron van inkomste. Hierdie pagstelsel het egter nie vanaf die stigting van 'n VOC-pos in 1652 bestaan nie, maar het 'n moeilike en komplekse ontwikkeling vóór 1680 beleef. Hierdie artikel gaan dié ontwikkeling na, en toon aan hoe dit verbonde was aan veranderende idees omtrent die rol van vryburgers in die jong kolonie, hul ekonomiese omstandighede, en hul verhouding met die VOC-gesag. Daar word betoog dat die sisteem van drankkleinhandel wat in 1680 tot stand gekom het, 'n oorwinning vir vryburger-belange verteenwoordig, en dat hierdie ontwikkeling demonstreer hoe nou plaaslike politieke en ekonomiese belange gekoppel was aan die veranderende lot van die VOC in 'n wyer konteks. <![CDATA[<b>Protest by Potchefstroom native location's residents against dominance, 1904 to 1950</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article indicates the importance of a thorough study of local sources on protest action by township residents in Makweteng (earlier known as Potchefstroom's native location) against oppressive laws and policies in South Africa. Although the term 'grassroots support' only became a common one much later in South Africa's history, the study of local documents indicates the protracted broad swell of dissatisfaction among black South African citizens against legalised segregation and later apartheid. In the case of some individuals and local organisations these views articulated with protests on a national level. This article covers the period 1904 to 1950 and looks at the strenuous efforts by white authorities to dominate this township on a municipal level; the limited influence of the native advisory bodies and localised national organisations in resisting this control; and the singular abilities and contributions of Lazarus R. Muthle and James Z. Mdatyulwa in Potchefstroom's protests. It also indicates how this protest gradually helped to build the basis for encompassing resistance, including resistance of an intellectual nature, in the 1970s and 1980s.<hr/>Hierdie artikel dui op die belang van 'n grondige studie van plaaslike bronne in verband met protes en weerstand van 'n township (vroeër, Potchefstroomse naturelle-lokasie) se inwoners teen onderdrukkende wetgewing en behandeling in Suid-Afrika. Alhoewel die term "grassroots support" (voetsoolvlak-steun) eers heelwat later in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis 'n algemene term geword het; dui die studie van plaaslike dokumente op die uitgerekte en wye golf van ontevredenheid onder swart Suid-Afrikaanse burgers teen wetlike segregasie en later apartheid; en hoe, in die geval van sekere individue en plaaslike organisasies, hierdie sienings geartikuleer het met protes op nasionale vlak. Die artikel dek die enorme pogings van die wit munisipale owerhede om die lokasie te domineer, die uiters beperkte invloed van die naturelle-adviesrade en ook gelokaliseerde nasionale organisasies om hierdie beheer te weerstaan, die uitsonderlike vermoëns en bydraes van Lazarus R. Muthle en James Z. Mdatyulwa in Potchefstroomse protes en hoe, deur hulle optrede op plaaslike vlak, en te midde van hul wisselvallige verblyfreg, hierdie protes geleidelik bygedra het tot die onderbou van omvattende weerstand, insluitende dié van 'n intellektuele aard in die 1970s en 1980s. <![CDATA[<b>"Keep your town sweet and wholesome" The inspector of nuisances</b>: <b>a narrative of culture and sanitation in nineteenth-century Durban</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100003&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The nineteenth-century colonial town of Durban became a place where a growing British sanitation culture met headlong with the different attitudes of other urbanising people. The inspector of nuisances and the municipality's Sanitary Committee played a significant role in this context and tried to deal with a great variety of environmental problems. Some, such as overcrowded slums, led specifically to far-reaching consequences such as formal segregation policies. The inspectors were also concerned with many other types of nuisances including the need for hygiene; loafers and togt workers, barracks and compounds and the inspection of buildings. They played an important role in the development and refinement of urban services such as the night-soil system and the manufacture of fertilising manure.<hr/>In die negentiende-eeuse koloniale dorp, Durban, het die ontwikkelende Britse sanitasiekultuur lynreg gebots met die diverse sieninge van ander groepe in die proses van verstedeliking. Die "Inspekteur van Verontreiniging" en die Munisipale Sanitêre Komitee het 'n betekenisvolle rol in hierdie konteks gespeel en moes 'n verskeidenheid van omgewings-probleme hanteer. Sommige, soos oor-besette krotbuurte, het vêrreikende gevolge gehad: 'n Formele segregasie beleid. Die Inspekteurs was ook gemoeid met verskeie ander stoornisse: die behoefte aan higiëne; leeglêers en tog-arbeiders; barakke en kampongs en geboue-inspeksie. Hulle het 'n belangrike rol vervul in die ontwikkeling en verfyning van stedelike dienste soos die nagvuil stelsel en die vervaardiging van misstof vir bemesting. <![CDATA[<b>Frances Baard's and Helen Joseph's struggle against apartheid, 1950-1963</b>: <b>A comparative analysis</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100004&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Women's personal narratives constitute the core of historical inquiry in women's history even though the category "woman" has been contested and redefined at different levels in different cultures. The article purports to provide a general overview of prospects and problems of autobiographies and life histories as a methodology of writing comparative women's political history. The article argues that the differences in the 'I' that is spoken of as a retrospective product in life histories, and the 'I' that speaks for itself as a retrospective cumulative experience in autobiographies, has a bearing on the kind of knowledge that scholars produce on comparative women's political history. It is significant to note that while it is possible to blur boundaries and draw comparisons on women's experiences, the nature of the knowledge produced by using different personal narratives has a bearing on the levels at which similarities of such experiences are drawn.<hr/>Die persoonlike narratiewe van vroue vorm die kern van historiese ondersoek in vroue geskiedenis. Dit is die geval ondanks die feit dat die kategorie "vroue" gekontesteer en geherdefineer is op verskillende vlakke in verskillende kulture. Die artikel gee 'n algemene oorsig van die moontlikhede en probleme van autobiografeë en lewensgeskiedenisse as 'n metodologie by die skryf van vergelykende politieke geskiedenis van vroue. Hier word geargumenteer dat die verskille in die "ek" waarvan daar gepraat word as 'n retroperspektiewe produk van lewensgeskiedenisse, en die "ek" wat namens die self praat as 'n retroperspektiewe kumulatiewe ondervidning in autobiografeë 'n invloed het op die tipe kennis wat skrywers produseer in vergelykende politieke geskiedenisse van vroue. Dit is noodsaaklik om kennis te neem van die feit dat alhoewel dit moontlik is om die grense te versag en vergelykings te tref rakende die ervaringe van vroue, die aard van die kennis wat geproduseer word deur die gebruik van verskillende persoonlike narratiewe 'n invloed het op die vlak waar sulke ooreenstemmende ervaringe plaasvind. <![CDATA[<b>From Makhaza to Rammulotsi</b>: <b>Reflections on South Africa's "toilet election" of 2011</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100005&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In the run-up to South Africa's 2011 local election, the event was labelled the "toilet election" in the media. The message that struck a sensitive chord in the national newspapers was that some local authorities were not compliant in terms of water and sanitation service delivery. Service delivery, in itself, had been a crucial issue in municipal politics since the previous local election of 2006. Four years later, as local politicians prepared for the 2011 countrywide municipal election, the townships of Makhaza in Cape Town and the rural Rammulotsi near the Free State town of Viljoenskroon, were in the news. There was a pubic outcry because of the undignified manner in which local residents had to use the outdoor toilets that were not properly enclosed. From time to time news reports on the open toilets provided moments of comic relief in a tense election campaign that saw the two leading political parties of the country, the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance, wooing the electorate. The outspoken public disdain over highly unsatisfactory sanitation services, underlined the need for politicians and the management of local authorities to pay serious attention to efficient governance at the municipal level in a democratic society. In the article dedicated attention is also given to the way in which the local election influenced water and sanitation service delivery planning in Moqhaka Local Municipality, the local authority that oversees Rammulotsi township.<hr/>In die tydperk wat die plaaslike verkiesing van 2011 in Suid-Afrika voorafgegaan het, is die benaming van die "toiletverkiesing" aan die gebeurtenis gekoppel. Die boodskap, wat 'n sensitiewe snaar in die nasionale nuusmedia aangeraak het, was die feit dat daar plaaslike owerhede was wat nie in ooreenstemming met aanvaarde praktyke hul verantwoordelikhede ten opsigte van diens lewering nagekom het nie. Dienslewering opsigself was sedert die vorige plaaslike verkiesing van 2006 'n kritieke gesprekspunt. Vier jaar later, terwyl politici hulle vir die volgende verkiesing voorberei het, het Makhaza in Kaapstad en Rammulotsi, naby Viljoenskroon in die Vrystaatprovinsie, in die nuus opslae gemaak. Daar was duidelike openbare ontevredenheid met die onmenswaardige wyse waarop plaaslike inwoners behandel is deurdat hulle spoeltoilette sonder behoorlike afskortings moes gebruik. Nuus omtrent die toilette het van tyd tot tyd vir komiese verligting gesorg in 'n verkiesingstryd wat deur hoë vlakke van openbare spanning gekenmerk is as gevolg van die intense veldtogte van die regerende African National Congress (ANC) and die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA). In die artikel word in die besonder ook aandag gegee aan die wyse waarop die verkiesing beplanning rondom water en sanitasiedienslewering geraak het in Moqhaka Plaaslike Munisipaliteit, waarin Rammulotsi geleë is. <![CDATA[<b>The establishment of the Skanskop Island irrigation settlement as a milestone in poverty relief through personal initiative</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100006&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Skanskopeiland is een van die besproeiingsnedersettings wat in die vroeë dekades van die twintigste eeu langs die Benede-Oranjerivier (vandag die Garieprivier) gevestig is met die doel om blanke armoede te help verlig. Na afloop van die Carnegiekommissie se ondersoek en die Kimberleykongres oor armoede was dit in die 1930's beide die staat en die kerk se benadering om arm gemeenskappe te ondersteun om deur selfwerksaamheid vir hulle en hulle nageslag 'n selfstandige bestaan te verseker. Terselfdertyd kon hulle deur landbouproduksie 'n bydrae tot die landsekonomie en die ontwikkeling van die streek maak. Hoewel hulle na die toekenning van grond feitlik geen verdere staatshulp ontvang het nie en oor beperkte hulpbronne beskik het, is die meeste van die eerste nedersetters op Skanskopeiland suksesvol gevestig. Aangedryf deur die wil om vir hulleself te sorg en vir hulle gesinne 'n beter bestaan moontlik te maak, was hulle bereid om fisies hard te werk. Hulle het die eenvoudige tegnieke en tegnologie wat beskikbaar was, aangewend om die natuur te "tem" en die vrugbare grond voor te berei vir landbouproduksie. Hierdie artikel skets die historiese agtergrond waarbinne die nedersetting op Skanskopeiland gevestig is, beskryf die moeisame prosesse waardeur die nedersetters die eiland vir landbouproduksie gereed gemaak het, en beoordeel hulle pogings om hulleself en hulle nageslag uit armoede op te hef.<hr/>Skanskop Island is one of the irrigation settlements established in the early part of the twentieth century along the Lower Orange River (today the Gariep River) with the aim to help relieve the poor white problem. After the investigation of the Carnegie Commission and the Kimberley Congress dealing with poverty among whites, both the state and the church adopted an approach in the 1930s of giving only limited support to poor agricultural communities to stimulate them to improve their position through self-activity. If they succeeded in becoming successful agricultural producers, they would also make a contribution to the national economy and the development of the region. Although the first settlers at Skanskop received only minimal support from the state and possessed limited resources, most of them were successfully settled on the land. Driven by the will to provide for themselves and their families, they were prepared to perform hard physical labour. They utilised the simple techniques and technologies available to them to "tame" nature and to prepare the fertile soil for production. This article sketches the historical background of the establishment of the Skanskop Island settlement, describes the laborious processes through which the land was prepared for production, and evaluates the efforts of the settlers to lift themselves and their offspring from a state of poverty to become independent producers. <![CDATA[<b>The Livingstone Museum and its role in postcolonial Zambia, 1964-2006</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100007&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The first article on the Livingstone Museum, published last year in Historia, demonstrated that the Museum was originally established as a tool to exhibit African material culture in order to provide evidence to the rest of the world of the superiority of European culture compared to African culture. The article argued that this was because European settlers saw the need to legitimise colonial rule in the territory; colonial officials felt that the "civilising" effect of European culture was necessary to rescue Africans from their "primitive" way of life. This piece examines the Livingstone Museum and the role it played in independent Zambia, from 1964 to 2006. With the aid of temporary and permanent exhibitions mounted at the institution during this period, the article postulates that in the same vein as the colonial administration, the postcolonial government also used the Museum as a tool to promote its political agenda. Its main objective was to reverse the negative image that the Zambian culture and history had been accorded in the colonial period. The Museum was used as an ally by the nationalist government to promote national unity and patriotism, which had been undermined during the colonial era. In order to achieve this objective, the Museum staged exhibitions that glorified the African people and their culture at the expense of other racial groups that had emerged following colonial rule, such as Europeans and Indians. This article advances the thesis that contrary to the slogan "one Zambia one Nation", advanced by politicians after the attainment of independence (with the aim of creating a Zambian society in which all racial groups live in harmony) the Livingstone Museum's presentations in postcolonial Zambia were not balanced but were decidedly Afrocentric. In other words, postcolonial Livingstone Museum was also guilty of racial prejudice - the very same offence of which the colonial Museum was accused when they mounted their Eurocentric presentations. In practical terms, the Museum's exhibitions in each period reflected the current political dispensation. They were Eurocentric in the colonial period and Afrocentric in the postcolonial period. Nevertheless, the Museum does offer a platform, an educational centre through which both Zambian and foreign visitors are able to learn the country's culture, history, natural history and it indicates the path that the Zambian people have traversed from pre-colonial times to the present. Above all, it has kept alive the rich Zambian historical and cultural heritage.<hr/>Die eerste artikel oor die Livingstone Museum, gepubliseer in 2011 in Historia, het bewys dat die museum gestig is omruimte te skep vir die uitstalling van die materiele kultuur van Afrika om sodoende bewys te lewer aan die wêreld dat die Europese kultuur meerderwaardigheid is wanneer dit met dié van Afrikane vergelyk word. Die argument in die artikel was dat dit genoodsaak was deur die Europese setlaars se behoefte om hul beheer oor die area te legimiteer. Koloniale amptenare het dit gesien as 'n noodsaaklikheid om deur die "beskawende effek" van Europesekultuur Afrikane te red van hul "primitiewe" leefwyse. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die Livingstone Museum en die rol wat dit gespeel het in onafhanklike Zambie vanaf 1964 tot en met 2006. Met die hulp van tydelike en permanente uitstallings wat tydens die periode by die museum gemonteer is, postuleer die artikel dat net soos die koloniale owerhede voorheen, het die postkoloniale owerheid die Livingstone Museum ook gebruik as 'n medium om hul agenda te bevorder - naamlik 'n ommekeer van die negatiewe beeld wat Zambie se kultuur en geskiedenis gebuk gegaan het onder kolonialisme. Die museum is gesien as 'n bondgenoot van die nasionalistiese regering in die se strewe om patriotisme en nasionaleeenheid te bevorder wat tydens die koloniale periode ondermyn was. Om die doelwit te bereik het die museum uitstallings opgerig tot die glorie van Afrikane en hul kultuur ten koste van ander groepe soos blankes en Indiers. In hierdie artikel word daar geargumenteer dat die slagspreek "one Zambia one Nation", wat na die verkryging van onafhanklikheid deur politici gebruik om 'n Zambiese gemeenskap waarin allegroepe in harmonie kon saamleef nie bereik is deur die postkoloniale uitstallings van die Livingstone Museum nie omdat dit uiteraard Afrosentries was. Om dié rede was die postkoloniale Livingstone Museum skuldig aan dieslefde rassevooroordeel waarvan die koloniale museum en die se Eurosentriese uitstallings beskuldig was. Derhalwe, reflekteer die museum se uitstallings die politiek van die dag - Eurosenties tydens die kolniale era en Afrisentries tydens die postkoloniale era. Nieteenstaande bied die museum 'n platform en 'n opvoedkundige sentrum waar beide die Zambiese en buitelandse besoekers kon leer oor die geskiedenis, kultuur, en die pad wat die mense van Zambie gewandel het vanaf die pre-koloniale tydperk tot die huidige. Bowen alles het die museum die ryke geskiedenis en kulturele erflating van die mense van Zambie lewendig gehou. <![CDATA[<b>The government teacher as mediator of a "superior" education in Colesberg, 1849-1858</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100008&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article is set in the socially fluid context of a northern frontier town in the nineteenth-century Cape Colony. It examines the identity of James Rait, the young teacher at Colesberg Government School from 1849-1858. Rait was charged with implementing the complex curriculum of the New System of state education which had been introduced to the colony in 1839. Both the curriculum and textbooks were strongly rooted in Scottish educational discourses and this article investigates the teacher as mediator of a particular construction of knowledge and dispositions. It reflects on this role as the teacher who taught over 100 children of diverse cultural, class and racial backgrounds. It also examines the teacher's attempts to manage his growing incapacity to sustain a respectable manly identity. This was because of the incommensurate demands of his career and family on his ailing body and limited income. Disease can be seen to feminise the body; and while illness increasingly removed Rait from his classroom, his wife and particularly his female assistant were to bridge the domestic and working worlds and make up for his deficiency.<hr/>Hierdie artikel is 'n ondersoek na die sosiaal vloeibare konteks van 'n noordelike Kaapkolonie grensdorp in die midde-negentiende eeu. Daar word ondersoek ingestel na die identiteit van die jeugdige James Rait, wat tussen 1849 en 1858 onderwyser by Colesberg se Staatskool was. Rait is belas met die implementering van die "New System" van staatsonderrig se komplekse leerplan wat in 1839 in die kolonie ingestel is. Sowel die leerplan as die handboeke is sterk binne Skotse opvoedkundige diskoerse gewortel. En dus is daar n ondersoek in hierdie artikel van hoe die onderwyser as bemiddelaar van n besondere samestelling van kennis en geaardhede optree. Daar word gereflekteer oor die rol van die onderwyser wat aan 100 kinders van uiteenlopende kulturele, klas- en ras-agtergronde moes onderrig gee. Die artikel stel ondersoek in na die onderwyser se groeiende onbekwaamheid in sy pogings om 'n ordentlike manlike identiteit te handhaaf as gevolg van die oneweredige eise van sy loopbaan en familie op sy liggaamlike ongesteldheid en beperkte inkomste. Siekte word hier beskou as die vervrouliking van die liggaam. Terwyl siekte toenemend Rait van sy klaskamer weggehou het, het sy vrou en in besonder sy vroulike assistent die wêrelde tussen die huislike en die werkende oorbrug om sodoende vir sy gebrek te kompenseer. <![CDATA[<b>A hundred years of History at Rhodes University</b>: <b>some reflections on the department's centenary colloquium, September 2011</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article is set in the socially fluid context of a northern frontier town in the nineteenth-century Cape Colony. It examines the identity of James Rait, the young teacher at Colesberg Government School from 1849-1858. Rait was charged with implementing the complex curriculum of the New System of state education which had been introduced to the colony in 1839. Both the curriculum and textbooks were strongly rooted in Scottish educational discourses and this article investigates the teacher as mediator of a particular construction of knowledge and dispositions. It reflects on this role as the teacher who taught over 100 children of diverse cultural, class and racial backgrounds. It also examines the teacher's attempts to manage his growing incapacity to sustain a respectable manly identity. This was because of the incommensurate demands of his career and family on his ailing body and limited income. Disease can be seen to feminise the body; and while illness increasingly removed Rait from his classroom, his wife and particularly his female assistant were to bridge the domestic and working worlds and make up for his deficiency.<hr/>Hierdie artikel is 'n ondersoek na die sosiaal vloeibare konteks van 'n noordelike Kaapkolonie grensdorp in die midde-negentiende eeu. Daar word ondersoek ingestel na die identiteit van die jeugdige James Rait, wat tussen 1849 en 1858 onderwyser by Colesberg se Staatskool was. Rait is belas met die implementering van die "New System" van staatsonderrig se komplekse leerplan wat in 1839 in die kolonie ingestel is. Sowel die leerplan as die handboeke is sterk binne Skotse opvoedkundige diskoerse gewortel. En dus is daar n ondersoek in hierdie artikel van hoe die onderwyser as bemiddelaar van n besondere samestelling van kennis en geaardhede optree. Daar word gereflekteer oor die rol van die onderwyser wat aan 100 kinders van uiteenlopende kulturele, klas- en ras-agtergronde moes onderrig gee. Die artikel stel ondersoek in na die onderwyser se groeiende onbekwaamheid in sy pogings om 'n ordentlike manlike identiteit te handhaaf as gevolg van die oneweredige eise van sy loopbaan en familie op sy liggaamlike ongesteldheid en beperkte inkomste. Siekte word hier beskou as die vervrouliking van die liggaam. Terwyl siekte toenemend Rait van sy klaskamer weggehou het, het sy vrou en in besonder sy vroulike assistent die wêrelde tussen die huislike en die werkende oorbrug om sodoende vir sy gebrek te kompenseer. <![CDATA[<b>The forgotten killing fields</b>: <b>"San" genocide and Louis Anthing's mission to Bushmanland, 1862-1863</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100010&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Mohamed Adhikari's book The Anatomy of a South African Genocide is a synthesis of the research on the extermination of the San peoples of South Africa and aims to establish that such extermination must be considered genocide. Unfortunately, the book is based exclusively on published sources, and especially with regard to the nineteenth century, fails to consider archival and other sources that throw much light on the fate of the San, most notably the corpus of documents on the mission that the resident magistrate and civil commissioner of Namaqualand, Louis Anthing, undertook in 1862 to investigate reports of massacres of San bands in Bushmanland. Adhikari's book also suffers from the fact that he refers to "the San", while it is methodologically more correct to distinguish clearly between the different San populations and to address the history of specific groups in specific areas of southern Africa. Another major weakness is his placement of almost exclusive blame for the extermination of the San on "Dutch-speaking pastoralists", downplaying sources that point to the heavy involvement of Baster, Griqua and Khoi groups in the destruction of the hunter-gatherer bands. The case study of Louis Anthing's mission to Bushmanland, which proves that there was indeed genocide in Bushmanland in the second half of the nineteenth century, is presented in detail to show that an engagement with archival sources is essential to grasp the tragedy of the San in all its complexity.<hr/>Mohamed Adhikari se boek, The Anatomy of a South African Genocide, is 'n sintese van die navorsing oor die uitroeiing van die San-groepe van Suid-Afrika en het ten doel om te bewys dat hierdie uitroeiing as 'n volksmoord beskou moet word. Helaas is die boek totaal gebaseer op gepubliseerde bronne en, veral met betrekking tot die negentiende eeu, neem dit nie argivale en ander bronne in ag wat veel lig op die lot van die San werp nie. Dit is veral die geval met die korpus dokumente rondom die sending wat die magistraat en siviele commissaris van Namakwaland, Louis Anthing, in 1862 onderneem het om gerugte van die slagting van San-groepe in Boesmanland te ondersoek. Adhikari se boek skiet verder tekort deurdat hy na "die San" verwys onderwyl dit metodologies beter sou wees om duidelik te onderskei tussen die verskillende San-bevolkings en om die geskiedenis van spesifieke groepe in spesifieke areas van suidelike Afrika te ondersoek. Nóg 'n groot tekortkoming is dat hy die blaam vir die uitroeiing van die San feitlik uitsluitlik plaas op "Nederlandssprekende pastoraliste" en minder ag slaan op bronne wat dui op die wye betrokkenheid van Baster-, Griekwa- en Khoi-groepe in die verwoesting van die jagter-versamelaars. 'n Gevallestudie van Louis Anthing se sending na Boesmanland, wat bewys dat daar inderdaad 'n volksmoord in Boesmanland gedurende die tweede helfte van die negentiende eeu was, word hier in detail aangebied om te demonstreer dat dit noodsaaklik is om argivale bronne te betrek ten einde die San-tragedie in sy volle kompleksiteit te begryp. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2012000100011&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt