Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20100001&lang=en vol. 55 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>The learning curve in the South African War</b>: <b>Soldiers' perspectives</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The British military performance in the South African War not only confounded prewar expectations but also aroused controversy about what had caused the underestimation of a well-armed, mobile enemy and the failure to anticipate the tactical challenges posed by fire zones, swept by smokeless magazine rifles. Although the sweeping criticisms of Leo Amery, which held sway for over 70 years, have been modified by more recent historiography, this essay uses the correspondence of British soldiers to argue that the British victory was not simply a product of numerical superiority and an ability to deny any foreign intervention on behalf of the Boers. It claims that the British army, and its much-maligned soldiery, proved resilient and adaptable in South Africa, capable of learning in the field, and of conducting counterguerrilla operations across a vast terrain in a way that would ultimately undermine the enemy's will to resist. While the more perceptive Boers recognised that the British had improved in their field craft and tactical skills neither the British press, disenchanted with a protracted war, nor the military themselves, valued this learning process inasmuch as the war seemed to be largely anomalous with only limited lessons for the future.<hr/>Die Britse militere vertoning in die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog het nie aileen vooroorlogse verwagtinge beskaam nie, maar ook dispuut ontlok oor wat gelei het tot die onderskatting van 'n goed bewapende, mobiele vyand en die versuim om die taktiese uitdagings te voorsien wat gestel is deur vuursones, bestryk deur rooklose magasyngewere. Ofskoon die felle kritiek van Leo Amery wat vir meer as 70 jaar oorheers het deur meer onlangse historiografie versag is, benut hierdie artikel die korrespondensie van Britse soldate om te argumenteer dat die Britse oorwinning nie bloot die gevolg was van 'n getalle-oorwig en die vermoe om enige buitelandse tussenkoms namens die Boere te verhoed nie. Dit voer aan dat die Britse leer en sy vee I beswadderde krygsvolk 'n veerkragtigheid en aanpasbaarheid in Suid-Afrika getoon het, en dat hulle daartoe in staat was om in die veld te leer, en om teenguerrilla operasies uit te voer oor 'n wye terrein en op 'n manier wat uiteindelik die vyand se wil om weerstand te bied sou ondergrawe. Terwyl die meer opmerksame Boere besef het dat die Britte in hul vermoe in die veld en met hul taktiese vaardighede verbeter het, het nog die Britse pers -ontnugter deur ' n uitgerekte oorlog -nog die militere self hierdie leerkurwe na waarde geskat, in so verre die oorlog as grootl iks anomaal met slegs beperkte lesse vir die toekoms beskou is. <![CDATA[<b>White farmers and African labourers in the pre-industrial Transvaal</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article argues that the 1860s and 1870s represent an important transitional phase in the agrarian history of the Transvaal with regard to the relationship between white farmers and African labourers. Despite measures put in place by white settlers to secure labour, the availability of African labour emerged as a critical problem in this period and forced the Transvaal authorities to launch investigations into this matter. A number of causes can be identified. These include the discovery of diamonds on the southwestern Transvaal border in 1867, which created a huge demand for African labour and farm products; the emergence of markets in the towns and the transformation of production on white farms to more labour intensive, marketoriented farming. This situation was exacerbated by the inefficient application of labour stipulations; infighting between military officers and civil officials on labour matters and the presence of large semi-autonomous African communities in the outlying areas of the Transvaal, who were reluctant to provide labour. At least some of the factors that affected the labour demands of white settlers can also be traced back to the Cape Colony from which they had emigrated. African communities responded to the labour measures in various ways. For those in the central districts of the Transvaal migration appears to have been the most effective countermeasure.<hr/>Hierdie artikel voer aan dat die' sestiger-en sewentigerjare van die negentiede eeu 'n belangrike oorgangsfase in Transvaalse agrariese geskiedenis, met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen wit boere en swart arbeiders, verteenwoordig. Ten spyte van maatreels deur die setlaars om arbeid te bekom, het die beskikbaarheid van swart arbeid in hierdie tydperk as 'n kritiese probleem na vore gekom en het dit die Transvaalse owerheid gedwing om ondersoek daarna in te stel. 'n Aantal oorsake kan geYdentifiseer word -onder andere die ontdekking van diamante aan die Transvaalse suidwestelike grens in 1867 wat 'n groot aanvraag vir swart arbeid en plaasprodukte geskep het; die opkoms van dorpsmarkte en die omskepping van produksie op plase na meer arbeidsintensiewe en markgeorienteerde boerdery; die ondoeltreffende toepassing van arbeidsbepalings en onenigheid tussen militere en siviele amptenare hieroor; en die teenwoordigheid van groot semi-outonome swart gemeenskappe in die afgelee gebiede van Transvaal, wat teensinnig was om arbeid te verskaf. Ten minste sommige van die faktore wat die arbeidsaanvraag van die wit setlaars beYnvloed het, kan na die Kaapkolonie, vanwaar hulle geemigreer het, teruggevoer word. Swart gemeenskappe het op verskillende wyses op arbeidsmaatreels gereageer. Vir die in die sentrale distrikte van Transvaal was migrasie klaarblyklik die mees doeltrefende teenmaatreel. <![CDATA[<b>The Dorsland Treks to Angola (1974-1928) and the reasons behind them</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Gedurende die laat negentiende eeu het verskeie georganiseerde trekke Transvaal verlaat. Die eerste van hierdie trekke het die ZAR in Mei 1874 verlaat. Nadat die eerste drie trekke hulle verenig het, het hulle na bykans sewe jaar in Januarie 1881 by Humpata op die Huila-hoogland in die Portugese kolonie Angola gevestig. Vanaf 1892 tot 1894 het drie verdere graot trekke gevolg. Na die laaste groot trek in 1907 het die Portugese owerheid verdere Boeretrekke verbied. In1928 is ongeveer 2 000 Angola-Boere na Suidwes-Afrika gerepatrieer, terwyl 380-470 persone in Angola agtergebly het. DiƩ trekke was komplekse verskynsels as gevolg van ekonomiese, godsdienstige en politieke faktore. Aanvanklik was teenkanting teen die "ongodsdienstige" en "Iiberale" regering van T.F. Burgers die belangrikste trekredes. Nuwe arbeidswetgewing, onsekere politieke toestande, interne verdeeldheid in Transvaal en ekonomiese redes het ook bygedra. Gebrek aan grond, bevolkingsdruk, armoede, vrees vir nuwe belasting en die soeke na nuwe jagvelde het waarskynlik 'n minder belangrike rol gespeel. Vrees vir die beskawing en Britse imperialisme, die koms van intensiewe boerdery, goudkoors, draogtes of natuurrampe en die "trekgees" of "trekkoors" het waarskynlik geen rol gespeel nie.<hr/>During the late nineteenth century a number of organised treks left the Transvaal. The first of these left the ZAR in May 1874. Seven years later, in January 1881 , after the amalgamation of the first three treks, they settled at Humpata on the Hufla highlands in the Portuguese colony of Angola. From 1892 to 1894 three further major treks followed. After the last major trek in 1907 the Portuguese government prohibited further treks. In 1928 about 2 000 Angola Boers were repatriated to South-West Africa, while 380-470 remained in Angola. These treks were complex phenomena as a result of economic, religious and political factors. Initially, resistance to the "irreligious" and "liberal" government of T.F. Burgers were the most important reasons for the trek. New labour legislation, political uncertainty, internal dissent in the Transvaal and economic factors also contributed to the dissatisfaction. Lack of sufficient farming land, population pressure, poverty, misgivings about new taxes and the search for new hunting grounds probably played a minor role. Dread of modernisation and British imperialism, the introduction of intensive farming, gold fever, drought or natural disasters and the "trekking spirit" or "trek fever" probably played no role at all. <![CDATA[<b>Trickster tropes</b>: <b>female storytelling and the re-imagination of social orders in four nineteenth-century southern African communities</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Women in nineteenth century southern Africa used storytelling, especially tales in which tricksters were the central characters, in order to make sense of -and often to critique -rapidly changing social and political orders. The stories they told constitute an underutilised historical source. This article draws from four anthologies compiled by men engaged in missionary endeavours in the region to explore these points. I argue that these tales complicate our understanding of ethnic and gendered identity construction during the period and promise to cast new light on contemporary understandings of social reproduction, especially during times of societal upheaval.<hr/>Negentiende-eeuse suider-Afrikaanse vroue het stories, veral stories waarin truuksters die hoofkarakters gespeel het, gebruik om sin te maak van vinnig-veranderende sosiale en politieke ordes, en gereeld ook om dit te kritiseer. Die stories wat hulle vertel het, verteenwoordig onderbenutte geskiedkundige bronne. In hierdie artikel maak ek gebruik van vier negentiende-eeuse bundels, saamgestel deur mans wat hulle in sendingwerk gebesig het, om hierdie punte te ondersoek. Ek argumenteer dat hierdie stories die manier waarop ons etniese-en gender-identiteitsformasie verstaan, kompliseer, en nuwe lig mag werp op die wyses waarop daar aan sosiale reproduksie in tye van sosiale wanorde gedink word. <![CDATA[<b>The fork in the road? British reactions to the election of an apartheid government in South Africa, May 1948</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article examines in depth the reaction of the British government and the British press to the election of a National Party, apartheid government in South Africa in May 1948. The conventional view -that the 1948 election represented a "turning point" in South African history and Anglo-South African relations -is repudiated. On the contrary, it appears that the British, although they almost uniformly admired Field Marshal Smuts and distrusted Afrikaner Nationalists, felt that the results of the 1948 election were not indicative of a fundamental shift. The view was widespread in Britain and South Africa that Smuts and the United Party would soon be returned to power, and apartheid would prove to be impractical and politically embarrassing to the Nationalists. Only after Smuts's death in 1950, and after the further consolidation of National Party political control in South Africa, did the British begin to accept that the re-establishment of a mildly progressive, anglophile regime in South Africa was unlikely to occur.<hr/>Hierdie artikel is ' n indiepte ondersoek van die reaksie van die Britse regering en die Britse pers op die verkiesing van 'n Nasionale Party en apartheidsregering in SuidAfrika in Mei 1948. Die konvensionele standpunt -dat die verkiesing van 1948 ' n "keerpunt" in Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Anglo-Suid-Afrikaanse verhoudinge verteenwoordig -word verwerp. In teensteliing, dit blyk dat die Britte, alhoewel hul feitlik eenvormig vir veldmaarskalk Smuts bewonder het en Afrikaner-nasionaliste gewantrou het, van mening was dat die uitslag van die 1948 verkiesing nie 'n fundamentele verskuiwing was nie. Daar was 'n wydverspreide siening in Brittanje en Suid-Afrika dat Smuts en die Verenigde Party spoedig weer in beheer sou wees and dat apartheid ' n onuitvoerbare politieke verleentheid vir die Nasionaliste sou wees. Eers na Smuts se dood in 1950 en na die verdere verstewiging van NP politieke beheer het die Britte begin aanvaar dat die herstel van ' n matige progressiewe en proBritse bewind in Suid-Afrika nie sou plaasvind nie. <![CDATA[<b>Comparing developments in water supply, sanitation and environmental health in four South African cities, 1840-1920</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Environmental health had its modern-day roots in the sanitation and public health movement of the United Kingdom in the nineteenth century. The field addresses all human health-related aspects of both the natural environment and the built environment. In this article the focus is on issues of safe water and sanitation in Cape Town, Grahamstown, Durban and Johannesburg in the period ]840-1920. At the time the introduction and augmentation of water supply and sanitary reform were among the most important municipal issues to be addressed, along with the reduction of fire risks and the establishment of a financially effective administration. The links between health, racial segregation and differences in the provision of municipal services are also discussed in some detail. It will be shown that in conducting their work, local officials, together with the colonial authorities, set up a framework for local administration that was similar to governance structures in the UK. However, there were certainly unique elements in the evolution of local governments in South Africa.<hr/>Omgewingsgesondheid het sy hedendaagse oorsprong in die open bare gesondheidssbeweging van Brittanje in die negentiende eeu gehad. Hierdie betrokke terrein ondersoek gesondheidsgebaseerde aspekte van die natuurlike en beboude omgewing. In hierdie artikel is die fokus op kwessies van veilige drinkwater en sanitasie in Kaapstad, Grahamstad, Durban en Johannesburg in die tydperk c. 1840-1920. In hierdie era het die aanvulling van die bestaande watervoorrade en saniteitshervorming prominent in munisipale kringe ter sprake gekom. Daar was ook kwessies rondom risikovermindering in gevalle van stedelike brand-insidente. Terselfdertyd het plaaslike owerhede daarna gestreef om hulle finansies goed te bestuur en administrasie te verbeter. Die skakels tussen gesondheid, rassesegregasie en verskille in die voorsiening van munisipale dienste word ook bespreek. Daar word aangedui dat amptenare in samewerking met die koloniale owerhede daarin geslaag het om ' n raamwerk vir plaaslike regering daar te stel wat met soortgelyke stelsels in die Verenigde Koninkryk ooreengestem het. Tog wil dit ook voorkom asof SuidAfrikaanse omstandighede ook vereis het dat voorsiening vir die ontwikkeling van ' n unieke stelsel gemaak word. <![CDATA[<b>South Africa's revised history curriculum on globalism and national narratives in grade 12 textbooks</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The early twenty-first century evidenced a worldwide change in teaching History through the means of several revised History curricula in the Further Education and Training (FET) Phase, and the development of textbooks as a result of this revision. InSouth Africa these trends have coincided with a period of educational transformation since the African National Congress (ANC) took over as the leading political party in 1994. After 16 years of democracy the transformational outcome also saw a change in the approach to History in the school curriculum and textbooks. This article is structured to debate globalism and national narratives as themes in South Africa's revised History curriculum. The aim is to precIpitate a critical discussion on the general interpretation of these themes in the grade 12 History textbooks. This is also a way of ensuring that educators and learners are aware of the strengths and weaknesses of the textbooks on these themes for the day when they will be activated as part of the teaching and assessment programme for grade 12 History.<hr/>Ten aanvang van die een-en-twintigste eeu is 'n wereldwye tendens van verandering binne die onderrig van Geskiedenis as vakldissipline opgemerk deurdat 'n aantal hersiene geskiedeniskurrikula bekend gestel is. Hierdie tendens was ewe sigbaar in die Verdere Onderwys en Opleidingsfase (VOO) van Suid-Afrika veral in die ontwikkeling van nuwe geskiedenishandboeke vir gebruik in skole. Hierdie tendens het saamgeval met 'n fase van onderwystransformasie, veral nadat die African National Congress (ANC) vanaf 1994 as leidende politieke party die regeringsbestuur oorgeneem het. Na 16 jaar het hierdie gebeurtenis en onderwysgerigte veranderinge ook 'n sigbare uitwerking op die benadering tot die onderrig van Geskiedenis gehad. Dit is onder meer sigbaar in die hersiene VOO-Geskiedeniskurrikulum en in die handboeke wat in die afgelope jare ontwikkel is. In hierdie artikel word kortliks gefokus op die algemene benadering van globalisme en nasionale vertellinge as temas (soos in die hersiene Geskiedeniskurrikulum op graad 12-vlak) in die jongste skoolhandboeke. Dit is dan hoofsaaklik veronderstel om 'n voortydige debat te wees oor besorgdhede daarin vervat, en die wyse van hantering van hierdie temas in die graad 12 Geskiedenishandboeke vir wanneer dit wei in die toekoms aktief as deel van die onderrig-en assesseringsprogram sal geld. <![CDATA[<b>Life on the fringes</b>: <b>the role of the Unisa Short Course in School History Enrichment in empowering teachers</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article explores the role of the Unisa Short Course in School History Enrichment in empowering secondary school teachers to teach History and Social Science more effectively and creatively. It outlines the rationale behind the introduction of the course in 1998/9 and the various phases in tutorial materials development in response to continuous curriculum and education policy changes. Based on personal reflection and the findings of qualitative research conducted during 2009, the article highlights the marginalisation of History teachers, learners who elect to take History and professional historians engaged in teacher development, against the backdrop of a discipline that finds itself under severe pressure. It argues that this Short Course not only plays a significant role in History skills development at secondary school level, but that it also inspires and enhances the self-confidence of teachers and learners, thereby "breathing life" into both its clients and its developer, simultaneously assisting in keeping the discipline alive at secondary school level. Moreover, the course has uncovered admirable enthusiasm for their profession and subject among a small yet dedicated body of History teachers which is currently radiating wider than the History classroom into the heritage sector and the community at large.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ondersoek die rol van die Unisa Kort Kursus in Skoolgeskiedenisverryking in die bemagtiging van onderwysers om Geskiedenis en Sosiale Wetenskap doeltreffender en meer kreatief op sekondere skoolvlak aan te bied. Dit gee ' n oorsig van die beweegredes vir die instelling van die kursus in 1998/9 en die onderskeie fases in die ontwikkeling van studiemateriaal in reaksie op voortdurende verandering in onderwysbeleid en skoolleerplanne. Gegrond op persoonlike refleksie en die bevindinge van kwalitatiewe navorsing wat in 2009 onderneem is, beklemtoon die art ike I die marginalisasie van geskiedenisonderwysers, -Ieerders en professionele historici betrokke by onderwysontwikkeling teen die agtergrond van 'n dissipline wat onder groot druk verkeer. Dit betoog dat hierdie Kort Kursus nie net 'n belangrike rol speel in die ontwikkeling van geskiedenisvaardighede op sekondere skoolvlak nie, maar dat dit ook onderwysers en leerders inspireer en selfvertroue bou waarlangs die kursus "Iewe blaas" in sowel sy kliente as die kursusontwikkelaar en tegelykertyd help om die historiese dissipline lewendig te hou op sekondere skoolvlak. Meer nogdie kursus het 'n bewonderingswaardige entoesiasme vir hul werk en yak onder 'n klein maar toegewyde groep onderwysers aan die lig gebring wat tans besig is om wyer as die geskiedenisklaskamer na die erfenissektor en die breer samelewing uit te kring. <![CDATA[<b>Those who inspired and influenced me</b>: <b>Ou Dok McGill</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article explores the role of the Unisa Short Course in School History Enrichment in empowering secondary school teachers to teach History and Social Science more effectively and creatively. It outlines the rationale behind the introduction of the course in 1998/9 and the various phases in tutorial materials development in response to continuous curriculum and education policy changes. Based on personal reflection and the findings of qualitative research conducted during 2009, the article highlights the marginalisation of History teachers, learners who elect to take History and professional historians engaged in teacher development, against the backdrop of a discipline that finds itself under severe pressure. It argues that this Short Course not only plays a significant role in History skills development at secondary school level, but that it also inspires and enhances the self-confidence of teachers and learners, thereby "breathing life" into both its clients and its developer, simultaneously assisting in keeping the discipline alive at secondary school level. Moreover, the course has uncovered admirable enthusiasm for their profession and subject among a small yet dedicated body of History teachers which is currently radiating wider than the History classroom into the heritage sector and the community at large.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ondersoek die rol van die Unisa Kort Kursus in Skoolgeskiedenisverryking in die bemagtiging van onderwysers om Geskiedenis en Sosiale Wetenskap doeltreffender en meer kreatief op sekondere skoolvlak aan te bied. Dit gee ' n oorsig van die beweegredes vir die instelling van die kursus in 1998/9 en die onderskeie fases in die ontwikkeling van studiemateriaal in reaksie op voortdurende verandering in onderwysbeleid en skoolleerplanne. Gegrond op persoonlike refleksie en die bevindinge van kwalitatiewe navorsing wat in 2009 onderneem is, beklemtoon die art ike I die marginalisasie van geskiedenisonderwysers, -Ieerders en professionele historici betrokke by onderwysontwikkeling teen die agtergrond van 'n dissipline wat onder groot druk verkeer. Dit betoog dat hierdie Kort Kursus nie net 'n belangrike rol speel in die ontwikkeling van geskiedenisvaardighede op sekondere skoolvlak nie, maar dat dit ook onderwysers en leerders inspireer en selfvertroue bou waarlangs die kursus "Iewe blaas" in sowel sy kliente as die kursusontwikkelaar en tegelykertyd help om die historiese dissipline lewendig te hou op sekondere skoolvlak. Meer nogdie kursus het 'n bewonderingswaardige entoesiasme vir hul werk en yak onder 'n klein maar toegewyde groep onderwysers aan die lig gebring wat tans besig is om wyer as die geskiedenisklaskamer na die erfenissektor en die breer samelewing uit te kring. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2010000100011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en