Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20090001&lang=es vol. 54 num. 1 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Foreword</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es <![CDATA[<b>South Africa-India: Towards close scholarly ties</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100002&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article sets out a new body of historiography that explores connections and comparisons between South Africa and India. The article explains the factors behind the emergence of this body of work. On the one hand, the political transition in South Africa has enabled a free flow of people and ideas to and from India. On the other, the transnational turn in the humanities and social sciences has facilitated a move beyond national, regional and areas studies models which constrained older historiographies. The article concludes by placing the articles in this special collection in this emerging historiography.<hr/>Hierdie artikel sit 'n nuwe historiografiese groep wat die verbintenisse en vergelykings tussen Suid-Afrika en Indië ondersoek, uiteen. Die artikel verduidelik die omstandighede agter die verskyning van hierdie groep. Aan die een kant het die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika die vrye vloei van mense en idees na en van Indië moontlik gemaak. Aan die ander kant het die transnasionale wending in die geesteswetenskappe en sosiale wetenskappe n skuif verby nasionale, streeks- en gebiedstudiemodelle wat ouer historiografieë beperk het, vergemaklik. Die artikel sluit af deur die artikels in hierdie spesiale versameling in die konteks van hierdie opkomende historiografie te plaas. <![CDATA[<b>Satyagraha in South Africa: Principles, practice and possibilities</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100003&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article elucidates the key principles of satyagraha by noting how they evolved during the campaign of 1906 to 1914. It then seeks to analyse the extent to which the essence of satyagraha survived in struggles between 1915 and 1952. It argues for a recognition of earlier acts of satyagraha before the 1946-1948 passive resistance campaign. The article also examines the relevance of satyagraha in contemporary struggles over AIDS treatment and housing struggles. While the evidence suggests that there was a strong influence of satyagraha on several struggles in the 1930s to the 1950s, not all its principles were accepted and there was a whittling down and reshaping of its meaning. There were but a few adherents of satyagraha in its fullest meaning by the 1950s. Satyagraha has relevance for contemporary struggles largely because the wielder retains a strong moral high ground, but non-violent protest needs to be heeded by the democratic state. Gandhi's abhorrence for a society based on unequal wealth and his concern for the poor have important contemporary relevance.<hr/>Hierdie artikel verduidelik die sleutelbeginsels van satyagraha deur te kyk hoe dit gedurende die veldtog van 1906 tot 1914 ontwikkel het. Dit probeer vervolgens analiseer tot watter mate die wese van satyagraha in stryde tussen 1915 en 1952 oorleef het. Dit betoog ten gunste van die erkenning van vroeëre dade van satyagraha voor die passiewe weerstandsveldtog van 1946-1948. Die artikel ondersoek ook die betekenis van satyagraha in tydgenootlike stryde rondom die behandeling van Vigs en behuising. Terwyl die getuienis aandui dat satyagraha verskeie stryde van die 1930's tot die 1950's sterk beïnvloed het, is nie al die beginsels daarvan aanvaar nie, en is die betekenis daarvan gesnoei en hervorm. Teen die 1950's was daar maar slegs enkele aanhangers van satyagraha in die volste betekenis daarvan. Satyagraha het betekenis vir eietydse stryde veral omdat diegene wat dit beoefen, 'n sterk posisie op die morele hoë grond inneem, maar ook omdat vreedsame protes geneig is om die oor van die demokratiese staat te wen. Gandhi se weersin in n gemeenskap gebaseer op ongelyke welvaart en sy besorgdheid oor armes het is ook van groot hedendaagse belang. <![CDATA[<b>Monty ... meets Gandhi ... meets Mandela: The Dilemma of non-violent resisters in South Africa, 1940-1960</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100004&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article focuses on key moments in the life of Doctor G.M. "Monty" Naicker (1911-1978), an Edinburgh-educated medical doctor and contemporary of Yusuf Dadoo, who displaced moderate elements in Indian politics in South Africa when he became president of the Natal Indian Congress 1946. Having taken control of Indian politics, Monty adopted Mohandas K. Gandhi's principles of passive resistance in protesting the segregationist land legislation from 1946-1948. Through the 1950s he remained committed to non-violent resistance as he worked with the African National Congress (ANC) to forge non-racial resistance against segregation and apartheid, which was predicated on and backed up by the use of state-sponsored violence. His ideas were relevant in the early joint campaigns of the Congresses Alliance, but by 1960 he had to face the fact that the Alliance was contemplating a turn to violence in the face of state intransigence and increasing brutality. While many of his comrades chose to go the way of armed struggle, Monty remained committed to non-violent resistance. This article examines the dilemma facing activists such as Monty Naicker by examining two key moments in his political life, the Passive Resistance Campaign of 1946-1948 and debates around the ANC's turn to armed struggle in 1960.<hr/>Hierdie artikel fokus op sleuteloomblikke in die lewe van dokter G.M. "Monty" Naicker (1911-1978), 'n mediese dokter wat in Edinburgh opgelei is en 'n tydgenoot was van Yusuf Dadoo, en wat gematigde elemente in Indiese politiek in Suid-Afrika vervang het toe hy in 1946 president van die Natal Indian Congress geword het. Nadat hy beheer van Indiese politiek in die land oorgeneem het, het Monty die beginsels van passiewe weerstand van Mohandas K. Gandhi aangeneem in die protes teen segregasiesionistiese wetgewing van 1946 tot 1948. Gedurende die 1950's het hy tot vreedsame protes verbind gebly in sy samewerking met die African National Congress (ANC) om nie-rassige weerstand teen segregasie en apartheid te bied. Die optrede is met staatsondersteunde geweld begroet. Sy idees was relevant in die vroeë gesamentlike veldtogte van die Congresses Alliance, maar teen 1960 het hierdie alliansie oorweeg om na gewelddadige optrede oor te gaan weens die staat se onversetlike houding en toenemende brutaliteit. Terwyl baie van sy kamerade verkies het om na gewapende geweld oor te gaan, het Monty tot vreedsame weerstand verbonde gebly. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die dilemma wat aktiviste soos Monty Naicker in die gesig gestaar het, deur twee sleuteloomblikke in sy politieke lewe, naamlik die Passiewe Weerstandsveldtog van 1946-1948 en die debatte oor die ANC se oorgang na gewapende stryd in 1960, te bestudeer. <![CDATA[<b>Periodisation, cultural construction and representation of ANC masculinities through dress, gesture and Indian Nationalist influence</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100005&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article attempts to address the development of the ANC nationalist struggle and accompanying gender issues, especially concepts of manhood, through cultural factors, in particular dress. It argues that what is worn by people constitutes a historical archive distinct from the written and spoken word that can enrich our interpretation of historical periods and often adds complexity to the way we read these. In particular, the adoption of suits by early ANC delegations is argued to signify more than conforming to imperialist dictates and "begging", it means wearing the attire of the "ruling class". It revisits Chief Albert Luthuli and in his dress reads ambiguities in his stance towards potential militarisation. Likewise, the article considers the development of specific gestures, the use of the clenched fist in various ways, the development of the toyi-toyi as signifying different periods and meanings of the struggle, often having gender implications. Much that is advanced is not presented as an authoritative reinterpretation, but is intended to indicate the multiplicity of meanings that may be read into the same events or lives of people. This is a challenge to expand the range of sources which are drawn on for our historiography and related studies.<hr/>Hierdie artikel spreek die ontwikkeling van die ANC se nasionalistiese stryd en meegaande gender kwessies (veral konsepte van manlikheid) deur kulturele faktore soos spesifiek kleredrag, aan. Dit betoog dat dit wat deur mense gedra word, 'n historiese argief uitmaak wat los staan van die geskrewe en gesproke woord, en wat ons interpretasie van historiese tydperke kan verryk. Dit kan tegelykertyd ook die manier waarop ons dit interpreteer, meer kompleks maak. In die besonder word aangevoer dat die gebruik van pakke klere deur vroeë ANC-afvaardigings meer beteken het as bloot die konformering aan imperiale voorskrifte en "bedelary" - dit het naamlik beteken dat die kleding van die "heersende klas" aangeneem is. Daar word ook weer gekyk na hoofman Albert Luthuli en uit sy kleredrag word dubbelsinnighede in sy houding jeens moontlike militarisasie afgelei. Op soortgelyke wyse skenk die artikel oorweging aan die ontwikkeling van die gebruik van spesifieke gebare, byvoorbeeld die gebalde vuis op verskillende maniere, en die ontwikkeling van toyi-toyi deur verskillende tydperke en betekenisse van die bevrydingstryd, dikwels met gender betekenisse. Baie van wat voorgehou word, word nie as 'n outoritêre herinterpretasie voorgestel nie, maar word gebruik om te illustreer dat 'n wye verskeidenheid van betekenisse uit dieselfde gebeure en lewens van mense afgelei kan word. Die uitdaging waarvoor dit ons stel, is om die omvang van bronne waarop ons vir ons historiografiese en verwante studies staatmaak, uit te brei. <![CDATA[<b>Renaissances, African and modern: Gandhi as a resource?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100006&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es The purpose of this article is to understand the significance of Gandhi for the discussion about the African Renaissance. The article begins with the argument that the critical process of self-reflection begun in India about its past as a resource for imagining its future is central to any possibility of a renaissance in Africa. It draws on Gandhi in terms of what an examination of his central ideas might tell us about a future post-colonial Africa. Two of these ideas relate to the role of women in society and the attendant impact this view has on dominant masculinist tropes found in colonial historiography. Using these, the article looks at Gandhi not for the political and strategic choices he makes, but for understanding the kind of ethical identity or, the humanness which Gandhi's life represents.<hr/>Die doel van hierdie artikel is om die betekenis van Gandhi vir die bespreking van die Afrika Renaissance te bepaal. Die artikel begin met die argument dat die kritiese proses van self-refleksie wat in Indië oor die land se verlede as 'n hulpbron vir die voorstelling van sy toekoms begin het, sentraal in die moontlikheid van enige Renaissance in Afrika staan. Dit fokus op Gandhi in terme van wat n ondersoek van sy kernidees ons van n toekomstige post-koloniale Afrika mag vertel. Twee van hierdie idees hou verband met die rol van vroue in die gemeenskap en die gevolglike impak wat hierdie mening op dominante manlike sinnebeelding in koloniale historiografie gevind het. Met die gebruik hiervan, bestudeer die artikel Gandhi, nie om die politieke en strategiese keuses wat hy gemaak het nie, maar ten einde die tipe etiese identiteit of menslikheid wat Gandhi se lewe verteenwoordig, te verstaan. <![CDATA[<b>The challenge of contemporary history -</b> <b>Comparative possibilities </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100007&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article explores and deplores a paradox, namely that while India may be the most interesting country in the world, we know so little about its history as an independent nation. The article identifies the obstacles to the writing of contemporary history, but also outlines how they might be overcome. It suggests some important themes for research - among these are the histories of states, the histories of institutions, and the biographies of writers and activists. Finally, the article suggests that since the study of colonialism is meeting with diminishing returns, contemporary history might and perhaps should become a "growth area" for the future.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ondersoek en betreur 'n paradoks, naamlik dat hoewel Indië die mees interessante land in die wêreld mag wees, ons so bitter min van die geskiedenis daarvan as n onafhanklike nasie weet. Die artikel identifiseer die struikelblokke wat bestaan ten opsigte van die skryf van kontemporêre geskiedenis en dui verder ook aan hoe dit oorkom kan word. Dit stel belangrike temas vir navorsing voor - insluitend die geskiedenis van state, die geskiedenis van instellings, asook die biografieë van skrywers en aktiviste. Ten slotte stel die artikel voor dat aangesien die studie van kolonialisme verminderde opbrengste lewer, eietydse geskiedenis dalk 'n "groei-area" van die toekoms mag, of selfs moet word. <![CDATA[<b>The universal in the particular: Universalising social science - Comparative possibilities</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100008&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Two epistemological questions relating to the universalisation of the social sciences have been raised in this article. First, the social sciences that originated in the West are indigenous to the West, but are they necessarily universal for the rest? Second, can the universal always explain the particular, unless the universals in the particulars contribute to the construction of the universal? An argument is made for the indigenisation - as opposed to parochialisation - of the social sciences in the non-Western world in reaching out to the goal of universalising the social sciences. The way to go about it is to design researches that are able to generalise beyond the context. Indigenously designed research has to emancipate itself from the "captive mind" syndrome and follow the "logic of inquiry" driven by theoretical-methodological rigour. The argument is illustrated by critiquing the relevance of the concepts and theories of Western "modernity" and "multiculturalism" in the Indian, South Asian context.<hr/>Twee epistemologiese vrae met betrekking tot die universalisering van die sosiale wetenskappe word in hierdie artikel gevra. In die eerste plek kan aanvaar word dat die sosiale wetenskappe wat in die Weste ontstaan het, inheems aan die Weste is, maar is hulle noodwendig van universele waarde vir die res? In die tweede plek, kan die universele altyd die besondere verduidelik, tensy die universele in die besondere bydra tot die konstruksie van die universele? 'n Argument is te make vir die inheemsing - teenoor die parogialisasie - van die sosiale wetenskappe in die nie-Westerse wêreld vir die bereiking van die doelwit van die universalisering van die sosiale wetenskappe. Die wyse waarop dit bereik kan word, is om navorsing te ontwerp wat buite die konteks daarvan kan veralgemeen. Inheems-ontwerpte navorsing moet homself bevry van die "gevange gees" sindroom en die "logika van die ondersoek" volg, aangedryf deur teoreties-metodologiese nougesetheid. Hierdie argument word geïllustreer aan die hand van 'n kritiese ontleding van die betekenis van die konsepte en teorieë van Westerse "moderniteit" en "multikulturalisme" in die Indiese, Suid-Asiese konteks. <![CDATA[<b>The Indian war memorial: National memory and selective forgetting -</b> <b>Connecting public histories </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100009&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es The article uncovers the neglected history of the War Memorial commemorating thousands of Indian Army soldiers involved as non-combatants in the Anglo-Boer War. Erected in 1902, the monument in Observatory, Johannesburg, overlooks the site of a large remount camp staffed by Indians. Excluded from official accounts of the time which viewed the conflict as a "white man's war", the Indian auxiliaries have likewise been overlooked in more recent historiography aimed at creating a more inclusive view of the War. Revisionist scholarship focused on African involvement in the conflict, while the role of the Indian auxiliaries remains largely forgotten. By comparison, the role of Gandhi's Stretcher-Bearer Corps in the War is well known. Commemorations to mark the centenary of the War, although intended as an inclusive anniversary, failed to recover the public memory of these auxiliaries. Reviving their memory may not fit into a narrow nation-building concept, but is important to acknowledge the varied, transnational elements which have shaped South Africa's past. After the War, most of the Indian soldiers returned to India. Only a few of these veterans remained in South Africa, notably including Captain Nawab Khan who joined Gandhi's Satyagraha movement.<hr/>Hierdie artikel openbaar die vergete geskiedenis van die oorlogsgedenkteken wat hulde bring aan duisende soldate van die Indiese Weermag wat as nie-strydendes aan die Anglo-Boereoorlog deelgeneem het. Dit is opgerig in 1902, in Observatory, Johannesburg, met 'n uitsig oor die terrein waar 'n groot perdevoorsieningskamp beman deur Indiërs eens was. Nie alleen is die Indiese hulptroepe uitgesluit uit offisiële tydgenootlike verslae wat die konflik as 'n "witman se oorlog" beskou het nie, maar hulle is ook op soortgelyke wyse in meer onlangse historiografieë wat gepoog het om n meer inklusiewe beeld van die oorlog weer te gee, behandel. Revisionistiese navorsers het op swart betrokkenheid by die oorlog gefokus, en steeds het die rol van die Indiese hulptroepe grotendeels vergete gebly. In vergelyking hiermee is die rol van Gandhi se Ambulanskorps in die oorlog deeglik bekend. Die eeufeesviering van die Anglo-Boereoorlog was bedoel om n inklusiewe herdenking te wees, maar het insgelyks nie daarin geslaag om die openbare geheue aan hierdie troepe te herinner nie. Om op hulle bydrae te wys, mag miskien nie pas in n enggedefinieerde nasieboukonsep nie, maar dit is tog belangrik om erkenning te gee aan die uiteenlopende transnasionale elemente wat Suid-Afrika se verlede help skep het. Na die oorlog het die meeste van dié soldate na Indië teruggekeer. Slegs enkele van die veterane het in die land aangebly, waaronder kaptein Nawab Khan, wat by Gandhi se satyagraha-beweging aangesluit het. <![CDATA[<b>Shaka the Great</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100010&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Recognising the unavoidable bias of colonial sources, the article reassesses the personality and career of Shaka by means of oral tradition alone. In doing so, it explicitly rejects the opinion, currently prevalent in South African studies, that oral historical narratives are nothing more than a variant of oral narratives generally in favour of the view that oral historical narratives possess underlying invariant structural elements. The body of the article consists of a structural analysis of the oral historical narratives concerning Shaka's accession to power and his role in the death of his mother Nandi. Shaka emerges from this analysis as a distinctive figure who intervened decisively in the history of the Zulu kingdom. The extraordinary violence of his reign and the abrupt break with social norms inherent in his abolition of circumcision must be explained in terms of his ultimate objective of destroying the family and replacing it with an entirely new social organism based on the state. Dingane, by assassinating Shaka, prevented him from realising his ambitions, and it is Dingane, not Shaka, who must be seen as the true founder of the mature Zulu state.<hr/>Hierdie artikel erken dat koloniale bronne onvermydelik bevooroordeeld is, en gaan dan voort om die persoonlikheid en loopbaan van Shaka te herevalueer, gebaseer op slegs mondelinge oorlewering. Deur dit te doen, verwerp die artikel op duidelike wyse die opinie wat tans so algemeen in Suid-Afrikaanse studies voorkom, naamlik dat mondelinge historiese oorleweringe niks meer is as 'n variasie van mondelinge oorleweringe nie. Dit betoog ten gunste van die mening dat mondelinge historiese oorleweringe onderliggende onveranderlike strukturele elemente besit. Die hoofdeel van die artikel bestaan uit n strukturele analise van die mondelinge historiese oorleweringe rakende Shaka se magsoorname en die rol wat hy in sy moeder, Nandi, se dood gespeel het. Shaka tree uit hierdie analise na vore as n uitsonderlike figuur wat op beslissende wyse in die geskiedenis van die Zoeloeryk ingegryp het. Die buitengewoon gewelddadige aard van sy heerskappy en die plotselinge breuk met sosiale norme inherent aan sy afskaffing van besnydenis, moet verduidelik word in terme van sy uiteindelike doelwit om die familiestruktuur te vernietig en met n volkome nuwe sosiale organisme, gebaseer op die staat, te vervang. Deur die sluipmoord op Shaka, het Dingane voorkom dat Shaka in sy voorneme geslaag het en dus is dit Dingane, en nie Shaka nie, wat as die ware stigter van die volwaardige Zoeloestaat beskou moet word. <![CDATA[<b>N.P. van Wyk Louw and the moral predicament of Afrikaner nationalism: Preparing the ground for <i>Verligte</i> reform</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100011&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article argues for the continued relevance of the ideas of N.P. van Wyk Louw in debates among Afrikaner intellectuals during the height of apartheid in the 1960s and 1970s. It discusses the moral equivocations of the Verwoerd era and conflicts around questions of race and ethnicity that ensued during the Vorster period. At the heart of these moral debates, it is argued, was the question of state policy in regard to "coloured" People (arguably culturally Afrikaans, but racially other). The article looks less closely at a parallel silencing of debate about inclusion of urban Africans. After the Soweto uprising in 1976, however, intense intellectual contestation reached a high point through advocacy in Afrikaner cultural circles of "reform" by Gerrit Viljoen (Chairman of the Afrikaner Broederbond). Efforts to implement reform after 1979 failed dismally in the 1980s, but the shape of F.W. de Klerk's "leap forward" in 1990 would have been inconceivable without these earlier debates and their halting implementation by P.W. Botha.<hr/>Hierdie artikel betoog dat die idees van N.P. van Wyk Louw, soos dit gedurende die hoogtepunt van apartheid in die 1960's en 1970's in die debatte van Afrikanerintellektuele na vore gekom het, steeds relevant bly. Dit ondersoek die morele dubbelsinnighede van die Verwoerd-era en konflikte rondom vrae oor ras en etnisiteit gedurende die Vorster-tydperk. Daar word aangevoer dat die vraag rondom staatsbeleid ten opsigte van "kleurlinge" (moontlik kultureel Afrikaans, maar van 'n ander ras) sentraal in hierdie morele debatte gestaan het. Die artikel kyk ook minder intensief na 'n parallelle verswyging van debat oor die insluiting van stedelike swartes. Na die Soweto-opstand van 1976, het die intense stryd in intellektuele kringe egter deur Gerrit Viljoen (voorsitter van die Afrikaner Broederbond) se voorspraak vir "hervorming", 'n hoogtepunt bereik. Pogings na 1979 om hervorming te implementeer, het in die 1980's jammerlik gefaal, maar die aard van F.W. de Klerk se sprong na vore in 1990 sou in die afwesigheid van hierdie vroeëre debatte en hulle gebrekkige implementering deur P.W. Botha, ondenkbaar gewees het. <![CDATA[<b>The ANC/SACP in Angola: A case study in internal democracy</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100012&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Die ANC/Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party (SAKP) het altyd beweer dat die doel van hulle gewapende stryd, vryheid en demokrasie was. Een manier om dit te toets is om te kyk na die alliansie se praktiese toepassing van interne demokrasie in die jare van ballingskap. Met dié doel voor oë word in hierdie artikel ondersoek ingestel na die situasie in MK se kampe in Angola, die twee gewapende opstande in 1984, en die strafkamp Quatro. Twee paradigmas om die situasie te verklaar, word ontleed. Die een is die standpunt van die ANC dat die probleme die gevolg was van die apartheidsregering se spioenasie, en dié van die dissidente dat hulle eenvoudig 'ndemokratiese kultuur van verantwoordbaarheid wou hê. Die eindgevolgtrekking is dat ofskoon daar waarheid in die ANC se verklaring steek, dit 'nfeit is dat die alliansie se interne demokrasie veel te wense oorgelaat het.<hr/>The ANC/South African Communist Party (SACP) has always maintained that the purpose of their armed struggle was freedom and democracy. One way of testing this assertion is to investigate the alliance's practice of internal democracy during the years of exile. To this end, this article looks at the situation in MK's camps in Angola, the two armed uprisings in 1984, and Quatro punishment camp. Two paradigms for explaining the situation is analysed - the ANC saying that it was a result of the apartheid government's spying; and the dissidents stating that they simply wanted a democratic culture of accountability. The final conclusion is that while the ANC's explanation is not entirely off the mark, it remains a fact that the alliance's internal democracy left much to be desired. <![CDATA[<b>Challenges and obstacles in early HIV and AIDS education in South Africa, 1989-1994</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100013&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Very little research has been done on HIV and AIDS education in the 1980s. AIDS cases rapidly increased from less than 1 per cent in 1990 to almost 8 per cent in 1994. Both the government and non-governmental organisations started to launch HIV and AIDS education campaigns and programmes. Whilst the levels of awareness might have been relatively high, the same cannot be said for the knowledge levels. There were numerous impediments with the educational efforts. These ranged from a restrictive conservative morality, and a strictly bio-medical interpretation of the disease, to the racial context of South Africa. A variety of methods were used to convey the HIV and AIDS message. Considering the levels of illiteracy in the country, educationists made use of visual aids and dramatic performances to convey the message. Prejudice, as well as inadequate financial and human resources, impeded the educational drive. By 1994 knowledge levels rose, but no major inroads were made in the ultimate goal of behaviour change.<hr/>Baie min is gedoen ten opsigte van HIV- en VIGS-opvoeding in die 1980's. VIGS-gevalle het vinnig toegeneem van minder as 1 persent in 1990 tot amper 8 persent in 1994. Beide die regering en nie-regeringsorganisasies het veral in hierdie tyd HIV- en VIGS-opvoedingsveldtogte en -programme begin loods. Die vlak van bewussyn mag relatief hoog gewees het, maar dieselfde kan nie van kennisvlakke gesê word nie. Daar was heelwat beperkinge wat die opvoedingspogings in die wiele gery het. Dit het gewissel van 'n baie beperkende konserwatiewe moraliteit en 'n streng biomediese interpretasie van die siekte, tot die rasse-konteks van Suid-Afrika. Verskeie metodes is aangewend om die HIV- en VIGS-boodskap oor te dra. Opvoedkundiges het die vlak van ongeletterdheid in ag geneem en daarom het hulle van visuele middele en toneelspel gebruik gemaak om die boodskap oor te dra. Vooroordele en ontoereikende finansiële en menslike hulpbronne het baie beperkend op die opvoedkundige pogings ingewerk. Teen 1994 het kennisvlakke wel toegeneem, maar geen noemenswaardige vordering is gemaak met die uiteindelike doel om gedrag te verander nie. <![CDATA[<b>Patriarchalism and paternalism in South African "Native Administration" in the 1950s</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100014&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels. <![CDATA[<b>Professor Christian Johan Barnard (17 Maart 1923 - 6 Maart 2009)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100015&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels. <![CDATA[<b>Memories of historians and historical issues </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100016&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels. <![CDATA[<b>An organisational and political history</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100017&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels. <![CDATA[<b>A rejoinder to my reviewers </b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100018&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels. <![CDATA[<b>Book Reviews</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2009000100019&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es This article analyses the normative dimensions of urban administration in South Africa in the 1950s, focusing particularly on the administration of urban blacks. It argues that an "ethical life" or ethos of patriarchalism prevailed, and that this formed the normative backdrop for widespread paternalism on the part of white officials. However, the ethos of patriarchalism was fraught with ambiguities, because the political future of urban blacks within "white cities" remained unclear. Some officials believed that urban blacks would remain permanently subordinate in the cities, while others believed that they would eventually achieve full status as equals within a modern civil society. This ambiguity bedevilled the design of urban policies, and led to constant confusion and debates about appropriate urban management systems.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die normatiewe aspekte van stedelike administrasie in Suid-Afrika in die 1950's, met spesifieke verwysing na die administrasie van die stedelike swart bevolking. Dit bewys dat 'n patriargale etiek bestaan het, en dat dit die normatiewe konteks vir blanke amptenare se paternalistiese houding was. Nogtans was die patriargale etos baie dubbelsinnig, omdat die politieke toekoms van stedelike swartes onduidelik was. Sekere amptenare het geglo dat stedelike swartes altyd onderdanig sal bly, terwyl ander geglo het dat swartes mettertyd gelyke politieke status binne 'n moderne samelewing sou bereik. Hierdie teenstrydighede was problematies vir die ontwerp van stedelike beleid, en het gelei tot voortdurende verwarring en debattering oor die mees geskikte administratiewe stelsels.