Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20130002&lang=pt vol. 58 num. 2 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Doing gender is unavoidable: Women's participation in the core activities of the Ossewa-Brandwag, 1938-1943</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200001&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Afrikaner women played a major role in the Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) movement in South Africa from 1939 to 1954. Women participated in a range of activities as part of the OB Women's Division. As an organisation born out of nationalism, women's agency was highly influenced by the so-called volksmoeder (mother of the nation) ideal. In order to understand how normative concepts of gender, as embodied in the volksmoeder, influenced the agency of OB women, this article looks at how women, through their "doing" of gender, contributed to construing and establishing the volksmoeder as a normative and symbolic gender concept in the Ossewa-Brandwag. Thus, it aims to throw light on how contemporaries, who were members of the Ossewa-Brandwag, understood and used gender difference in their societal organisation. By focusing on the core activities of the OB Women's Division, the article observes how OB women were actively involved in "doing" gender. The aim of this study does not involve an analysis of the volksmoeder per se, but of the relation between the performativity of gender and the nature of the volksmoeder as gender construction in this particular case of OB women.<hr/>Afrikaner vroue het 'n belangrike rol in die Ossewa-Brandwag gespeel. Dié beweging het in Suid-Afrika bestaan tussen 1939 tot 1954. Vroue het deelgeneem aan 'n reeks aktiwiteite as deel van die OB Vroue-Afdeling. As beweging gebore uit Afrikaner nasionalisme, was vroue se agentskap hoofsaaklik beïnvloed deur die sogenaamde volksmoeder-ideaal. Ten einde te verstaan hoe normatiewe konsepte van gender, soos uitgebeeld in die volksmoeder, die agentskap van OB-vroue beïnvloed het, let hierdie artikel op hoe vroue, by wyse van hulle "doen" van gender, bygedra het tot die konstruksie en vaslê van die volksmoeder as normatiewe gender konsep in die OB. Die doel is dus op lig te werp op hoe tydgenote, wat lede was van die OB, geslagtelike verskil verstaan en gebruik het in hulle sosiale organisering. Deur te fokus op die kernaktiwiteite van die OB Vroue-Afdeling verken hierdie artikel hoe OB-vroue aktief besig was om gender te "doen". Daar word nie noodwendig 'n analise gemaak van die volksmoeder nie, maar daar word eerder gekyk na die verhouding tussen die "performatiewe" aard van gender en die normatiewe aard van die volksmoeder as gender konstruksie in hierdie spesifieke geval van OB-vroue. <![CDATA[<b>The Simon van der Stel Festival: Constructing heritage and the politics of pageantry</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The Simon van der Stel Festival was celebrated as an annual event in Stellenbosch from 1967 to 2000, celebrating the town's colonial-Dutch heritage in the form of a birthday celebration dedicated to its founder. In particular the focus of this article falls on the reasons why such a festival was initiated and why Stellenbosch lent itself perfectly to the hosting of the event. Furthermore, its progress is tracked until its climax in 1979, which was the tercentenary festival that celebrated 300 years since the founding of Stellenbosch. Heritage construction, pageantry and "the cult of the centenary" are used to explain why this festival was launched; the significance of hosting such a festival in Stellenbosch; how it changed over time; who was actively involved in its organisation; what the implications were of hosting such a festival; and why the festival eventually came to an end. Moreover, the Simon van der Stel Festival will be compared to a similar festival - the Jan van Riebeeck Festival of 1952 - which celebrated the founding of Cape Town in a similar fashion, but with more overt nationalist overtones.<hr/>Die Simon van der Stel Fees was geïmplementeer as 'n jaarlikse geleentheid in Stellenbosch vanaf 1967 tot 2000, as 'n viering van die dorp se Nederlandse koloniale erfenis in die vorm van 'n verjaarsdag-viering van sy stigter. Die fokus van hierdie artikel val op die redes waarom so 'n fees geïnisieer was asook waarom Stellenbosch uitgeknip was tot die aanbieding van so 'n fees. Verder word die vordering van die fees nagespoor tot en met die hoogtepunt in 1979, wat 300 jaar sedert die stigting van Stellenbosch gevier het. Erfenis konstruksie, "pageantry" en die "kultus van die eeufees" word gebruik om te verduidelik waarom so 'n fees gestig was; die betekenis van so 'n fees op Stellenbosch; hoe dit verander het met tyd; wie was verantwoordelik vir die organisasie van die fees; wat die implikasies was om so 'n fees te behartig; asook waarom die fees tot 'n einde gekom het. Laastens word die Simon van der Stel Fees vergelyk met 'n soortgelyke fees, naamlik die Jan van Riebeeck Fees van 1952, wat die stigting van Kaapstad gevier het, alhoewel met meer openlike nasionalistiese ondertone. <![CDATA[<b>Dinizulu and Bhambatha, 1906: An invasion of Natal and an uprising in Zululand that almost took place</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200003&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt During the so-called Zulu Rebellion of 1906 a critical stage was reached when the colonial forces were extended to the limit when fresh rebel forces reinforced those active under Bhambatha and other leaders in the Nkandla district of Zululand. The combined forces moved to the Thukela, prepared to cross into Natal, and then turned back and moved eastward. Their exact objective is not known, but southeastern Zululand was in ferment and rumours of an uprising instigated by the former Zulu king Dinuzulu were rife. Was the rebel army going to raise or support it? In any case, the defeat of the army at the battle of Mome on 10 June destroyed rebel prospects. This article examines these hitherto neglected aspects of the rebellion, using fresh sources, and radically reinterprets the narrative of events.<hr/>Tydens die sogenaamde Zulu Rebellie van 1906 is 'n kritiese fase bereik waartydens die koloniale magte onder groot druk was toe vars rebelle magte, die onder die bevel van Bhambatha en ander leiers, in die Nkandla distrik van Zululand versterk het. Die gekombineerde magte het suid na die Thukela beweeg voordat hul terug gedraai en oos beweeg het. Die presiese doel was nie bekend nie maar die suiooste van Zululand was in rep en roer en gerugte oor 'n opstand aangeblaas deur die voormalige Zulu Koning Dinizulu het die rondte gedoen. Iedergeval, die nederlaag van die Zulu mag op 10 Junie by Mome het al hoop van die rebelle vernietig. In die artikel word tot dusver afgeskeepte aspekte van die rebellie aan die hand van nuwe bronne ondersoek. <![CDATA[<b>A struggle for tenure by the "servant class" of Potchefstroom: A study in structural violence</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200004&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The "servant class" of Potchefstroom intermittently struggled for some measure of security of the right of occupation and the use of urban land. They first relied entirely on the favour of their masters, then seemingly acquired long-term tenure in a native location. However, they were eventually consigned to the mass category of "urban natives" without tenure, initially under British rule after 1903. When accompanying their white masters on their trek from the Eastern Cape, they were never considered citizens of the republic that was to be constituted in the interior or as having any claim to land in town. Thus they lived with their masters on their burgerreg erwe (civil right stands) until 1888, when a native location was created for them, availing them with some basis for claiming security of tenure in an alternative system. However, partly because their claims of security of tenure were contentious when the location was planned and then established, a legal battle ensued between location residents and the local white authority after the South African War. This clash necessitated the appointment of the Feetham Commission in 1905 and the Armstrong Commission in 1907. These two commissions established certain limited and temporary benefits for location residents in Potchefstroom, partly based on their claims as very early residents of the town. This article covers an early and significant instance of the resistance of the "servant class" in southern Africa to the overarching, harsh social and legal structure in which the legitimacy of their tenure of urban land was ruled out.<hr/>Die "dienskneg-klas" in Potchefstroom het vir onderbroke tye 'n stryd gevoer om 'n mate van sekuriteit vir die gebruik of selfs net die besetting van dorpsgrond. Eers was hulle slegs aangewese op die goeie guns van hulle meesters, daarna het hulle reg in die lokasie op die oog af verbeter, om net daarna deel te hê aan die lot van alle inwoners van lokasies onder aanvanklike Britse beheer na 1903. Alhoewel hulle hul wit meesters vanuit die Oos-Kaap vergesel het, is hulle nooit as burgers gereken van die republieke wat in die binneland tot stand sou kom nie, en waardeur hulle ' reg tot dorpsgrond kon bekom nie. Daarom het hulle saam met hul meesters op burgerreg-erwe gewoon tot in 1888, toe 'n lokasie vir hulle tot stand gebring is binne 'n alternatiewe stelsel wat hulle gemeen het aan hulle 'n basis vir bedinging gegee het. Die omstredenheid met betrekking tot die omstandighede waaronder die lokasie gestig is, en wat hulle as reverdiging vir hulle verwagtings beskou het, en die latere teenoorstaande eise, het die aanwysing genoodsaak van die Feetham-kommisie in 1905 en die Armstrong-kommissie in 1907. Hierdie artikel hanteer 'n vroëe en betekenisvolle geval van die weerstand van die "dienskneg-klas" in suider-Afrika teen ' oorkoepelende en kras sosiale en regstruktuur waarin die legitimiteit tot die gebruik van stedelike grond uitgesluit was. <![CDATA[<b>Hendrik Verwoerd and the Leipzig School of Psychology in 1926</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200005&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article looks into the stay of Hendrik Verwoerd in Leipzig, Germany, in 1926. Allegations of an ideological influence by German nationalism on Verwoerd have often been repeated in the historical literature, but were never substantiated by evidence from the archives. The Psychological Institute at the University of Leipzig, where Verwoerd studied, was politically the most conservative and nationalist among the three universities which the young scholar from Stellenbosch visited - the others were Hamburg and Berlin. Nevertheless, no ideological influence on Verwoerd could be found in the available evidence from archives in South Africa and Germany, but certainly the scientific influence of German psychology on Verwoerd the academic cannot be denied. Verwoerd's main objective in going to Germany was to become acquainted with the latest trends in international psychology. He studied with the Leipzig psychologists Felix Krueger, Hans Volkelt, an expert on child psychology, and Otto Klemm, a specialist in applied psychology. His interest focused mainly on developmental psychology, characterology and ethnic psychology (Völkerpsychologie), which can be traced to the lasting influence of Wilhelm Wundt, the founding father of modern psychology in Germany. Whereas Verwoerd's interest in different fields of psychology stemmed from his long lasting involvement with the "poor white problem" in South Africa, Völkerpsychologie could possibly have exerted a scientific influence on his later perceptions of racial and cultural differences that fed into apartheid.<hr/>Hierdie artikel handel oor die verblyf van Hendrik Verwoerd, in 1926, in Leipzig, Duitsland. Bewerings van 'n ideologiese invloed van Duitse Nasionalisme op Verwoerd kom herhaaldelik voor in die historiese literatuur maar dit is nog nooit onderskraag deur argivale bewyse nie. Die Psigologiese Instituut aan die Universiteit van Leipzig, waar Verwoerd gestudeer het, was polities die mees konserwatiefste, die ander twee was Hamburg en Berlyn, wat hy besoek het. Desnieteenstaande kon geen ideologiese invloed op Verwoerd gevind word in die argiewe in Suid-Afrika en Duitsland nie maar die wetenskaplike impak van die Duitse psigologie op hom kan nie ontken word nie. Die belangrikste rede waarom Verwoerd Duitsland besoek het was vir blootstelling aan die mees resente tendense in die internasionale psigologie. In Leipzig het hy onder die psigoloog Felix Krueger, die kinder psigoloog, Hans Volkelt en 'n spesialis in toegepaste psigologie, Otto Klemm, gestudeer. Sy belangstelling was in die algemeen gefokus op ontwikkelings psigologie, karakterologie en etniese psigologie (Völkerpsychologie) wat teruggevoer kan word na die bepalende invloed van Wilhelm Wundt, die vader van moderne psigologie in Duitsland. Waar Verwoerd se belangstelling in die verskillende vertakkinge van die psigologie gespruit het uit sy lang betrokkenheid by die "armblanke vraagstuk" in Suid-Afrika kon die Völkerpsychologie dalk 'n wetenskaplike invloed uitgeoefen het op sy latere persepsies aangaande ras en kultuur verskille wat op hul beurt weer apartheid beinvloed het. <![CDATA[<b>Creating order and stability? The Dairy Marketing Board, milk (over)production and the politics of marketing in colonial Zimbabwe, 1952-1970s</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200006&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article examines the efforts of the Dairy Marketing Board (DMB) in stabilising the dairy industry in the wake of difficulties that emerged in the production and marketing of dairy products after World War Two. It traces and evaluates the marketing and distribution strategies the DMB used, and their strengths and weaknesses. It illustrates the point that while shortages which had characterised war-time and post-war Southern Rhodesia had been eliminated by the mid 1950s, continued increased production led to over production which in turn created serious challenges for the Board in finding markets for the lucrative liquid milk trade. This article analyses the general national policy of self sufficiency in agricultural production that was espoused during the course of the war and were pursued vigorously after the war. It argues that this policy was not feasible for the dairy sector because it proved cheaper to import cheese and skimmed milk powder than to produce it locally. It is also maintains that while the voluntary takeover and recapitalisation of struggling private concerns on the distribution side was necessary in the 1950s, the employment of legislative instruments to elbow private concerns out of the milk market from the 1960s onwards was not in the best interests of the industry. Instead, these tactics were aimed at placating the DMB financially - a move that was unfair to both private players and consumers.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ondersoek die pogings van die Suiwel Bemarkingsraad (Dairy Marketing Board [DMB]) om, in die lig van die produksie en bemarkings probleme wat in die vaarwater van die Tweede Wereldoorlog ervaar is, die suiwelbedryf te stabiliseer. Dit ondersoek en evalueer die sterk en swakpunte van die bemarkings en verspreidings strategieë wat die Raad gebruik het. Die artikel argumenteer dat hoewel die tekorte wat tydens en direk na die oorlog in Suid-Rhodesië ondervind is teen die middel vyftigerjare uitgeskakel is, die voortgesette toename in produksie tot oorproduksie gelei het. Hierdie oorproduksie het die Raad genoodsaak om nuwe markte vir die winsgewende handel in vloeibare melk te vind. Hierdie studie analiseer die algemene nasionale beleid van selfvoorsienendheid ten opsigte van landbouproduksie wat tydens die oorlog beslag gekry het en na die oorlog doelgerig nagestreef is. Die referaat argumenteer dat die beleid in die lig van die beskikbaarheid van goedkoper ingevoerde kaas en afgeroomde poeiermelk, nie vir die suiwelbedryf haalbaar was nie. Dit word ook geargumenteer dat terwyl die vrywillige oorname en die herkapitalisering van sukkelende privaat verspreiders van suiwelprodukte noodsaaklik was in die 1950's, die aanwending van wetgewing in die 1960's om privaat produsente uit die melkmark te dryf nie in die bedryf se beste belang was nie. Die taktiek wat daarop gemik was om die Raad finansieel ter wille te wees was onregverdig teenoor beide die privaat rolspelers as die verbruikers. <![CDATA[<b>The ANC's 100 Years: More Recent Work on its History</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200007&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Last year was the centenary of the ANC; next year will mark twenty years since it came into office as the majority party in the Government of National Unity. Today much criticism of the ANC in government explains its failures by referring to its retention of an identity as a "liberation movement" and its inability to shed its struggle mindset. This makes it all the more important to know what the ANC did in the struggle and how attitudes dating from that struggle may still be current, such as the belief in the rightness of the cause, which usually means condemning those who did not work with it in the struggle, and in the responsibility of the "movement" to continue to exercise power, in order to pursue the goals of the struggle. This article considers three important contributions to the history of the ANC that appeared in the centenary years and places them in the context of other recent writing on the ANC.<hr/>Verlede jaar was die eeufees-herdenking van die ANC en volgende jaar sal dit twintig jaar wees sedert die organisasie as die meerderheidsparty in die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid aan bewind gekom het. Huidiglik word baie kritiek op die ANC in regering gehoop deur na die mislukkings te verwys en die te koppel aan die behoud van 'n "bevrydingsbeweging" identiteit en die onvermoë om die struggle mind-set af te skud. Dit maak dit des te meer belangrik om te weet wat die ANC in die struggle gedoen het en hoe ingesteldhede wat uit die tyd dateer nog steeds water hou, soos die geloof in die regverdigheid van die saak, wat gewoonlik beteken dat die diegene wat nie deel van die struggle was nie veroordeel word en die voortgesette verantwoordelikheid van die ANC om mag uit te oefen in die nastrewe van die doelwitte van die struggle. Hierdie artikel oorweeg drie belangrike bydraes tot die geskiedenis van die ANC wat tydens die eeufeesjaar verskyn het en plaas dit in die konteks van ander onlangse werke oor die organisasie. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200008&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt <![CDATA[<b>Dr Xuma comes home</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2013000200009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Last year was the centenary of the ANC; next year will mark twenty years since it came into office as the majority party in the Government of National Unity. Today much criticism of the ANC in government explains its failures by referring to its retention of an identity as a "liberation movement" and its inability to shed its struggle mindset. This makes it all the more important to know what the ANC did in the struggle and how attitudes dating from that struggle may still be current, such as the belief in the rightness of the cause, which usually means condemning those who did not work with it in the struggle, and in the responsibility of the "movement" to continue to exercise power, in order to pursue the goals of the struggle. This article considers three important contributions to the history of the ANC that appeared in the centenary years and places them in the context of other recent writing on the ANC.<hr/>Verlede jaar was die eeufees-herdenking van die ANC en volgende jaar sal dit twintig jaar wees sedert die organisasie as die meerderheidsparty in die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid aan bewind gekom het. Huidiglik word baie kritiek op die ANC in regering gehoop deur na die mislukkings te verwys en die te koppel aan die behoud van 'n "bevrydingsbeweging" identiteit en die onvermoë om die struggle mind-set af te skud. Dit maak dit des te meer belangrik om te weet wat die ANC in die struggle gedoen het en hoe ingesteldhede wat uit die tyd dateer nog steeds water hou, soos die geloof in die regverdigheid van die saak, wat gewoonlik beteken dat die diegene wat nie deel van die struggle was nie veroordeel word en die voortgesette verantwoordelikheid van die ANC om mag uit te oefen in die nastrewe van die doelwitte van die struggle. Hierdie artikel oorweeg drie belangrike bydraes tot die geskiedenis van die ANC wat tydens die eeufeesjaar verskyn het en plaas dit in die konteks van ander onlangse werke oor die organisasie.