Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20140002&lang=en vol. 59 num. 2 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Engagement - metahistorical considerations on a disputed attitude in historical studies</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en It is the main intent of this article to correct a misunderstanding of what engagement in historical studies, historiography and historical culture means and what it is about. So, first of all I will shortly describe the widespread notion of engagement as the direct opposite of objectivity in historical studies. In a second step I will show that this juxtaposition contradicts basic principles of historical thinking. For this I will explicate these principles in a twofold way: first, as basic factors of human historical thinking in general, and, second as basic factors of the professional academic treatment of history. Since historical thinking is more than only a cognitive procedure but includes non-cognitive elements, I will identify these elements and clarify their role as determining factors in historical culture. Doing so, engagement becomes visible as a complex interrelationship of different dimensions of historical culture and their basic concepts. As a further step I will discuss the contribution of historical studies to the practical functions of historical culture in human life. To round off the discussion, I will give a short outlook focusing on a form of engagement which has mainly been overlooked and is worth taking into account.<hr/>Die hoofdoelwit van hierdie artikel is om die misverstand reg te stel wat betrokkenheid in historiese studies, historiografie en historiese kultuur beteken en waaroor dit opsluit gaan. In 'n tweede stap wil ek aandui dat hierdie jukstaposisie strydig is met sekere basiese beginsels van historiese denke. Daaropvolgend verduidelik ek genoemde beginsels op twee maniere: eerstens as basiese faktore van historiese denke in die algemeen; en tweedens as basiese faktore van die professionele wyse waarop geskiedenis benader word. Omdat historiese denke meer verteenwoordig as bloot kognitiewe prosedures, en in werklikheid ook nie-kognitiewe elemente bevat, sal ek die elemente verduidelik as bepalende faktore in geskiedskultuur. Daardeur word betrokkenheid sigbaar as a komplekse interaktiewe verhouding met verskillende dimensies van historiese kultuur in die menslike lewe. Teen die einde van die bespreking word 'n kort indruk gegee van 'n vorm van betrokkenheid wat grootliks oor die hoof gesien is, en verdien om in ag geneem te word. <![CDATA[<b>Reflections on writing about writing media history, or, the mapping of certain paradigms and certain philosophies in researching a media historiographical project</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en When confronted with a media historiographical research project of vast scope, both in terms of period and subject, which approaches should the researcher take to ensure that the end result is a relatively "true reflection" of a given "past reality"? Which paradigms first need to be explored and understood before embarking on such a journey in order to stay focused, remain en route, and not lose one's way in terms of a myriad of potential data, sources, approaches, processes, philosophies and theories? This article attempts to reflect on the writing of media history by visiting and unpacking some relevant paradigms and philosophies in order to find an applicable approach, an organising principle, or "road map", within the field of history/historiography, specifically media history/historiography, so as to be able to construct a history of a South African media company, the subject of the research project at hand.<hr/>Gekonfronteer met 'n omvangryke mediahistoriografiese navorsingsprojek, beide in tydperk en onderwerp, watter benaderings kies die navorser om te verseker die eind resultaat is 'n relatiewe "ware weergawe" van 'n gegewe "verlede werklikheid"? Watter paradigmas moet eers ondersoek word voordat op so 'n reis vertrek word sodat die ondersoek gefokus en en route bly, om nie as 't ware te verdwaal nie te midde van byna eindelose data, bronne, benaderings, prosesse, filosofieë en teorieë? Hierdie artikel probeer besin oor die skryf van mediageskiedenis deur verskeie relevante paradigmas en filosofieë te besoek in 'n poging om 'n toepaslike benadering, 'n organiserende beginsel, of "padkaart", binne die geskiedenis/ historiografie, spesifiek mediageskiedenis/ mediahistoriografie, te vind, in 'n poging om 'n geskiedenis van 'n Suid-Afrikaanse mediamaatskappy, die onderwerp van die studie, te konstrueer. <![CDATA[<b>An obscured narrative in the political economy of colonial commerce in Lesotho, 1870-1966</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This paper examines the political economy of colonial commerce in Lesotho - then Basutoland. It argues that although pivotal and appropriate, the political economy narrative alone is limited as an explanation for other dynamics which shaped Lesotho's colonial commerce. It provides a radically simplified bi-polar picture in which European and Indian traders (the more powerful actors) on the one hand, and Basotho traders (the weaker actors) on the other, participated in antagonistic silos. Using historical records and the political economy of Lesotho as a context, this article identifies the existence of a dialectical and multifaceted relationship between these two categories. This was manifested in the interdependent and indispensable relationship between everyday economic pragmatism and collective political activism. This is an under-played catalyst that contributed to the shaping of the country's business landscape in the colonial period.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ondersoek die politieke ekonomie van koloniale handel in Lesotho (toe Basoetoland genoem). Daar word geargumenteer dat die politiek-ekonomiese narratief, hoewel deurslaggewend en geskik, as sodanig beperk is as 'n verklaring vir ander dinamiese verskynsels wat Lesotho se koloniale handel bepaal het. Dit skets 'n radikaal vereenvoudigde bipolêre prentjie waarin Europese en Indiese handelaars (sterker rolspelers) aan die een kant, en Basoeto-handelaars (swakker rolspelers) aan die ander kant, in antagonistiese silo's opgetree het. Deur van historiese rekords gebruik te maak, en met politieke ekonomie as 'n konteks, identifiseer die referaat die bestaan van 'n dialektiese en veelvlakkige verhouding tussen hierdie twee kategorieë.Dit het gemanifesteer in die onderling afhanklike en onontbeerlike verhouding tussen individue se daaglikse ekonomiese pragmatisme en kollektiewe politieke aktivisme. Dit is 'n onderbeklemtoonde katalisator wat daartoe bygedra het om die land se sakelandskap in die koloniale tydperk te bepaal. <![CDATA[<b>The politics of locating the third spinning mill in Southern Rhodesia, 1951-1953</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The textile industry in Southern Rhodesia witnessed rapid growth during and after the Second World War. The industry was largely dependent on locally grown cotton and the capacity to spin the cotton into yarn. The cotton Industry and Research Board (CRIB) established to oversee the development of the cotton industry in the colony, constructed the first spinning mill in Gatooma in 1943 with a capacity of 1 000 spindles, which was later increased to 35 000 spindles with the construction of the No. 2 mill in 1951. In the same year the government sanctioned the construction of a third mill, but it was not immediately built. The increase in the number of industrial concerns using the CRIB yarn and the expected expansion of textile demands from a wider federal market from 1953, generated debate in government, business circles and by interested parties on the possible location of the third mill. This article examines these debates that have largely escaped the attention of scholars who have largely focused on other aspects of the textile industry. For reasons that are not very clear, friction between the CRIB and the municipality of Gatooma developed to the extent that the Board expressed the desire to locate the additional mill (and thereby increase the spinning capacity of the industry) in other parts of the country rather than in Gatooma. The municipality was supported by interest groups that were motivated by the desire to retain the spinning industry in Gatooma. The article is not just about the third mill; it also examines how this struggle informs us about other aspects of the political economy of colonial Zimbabwe.<hr/>Die tekstielnywerheid in Suid-Rhodesië het getuig van snelle groei tydens en na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Die nywerheid was hoogs afhanklik van plaaslik verboude katoen en die kapasiteit om die katoen in draad te spin. Die katoennywerheid en Navorsingsraad (Cotton Research and Industry Board -CRIB), wat tot stand gebring is om toesig te hou oor die ontwikkeling van die katoennywerheid in die kolonie, het in 1943 die eerste spin-meule, met 'n kapasiteit van 1 000 spin-spille, opgerig, wat later tot 35 000 spin-spille uitgebrei is met die oprig van meule Nr 2 in 1951. In dieselfde jaar het die regering 'n derde meule goedgekeur, maar dit is nie onmiddellik gebou nie. Die toename in die aantal nywerheidsake wat die CRIB-draad gebruik het en die verwagte toename in tekstielaanvraag uit 'n breër federale mark sedert 1953 het debat in die regering en onder sakegroepe en belanghebbende partye ontlok oor die moontlike ligging van die derde meule. Hierdie artikel gaan in op hierdie debatte wat die aandag van vakkundiges, wat hoofsaaklik op ander aspekte van die tekstielnywerheid gefokus het, grootliks ontglip het. Weens redes wat nie baie duidelik is nie, het wrywing tussen die CRIB en die munisipaliteit van Gatooma ontwikkel - in dié mate dat die Raad die begeerte uitgespreek het om die bykomstige meule (en daardeur die weefkapasiteit van die nywerheid) in ander dele van die land, eerder as in Gatooma, te vestig. Die munisipaliteit is ondersteun deur belangegroepe wat deur die begeerte gemotiveer is om die spinnywerheid in Gatooma te behou. Die artikel handel nie alleen oor die derde meule nie; dit ondersoek ook hoe hierdie stryd ons inlig oor ander aspekte van die politieke ekonomie van koloniale Zimbabwe. <![CDATA[<b>S.J.P. Kruger and landownership in the Transvaal</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en State President S.J.P. Kruger may be regarded as one of the leading landowners in the Transvaal during the nineteenth century. As one of the early settlers he was entitled to some land free of charge. He also acquired a few farms as compensation for his services as commandant and commandant-general in the early years of the new Transvaal Republic (ZAR). In addition to this, Kruger became a very prominent buyer of farms, as well as erven in some towns - initially in the western half of the Transvaal, but later also in the eastern and northern Transvaal. Kruger sold a large number of his farms for small sums to his sons and sons-in-law, but also sold some at market prices to others. His most lucrative transaction occurred when he and his son-in-law, F.C. Eloff, bought the farm Geduld to the east of Johannesburg in 1886. After the discovery of coal and gold on this farm Kruger was able to sell it for a very large sum and he became a relatively wealthy man.<hr/>Staatspresident S.J.P. Kruger kan as een van die prominente grondeienaars in die Transvaal gedurende die negentiende eeu beskou word. Hy was as een van die vroeë setlaars geregtig op 'n beperkte hoeveelheid grond sonder vergoeding. Hy het ook 'n paar plase as kompensasie vir sy dienste as kommandant en kommandant-generaal in die vroeë jare van die nuwe Transvaalse Republiek (ZAR) ontvang. Kruger het daarbenewens 'n baie prominente koper van plase, sowel as erwe in sommige dorpe, geword - aanvanklik in die westelike helfte van die Transvaal, maar later ook in die oostelike en noordelike Transvaal. Kruger het 'n groot aantal van sy plase vir klein bedrae aan sy seuns en skoonseuns verkoop, maar later van sy ander plase teen markpryse aan andere. Sy mees winsgewende transaksie was toe hy en sy skoonseun, F.C. Eloff, die plaas Geduld, oos van Johannesburg, in 1886 gekoop het. Na die ontdekking van steenkool en goud op hierdie plaas was Kruger in staat om die grond vir 'n baie groot bedrag te verkoop. As gevolg hiervan het hy 'n relatiewe ryk persoon geword. <![CDATA[<b>Nelson Mandela se houding teenoor die kommunisme</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Die doel van dié artikel is om wyle oudpres. Nelson Mandela se houding teenoor die kommunisme, wat 'n wit vlek in die geskiedenis vorm, uit te lig en die mitevorming rondom die saak op 'n akademiese wyse af te breek. Die doel is pertinent nie om sy beeld af te breek nie; slegs om 'n versweë aspek van sy lewe te belig. Om dit te bereik is grotendeels staat gemaak op Mandela se eie geskrifte in die jare vyftig, voor hy tot lewenslange gevangenisstraf gevonnis is, asook twee belangrike geskrifte uit die jare sewentig, waarvan een die onlangs gepubliseerde, geheime outobiografie is wat hy op Robbeneiland geskryf het. Daar is ook staat gemaak op die nuutste bevindings van akademiese historici rakende Mandela se relatief kortstondige lidmaatskap van die SA Kommunistiese Party. Die gevolgtrekkings is kortliks dat Mandela in die laat vyftigs en vroeë sestigs 'n senior lid van die SAKP was, en dat hy dit toe om taktiese redes en met toestemming van die party laat vaar het. Verder was hy reeds in die vroeë jare vyftig 'n onkritiese aanhanger van die Marxisme-Leninisme, en hy het dié geloof minstens tot die laat jare sewentig gehou. In die loop van die jare tagtig, en veral ná sy vrylating in 1990, het hy klaarblyklik ingesien dat hy sy geloof moet wysig.<hr/>The purpose of this article is to highlight the late President Nelson Mandela's attitude towards communism, which forms a white spot in history, and to break down the myths surrounding this debate in an academic manner. The aim is not to break down his image; it is merely to throw light on a somewhat veiled aspect of his life. To do this, use was made of Mandela's own writings in the 1950s, before he was sentenced to life imprisonment, as well as two important documents written in the seventies. One is the recently published secret autobiography which he wrote on Robben Island. Use was also made of the most recent research by historians on Mandela's relatively short-lived membership of the SA Communist Party. The conclusions reached are that Mandela was indeed a senior member of the SACP in the late fifties and early sixties, and that he then let his adherence to this ideology lapse for tactical reasons and with permission of the Party. Furthermore, it is clear that as early as the 1950s he was an uncritical supporter of Marxism-Leninism, a belief which he retained at least until the late seventies. During the course of the eighties, and especially after his release in 1990, he apparently realised it was expedient to change his outlook on communism. <![CDATA[<b>Historic bells in Moravian Missions in South Africa's Western Cape</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The Moravian Church was the first denomination to begin with missionary work among the indigenous people in South Africa and today the church still has a very strong presence in the country. After opening their first mission at Genadendal in 1738, a number of further mission stations were established during the nineteenth century in the Western Cape. These missionary stations played an extremely important part in the lives of their residents, both spiritually and socially. In the Moravian Church, as in other churches, their church buildings and the bells accompanying them form an integral part of their heritage. Despite the research that has been carried out on the mission stations per se, no systematic research has been done on the bells at these stations. In this article we discuss these bells, when and where they came from, and who made them. Due to the historical value of these mission stations, we cannot consider the bells without some background discussion of the stations' history. A brief historical background is provided for each station before focusing on the bells at that station and who cast them. Finally, a number of areas for further research are touched upon.<hr/>Die Morawiese kerk was die eerste kerkgenootskap wat met sendingwerk onder die inheemse bevolkings van Suid Afrika begin het en vandag het die kerk steeds 'n baie sterk teenwoordigheid in die land. Na die stigting van die eerste sendingstasie te Genadendal in 1738, is 'n aantal verdere sendingstasies gedurende die 19de eeu in die Wes Kaap gevestig. Hierdie sendingstasies het 'n uiters belangrike rol gespeel in die lewens van hul inwoners, op geestelike sowel as sosiale vlak. In die Morawiese Kerk, soos in ander kerke, vorm die kerkgeboue met hul klokke 'n integrale deel van hul erfenis. Ten spyte van vele navorsing wat oor sendingstasies gedoen is, is daar geen sistematiese navorsing oor die klokke op hierdie stasies uitgevoer nie. As gevolg van die historiese waarde van hierdie sendingstasies kan ons nie hul klokke bespreek sonder 'n agtergrond bespreking van die stasies se geskiedenis nie. Dit word vir elke stasie gedoen voordat op die klokke by die stasie gefokus word. Ten slotte word 'n aantal verdere navorsingsareas aangedui. <![CDATA[<b>"Educated, tolerant and kindly": Australian attitudes towards British and Boers in South Africa, 1899-1902</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The Anglo-Boer War marked Australia's first experience of actual combat, with the participating colonies to serve as a "token" ally of the British against the seemingly corrupt Boer forces. Men initially enlisted eagerly, viewing the British Empire as their natural ally and the Boers their enemy, encouraged by military attitudes and Australia's commercial press, which - closely following Britain's jingo newspapers - ensured these views characterised the atmosphere from which these men left for the South African battlefront. After encountering the harsh South African terrain, however, the attitudes of the Australian troops towards others on the battlefield soon altered dramatically. This was caused partly by the eventual realisation by these men - most of whom were from a rural background - that they had more in common with the Boer combatants than the British Tommies. This caused many Australians to reject the official portrayal of the British and Boer forces by the military and commercial press, openly revealing disdain for their allies, and admiration for the enemy in their warfront letters and diaries. This challenges traditional perceptions of colonial forces in this war as loyal British subjects and presents an alternative view of Australian identity on the South African battlefield.<hr/>Die Anglo-Boereoorlog het Australië se eerste ervaring van werklik gewapende stryd aangedui, met die deelnemende kolonies om as 'n "simboliese" bondgenoot van die Britte teen die skynbaar korrupte Boeremagte te dien. Mans het aanvanklik gretiglik aangesluit, aangesien hulle die Britse Ryk as hulle natuurlike bondgenoot beskou het, en die Boere as hulle vyand. Hierdie gesindheid, gekweek deur die atmosfeer waaruit hierdie mans na die Suid-Afrikaanse gevegsfront vertrek het, is aangewakker deur militêre houdings en Australië se pers wat Brittanje se bjingo-nuusblaaie nougeset nagevolg het. Na hul kennismakig met die ruwe Suid-Afrikaanse terrein het die houdings van die Australiaanse troepe teenoor andere op die gevegsterrein baie gou dramaties verander. Dit is deels weens die uiteindelike besef deur hierdie manne - van wie die meeste uit ,n landelike agtergrond afkomstig was - dat hulle meer met die Boere-vegters gemeen gehad het as met die Britse Tommies. Dit het meegebring dat talle Australianers die amptelike voorstelling van die Britse en Boeremagte deur die militêre en kommersiële pers afgekeur het deur openlik in hulle gevegsfront-briewe en dagboeke minagting vir hulle bondgenote en bewondering vir die vyand openbaar het. Dit daag tradisionele persepsies van koloniale magte in hierdie oorlog as synde lojale Britse onderdane uit en bied 'n alternatiewe gesigspunt van Australiaanse identiteit rakende die Suid-Afrikaanse slagveld <![CDATA[<b>The Union Defence Force and the 1914 strike: The dynamics of the shadow of the burgher</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In January 1914 a general industrial strike took place in the Union of South Africa, which resulted in unrest in the Witwatersrand area. Subsequently the fledgling Union Defence Force, for the first time since its inception in 1912, was called upon operationally by the government to suppress the strike. Because the Defence Force was still in a transformational and integration phase, the Permanent Force was not yet ready to quash the strike on its own, and therefore the commandos of the Citizen Force Reserve were commandeered for service. The traditional commando system of the former Boer republics and of the Transvaal Colony and Orange River Colony were thus briefly revived to quell the 1914 strike, albeit in a new and multifaceted South African milieu. This article focuses on conflict and society and emphasises important social military historiographical aspects in South Africa that have been neglected in the past. It illuminates the Zeitgeist and character of Afrikaner society of the day by focusing specifically on the social dynamics and the experience of the "burghers" on commando that participated in the crushing of the strike. Theoretical concepts such as ideological differences, nationalism, leadership, commando and Afrikaner identity, masculinity, nostalgia and white poverty elucidate these experiences and perceptions.<hr/>In Januarie 1914 het 'n algehele industriële staking in die Unie van Suid-Afrika uitgebreek wat tot onrus in die Witwatersrand area gelei het. Gevolglik is die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) vir die eerste keer sedert sy ontstaan in 1912, operasioneel deur die regering aangewend om die staking te onderdruk. Die UVM was egter midde in 'n organisasie- en integrasieproses en gevolglik was die Staande Mag nog nie gereed om die staking op sy eie te onderdruk nie. Die UVM moes dus noodgedwonge die kommando's van die Burgermagreserwes vir diens opkommandeer. Die tradisionele kommandostelsel van die voormalige Boererepublieke asook die Transvaal- en Oranjerivier-kolonies sou dus vlugtig met die 1914-staking herleef maar in 'n nuwe en veelsydige Suid-Afrikaanse milieu. Die artikel fokus op konflik en gemeenskap en beklemtoon belangrike sosiale militêre historiografiese aspekte in Suid-Afrika wat in die verlede verwaarloos is. Dié artikel belig die tydsgees en karakter van die Afrikaner gemeenskap van destyds, deur te konsentreer op die sosiale dinamika en ondervinding van die burgers wat aan die onderdrukking van die staking deelgeneem het. Onderwerpe, soos ideologiese verskille, nasionalisme, leierskap, kommando en Afrikaner-identiteit, manlikheid, nostalgie en wit armoede werp lig op hierdie ervaringe en omstandighede. <![CDATA[<b>"In the crisis, who would tamper with the existing order?" The political and public reaction of English-speaking South Africans to the 1914 Rebellion</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Academic writing about white political history has been rather limited since the 1980s. Nevertheless, cognisance should be taken of a growing interest in the issue of the identity of various South African groups during the past two decades. Much attention has been paid to African and Afrikaner identities but identity formation amongst English-speaking South Africans has been somewhat neglected. John Lambert's work on the history of a white English-speaking identity in South Africa is a singular exception. Mindful of this, the article aims at recovering the history of these ignored observers of the 1914 Rebellion. A major question it addresses is identity formation among English-speaking South Africans within a dual context: that of the British Empire and that of a specific South African setting. Both were shaped by the First World War. English-speakers' reactions to the rebellion were prompted by the decision taken by the South African government to join the Allied war effort, and they should be understood within this context. For white South African English-speaking politicians and newspaper editors, the rebellion was initially inexplicable. The article highlights the efforts of these two very influential groups to gain insight on why some Afrikaners rebelled. Specific attention is paid to their views on the role of the military and political Afrikaner leaders during the rebellion. Lastly, the article considers the views of these opinion makers relating to the sentences and penalties meted out to the rebels.<hr/>Akademiese werk oor blanke politiekegeskiedenis het sedert die 1980's getaan. Desnieteenstaande moet kennis geneem word van die groeiende belangstelling in vraagstukke rondom identiteit. Hierdie ontwikkeling het veral gedurende die afgelope twee dekades plaasgevind. Heelwat aandag is aan identiteitsvorming onder Afrikane en Afrikaners gegee. Gevolglik het die onderwerp sover dit Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners aanbetref het, agterweë gebly. Dit was eintlik net die werk van John Lambert oor die geskiedenis van identiteitsvorming onder Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners, wat werklik aandag hieraan gegee het. Met dit in gedagte, ondersoek hierdie artikel aspekte van die geskiedenis van hierdie voorheen geïgnoreerde waarnemers van die 1914 Rebellie. Die artikel spreek spesifiek die volgende vraagstuk aan: wat was die aard van die identiteit van Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners binne 'n dubbele konteks; lojaliteit aan die Britse Ryk enersyds en die spesifieke Suid-Afrikaanse omstandighede andersyds, beide teen die agtergrond van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Hul reaksie teenoor die rebellie moet verstaan word binne die konteks van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se besluit om die Geallieerde oorlogspoging te steun. Die rebellie was vir die Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaanse politici en koerantredakteurs onverklaarbaar. Hierdie artikel lig hierdie twee baie invloedryke groepe se reaksie uit aangesien hulle gepoog het om te verstaan waarom sommige Afrikaners gerebelleer het. Die artikel fokus spesifiek op hul siening van die rol van die militêre en politieke Afrikaner leiers in die rebellie. Ten slotte word die sienings van hierdie Engelssprekendes oor die skuldig bevindinge en opgelegde strawwe van die rebelle ondersoek. <![CDATA[<b>Pietermaritzburg in the Great War: corporate patriotism and civic sacrifice</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The city of Pietermaritzburg was the capital of the South African province of Natal. The white polity was predominantly English in background and sentiment, and its response to the declaration of war was enthusiastically pro-British. This article is an account of the corporation's war effort and the civic sacrifices it entailed. The town council consistently supported the imperial cause, and the corporation encouraged staff to volunteer for military service, making generous allowances for them and their families. Patriotic organisations were established to promote volunteering, to raise funds for war relief, and to provide aid and comforts to the troops. Local women played an important role in fundraising and aid and comforts. By the end of the first year of the war, these activities were regularised and patriotic observances were ritualised. Patriotism did not falter, but by 1916 morale was strained by mounting casualties at the front and shortages and inflation at home. By 1918 war weariness could not be concealed and local authorities were searching for new ways to sustain popular morale. The response to the announcement of the armistice was enthusiastically British, but tinged with profound relief and gratitude.<hr/>Die stad Pietermaritzburg was die hoofstad van die Suid-Afrikaanse provinsie van Natal. Die wit politieke bestel was agtergrond- en sentimentgewys oorheersend Engels, en die reaksie daarvan op die oorlogsverklaring was geesdriftig pro-Brits. Hierdie artikel rekenskap van die korporasie se oorlogspoging en die burgerlike opofferings wat dit ingehou. Die Stadsraad het konsekwent die imperiale beweegrede ondersteun, en die korporasie het die personeel aangemoedig om vrywillig vir militêre diens aan te meld, terwyl dit milde toelae aan hulle en hul families voorsien het. Patriotiese organisasies is tot stand gebring om vrywillige diens te bevorder, om fondse vir noodleniging in te samel en hulpmiddele en geriewe aan die troepe te voorsien. Plaaslike vroue het 'n belangrike rol met betrekking tot fondsinsameling en hulpmiddele en geriewe vervul. Teen die einde van die eerste oorlogsjaar is hierdie aktiwiteite gereguleer en patriotiese handhawing verwesenlik. Patriotisme het nie gewankel nie, maar teen 1916 was die moreel getap weens toenemende ongevalle op die front en tekorte en inflasie tuis. Teen 1918 kon oorloguitputting nie langer verberg word nie en plaaslike owerhede het begin soek na nuwe maniere om volksmoreel te handhaaf. Die reaksie op die aankondiging van die wapenstilstand was geesdriftig Brits, maar met diepe verligting en dankbaarheid. <![CDATA[<b>War, education and identity: Discord at the Transvaal University College (1914-1919)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Before the outbreak of World War I (1914-1918), broad South Africanism appeared to have had a tentative but solid beginning at the Transvaal University College (TUC). This international conflict, however, re-ignited tensions among white South Africans, and students at the TUC were no exception. The proximity of these events to the establishment of the College seemed to push the ideal of broad South Africanism at the College beyond reach. This article considers the striking effect of World War I and the 1914 Rebellion on the consciousness of the TUC students as seen in student contributions to The T.U.C. Students' Magazine and other events at the College. It examines in particular changing and conflicting notions of white identity at the College at this time.<hr/>Voor die begin van die Eerste Wêreld Oorlog het dit geblyk asof breë Suid-Afrikanisme 'n tentatiewe maar stewige begin by die Transvaalse Universiteitskollege (TUK) gehad het. Maar hierdie internasionale konflik het weer spanning tussen blanke Suid-Afrikaners veroorsaak en in hierdie opsig was TUK studente geen uitsondering nie. Die feit dat hierdie gebeure so kort na die stigting van die Kollege plaasgevind het, het die verwerklikingvan die ideaal van brëe Suid-Afrikanisme by die Kollegebaie moeilik gemaak. Hierdie artikel oorweeg die blywende indruk wat die Eerste Wêreld Oorlog en die 1914 Rebellie op die bewussyn van die studente van die TUK gelaat het soos uitgebeeld in die studentebydrae tot Die T.U.K. Studenteblad en in ander gebeurtenisse by die Kollege. Dit kyk spesifiek na veranderende en teenstrydige ideës van blanke identiteit by die Kollege in hierdie tydperk. <![CDATA[<b>"Entrenching nostalgia": The historical significance of battlefields for South African tourism</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Many famous battles have left legacies and these have often created a sense of nostalgia motivating people to visit associated sites. Battlefields and other sites of "death and decay" have increased as a popular sub-sector of the fast growing heritage and cultural tourism industry. Battlefields, and other sites associated with war, have been studied by scholars from a variety of disciplines. In more recent times, tourism professionals and academics have begun to study battlefields and their associated histories for the purpose of developing and promoting them as tourist attractions. This has resulted in a distinct link between the historical and tourism sectors. In this paper, the Battle of Spioenkop (KwaZulu-Natal) will be discussed as an example of how history and a battle site in particular can contribute to the development of tourism.<hr/>Menige bekende veldslae het nalatenskappe gelaat wat dikwels 'n gevoel van nostalgie skep en mense motiveer om verwante terreine te besoek. Slagvelde en ander plekke van "dood en verval" het 'n toenemende gewilde sub-sektor van die vining-groeiende erfenis- en kulturele toerisme-industrie geword. Slagvelde en ander plekke wat verband hou met oorlog, word deur geleerdes van 'n verskeidenheid dissiplines bestudeer. Toerisme-spesialiste en akademici het onlangs begin om slagvelde en die gepaardgaande geskiedenis te bestudeer vir die ontwikkeling en bevordering van die slagvelde of terreine as toeriste-aantreklikhede. Dit het gelei tot 'n tasbare verband tussen die historiese en toerisme-sektore. In hierdie studie sal die Slag van Spioenkop (KwaZulu-Natal) bespreek word as 'n voorbeeld van hoe die geskiedenis, en 'n veldslag-terrein in die besonder, kan bydra tot die ontwikkeling van toerisme. <![CDATA[<b>Bush tracking and warfare in late twentieth-century east and southern Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en During the decolonisation era guerrilla wars fought in East and southern Africa, tracking represented an important skill mobilised by state security forces in their hunt for elusive insurgents who themselves tried to use it to avoid detection. In 1950s Kenya state game-keepers played a central role in recruiting skilled indigenous trackers, establishing a tracking school which taught British troops how to supervise African trackers and developing the tactical concept of specialised small units called Tracker Combat Teams grouped into Forest Operating Companies. Although the Rhodesian forces enjoyed considerable success in counter-insurgency tracking in the sparsely populated Zambezi Valley during the late 1960s and cultivated a tracker training programme that favoured members of the white minority and used helicopters to gain ground on their prey, the shifting of the war into the more populated east in the 1970s and the insurgent use of antitracking techniques led to a decline in the effectiveness of Rhodesian combat tracking. In South West Africa during the late 1970s and 1980s the combination of semi-open terrain and available technology greatly enhanced South African security force tracking which employed trackers from the Ovambo majority, mine-resistant cross-country vehicles for greater mobility and close co-operation with aircraft all of which insurgents attempted to counter with highly imaginative antitracking methods.<hr/>Tydens die guerrilla-oorloë in die dekoloniseringsera wat in Oos- en Suidelike Afrika geveg is, was opsporing 'n belangrike vaardigheid wat aangedryf is deu staatsekuritietsmagte in hul soeke na ontwykende insurgente wat self ook probeei het om te voorkom dat hulle opgespoor word. In die vyftigerjare van die vorige eei het staatswildbewaarders van Kenia 'n sentrale rol vervul ten opsigte van die werwing van vaardige inheemse opspoorders deur n opsporingskool tot stand te bring waar Britse troepe geleer is hoe om toesig te hou oor Afrika-spoorsnyers er die taktiese konsep van gespesialiseerde klein eenhede genaamd Tracke, Combat Teams wat in Forest Operating Companies ingedeel is, te ontwikkel Hoewel die Rhodesiese magte in die laat-1960's beduidende sukses behaal he met die teeninsurgensie-opsporing in die ylbevolkte Zambezie-vallei, en n opspoorder-opleidingsprogram ontwikkel het wat voorkeur gegee het aan lede van die wit minderheid en helikopters gebruik het om n voorsprong op hul prooi te kry het die verskuiwing van die oorlog na die digter bevolkte ooste in die 1970's en die insurgente se toepassing van teenopsporingstegnieke gelei tot n afname in die doeltreffendheid van Rhodesiese gevegsopsporing. In Suidwes-Afrika het die kombinasie van semi-oop terrein en beskikbare tegnologie die Suid-Afrikaanse sekuriteitsmag-opsporing, in die laat-sewentiger- en laat-tagtigerjare van die twintigste eeu grootliks bevorder, wat opspoorders uit die Ovambo-meerderheid my-weerstandige oorland-voertuie vir beter mobiliteit en noue samewerking me vliegmasjiene ingespan het - alles dinge wat insurgente probeer teëwerk het me behulp van hoogs verbeeldingryke teenopsporingsmetodes. <![CDATA[<b>Unity, diversity or separation? The Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in the borderlands of southern Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The integration of traditional institutions in the aftermath of colonisation and apartheid in Southern Africa has not only affected governance and jurisdiction in individual countries but has also left a lasting imprint on traditional communities and institutions. Due to migration and changing colonial borders, the Tswana chiefdom of the Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in Botswana and in South Africa have experienced different paths of development, and both parts of the tribal entity have had to adapt to various social environments, legal frameworks and institutional setups. The research analyses the consequences of the geographical division and separate development of the Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela. Internal dynamics like adaptation, modernisation and assumption of new traditions have interacted with external factors such as the impact of legal and institutional pluralism in Botswana and South Africa. The article discusses how the Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela have dealt with these obstacles and whether cohesion has been maintained by the traditional leadership and communities. After periods of close co-operation, cross-border rule and mutual support of the tribal leadership, they are currently facing serious threats to tribal unity.<hr/>Die integrasie van tradisionele instellings in die nadraai van kolonialisering en apartheid in Suidelike Afrika het nie alleen staatsbestuur en regspraak in individuele lande geraak nie, maar het ook 'n blywende stempel op tradisionele gemeenskappe en instellings afgedruk. Weens migrasie en veranderende koloniale grense het die Tswana-kapteinskap van die Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in Botswana en in Suid-Afrika verskillende ontwikkelingsbane meegemaak, en beide dele van die stam-entiteit moes by verskeie sosiale omgewings, regsraamwerke en institusionele opsette aanpas. Die navorsing ontleed die gevolge van die geografiese verdeling en afsonderlike ontwikkeling van die Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela. Interne dinamiek soos aanpassing, modernisering en die oorneem van nuwe tradisies het opt eksterne faktore soos die impak van regs- en institusionele pluralisme in Botswana en Suid-Afrika ingewerk. Die artikel bespreek hoe die Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela hierdie struikelblokke hanteer het en of kohesie deur die tradisionele leierskap en gemeenskappebewaar is Na tydperke van noue samewerking, oorgrens-regering en onderlinge ondersteuning van die stam-leierskap word hulle tans deur ernstige bedreigings ten opsigte van stam-eenheid in die gesig gestaar, <![CDATA[<b>The politics of renaming "colonial" streets in Francistown, Botswana</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Francistown is located in the North East district (part of the former Tati district) in Botswana. It was "founded" in 1897 by Daniel Francis, an English prospector and the first director of the Tati Concessions (today called the Tati Company). The Tati Concessions administered the Tati district like a colony within a protectorate after annexing and effectively colonising it in the 1880s. It was not until 1969 that the company eased its total control over Francistown owing to pressure from the pan-Africanist Botswana People's Party formed in 1960. A former settler city, Francistown's street names replicate a typical European city. Since 2008, there has been pressure, mainly from councillors in the Francistown City Council, to change the city's name, rename colonial streets and some public buildings after local "heroes and heroines". In February 2011, the city's full council finally passed a motion to rename colonial streets. The proposed names are of politicians (some departed, others still alive). The initiative has not yet been executed, but the discussions and the so-called consultations are ongoing. The article examines and situates this initiative within a historical and political context, showing how politicians are manipulating this "noble" initiative by using their power and authority.<hr/>Francistown is in die Noordoos-distrik geleë (deel van die eertydse Tati-distrik) in Botswana. Dit is in 1897 deur Daniel Francis, 'n /Engelse prospekteerder en die eerste direkteur van die Tati Concessions (tans bekend as die Tati Maatskappy). Die Tati Concessions het die Tati-distrik soos 'n kolonie binne 'n protektoraat bestuur nadat dit die distrik in die 1880's geannekseer en prakties gekoloniseer het. Dit was nie voor 1969 dat die maatskappy sy algehele beheer oor Francistown verslap het weens druk van die pan-Africanist Botswana People's Party wat in 1960 tot stand gebring is nie. Synde n voormalige setlaar-stad, het Francistown se straatname n tipiese Europese stad nageboots. Sedert 2008 is druk, hoofsaaklik van die kant van raadslede in die Francistown Stadsraad, uitgeoefen om die stad se naam te verander, name van koloniale strate te verander en sommige openbare geboue na plaaslike "helde en heldinne" te vernoem. In Februarie 2011 het die stad se hele raad uiteindelik 'n mosie aanvaar om koloniale straatname te verander. Die voorgestelde name is dié van politici (sommige wat reeds oorlede is, ander wat nog lewe). Die inisiatief is nog nie ten uitvoer gebring nie, maar die besprekings en die sogenaamde konsultasies word nog voortgesit. Die artikel ondersoek en plaas hierdie inisiatief binne n historiese en politieke konteks en toon aan hoe politici hierdie "edel" inisiatief manipuleer deur hul mag en gesag uit te oefen. <![CDATA[<b>South Africa's historiographic conflation: Comparing and contrasting the memories of King and Malcolm X with Luthuli and Mandela</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Biographer Manning Marable argues that the "tendency of historical revisionism" posthumously interprets Malcolm X "through the powerful lens of Martin Luther King, Jr" and in doing so, is "unfair" to both. A similar dynamic can be observed within the South African context when Nelson Mandela is interpreted "through the powerful lens" of Albert Luthuli. The conflation is exacerbated when Luthuli is likewise "interpreted through the powerful lens" of Mandela; that for which each stood is inaccurately attributed to the other. Luthuli is wrongly portrayed as a supporter of armed revolution and Mandela is wrongly portrayed as an ideological descendant of Luthuli (of the same ilk as King and Mohandas Gandhi). King and Malcolm X differed on the tactical and moral utility of violence in the struggle for human rights as did Luthuli and Mandela. As political rivals, Malcolm X politically undermined King and Mandela politically undermined Luthuli. The author compares and contrasts King and Malcolm X's respective views to develop themes related to the efficacy of pan-Africanism, violence and communism and identifies parallel themes in Luthuli and Mandela's views. The recent revelation following Mandela's death that he held membership in the South African Communist Party and served on its Central Committee during the early 1960s adds to the relevance of further examining how these icons are remembered and what role they played in South Africa's liberation from oppression.<hr/>Biograaf Manning Marable redeneer dat die "tendency of historical revisionism" Malcolm X postuum interpreteer "through the powerful lens of Martin Luther King, Jr" en is hierdeur onregverdig ("unfair") teenoor beide. 'n Soortgelyke dinamiek kan binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks waargeneem word wanneer Nelson Mandela "through the powerful lens" van Albert Luthuli geïnterpreteer word. Die samesmelting verskerp wanneer Luthuli eweneens "through the powerful lens" van Mandela geïnterpreteer word; dat dít waarvoor elkeen gestaan het, onjuis aan die ander toegeskryf word. Luthuli word verkeerdelik uitgebeeld as 'n ondersteuner van gewapende revolusie en Mandela word op sy beurt verkeerdelik voorgestel as 'n ideologiese afstammeling van Luthuli (van dieselfde klas as King en Mohandas Gandhi). King en Malcolm X het op die taktiese en morele geweldtoepassingsgebied in die stryd om menseregte verskil, soos ook Luthuli and Mandela. As politieke teenstanders is King polities deur Malcolm X ondermyn, en Luthuli eweneens deur Mandela. Die outeur vergelyk en kontrasteer King en Malcolm X se onderskeie sienswyses om temas te ontwikkel wat verband hou met die doeltreffendheid van pan-Afrikanisme, geweld en kommunisme en identifiseer parallelle temas in Luthuli en Mandela se sienswyses Die onlangse openbaring na Mandela se dood dat hy oor lidmaatskap in die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party beskik het en in die vroeë sestigerjare in die twintigste eeu in die Sentrale Komitee daarvan gedien het, voeg toe tot die relevansie van verdere ondersoek na hoe hierdie ikone onthou word en watter rol hulle in Suid-Afrika se bevryding van onderdrukking vervul het. <![CDATA[<b>Afrikaner socio-theological discourse in the early twentieth century: War and mission in J. F. Naudé and J. du Plessis</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The lives and works of two formative and controversial Afrikaner Christian leaders, Jozua Francois Naudé, and Johannes du Plessis, are considered in this article and evaluated according to the themes of war and mission. Both had public careers in the years spanning both the Anglo-Boer War and the First World War. Both men were significant in terms of the emerging Afrikaner nationalist discourse; Naudé especially so, with much of his own life choices marked by nationalist aspirations. Du Plessis presents a rather more complex, even ambiguous picture. He was controversial enough to be considered by some historians of South African Christianity as representative of an alternative Afrikaner Christian discourse that would eventually challenge the normative neo-Calvinist nationalism espoused by the religious establishment. Their contributions during the different war years are assessed here and while it is clearly evident that J.F. Naudé was an ardent defender of the Boer cause as well as being a supporter of the 1914 Boer Rebellion during the First World War, du Plessis on the other hand seems to have had a more fluid understanding of nationalism, that started out staunchly pro-Boer, but would later acquire more inclusive perspectives.<hr/>Die lewe en die werke van twee formatiewe en omstrede Afrikaner Christelike leiers, Jozua Francois Naudé, en Johannes du Plessis word in hierdie artikel bespreek na aanleiding van die temas van oorlog en sending. Albei se openbare loopbane het gestrek oor 'n tydperk wat beide die Anglo-Boereoorlog en die Eerste Wêreldoorlog beslaan het. Albei figure is belangrik in terme van die opkomende Afrikaner nasionalistiese diskoers, veral Naudé, aangesien baie van sy eie lewenskeuses gekenmerk is deur nasionalistiese aspirasies. Du Plessis bied 'n meer komplekse, selfs dubbelsinnige prentjie. Hy was omstrede genoeg om deur sommige Suid-Afrikaanse kerkgeskiedkundiges beskou te word as 'n verteenwoordiger van 'n alternatiewe Afrikaner Christelike diskoers wat uiteindelik die normatiewe neo-Calvinistiese nasionalisme van die religieuse hoofstroom sou uitdaag. Hul bydraes tydens die verskillende tydperke van oorlog word hier beoordeel en dit is duidelik dat J.F. Naudé 'n vurige deelnemer in die Boere se vroeëre stryd was, sowel as 'n ondersteuner van die Boere-Rebellie tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Du Plessis daarenteen het blykbaar 'n meer soepele verstaan van nasionalisme gehad. Aanvanlike was hy 'n stoere pro-Boere apologeet, maar later het hy 'n meer inklusiewe perspektief gehuldig. <![CDATA[<b>Inter-race soccer and the 1960 riots in Durban, South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200019&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The 1950s were witness to experiments in "inter-race" soccer86 because racially-based African, Indian, and Coloured teams played against each other at provincial and national levels. Sports officials felt that this was a positive development as teams were breaking racial barriers. However, as the decade wore on and the Defiance Campaign of 1952 and the Treason Trial (1956-1961) heightened political consciousness, sports officials and many activists came to believe that racialised teams were anomalous and were in fact exacerbating race consciousness. The fears of critics of inter-race soccer matches materialised when riots broke out at a soccer match between the South African Indian XI and the South African Africans XI at Curries Fountain, Durban, on 31 July 1960. These riots took on racial overtones. This article discusses the inauguration of inter-race tournaments, the riots themselves, and the aftermath of the riots. A key argument is that the riots played an important role in bringing about non-racial football in South Africa in the 1960s.<hr/>Gedurende die 1950s het eksperimente in "veel-rassige" sokker plaasgevind. Rasgebaseerde swart, Indier en gekleurde spanne het op provinsiale en nasionale vlak teen mekaar gespeel. Sportamptenare het gevoel dat dit 'n positiewe ontwikkeling was, en dat rasseskeidings deurbreek is. In die loop van die dekade het veldtogte van verset en die hofsaak van hoogveraad (Treason Trial, 19561961) egter politieke bewussyn aangewakker. Talle aktiviste het standpunt ingeneem op die saamstel van spanne op 'n rassebasis en was oortuig dat rassebewussyn so aangewakker word. Die vrese van die kritici van veelrasigge sokker is bewaarheid toe onluste uitgebreek het gedurende 'n sokkerwedstryd tussen twee spanne, die Suid-Afrikaanse Indiese XI en die Suid-Afrikaanse swart XI by Curries Fountain, Durban, op 31 Julie 1960. Hierdie artikel bespreek die daarstelling van veelrassige toernooie, die onluste en die nadraai van die onluste. 'n Belangrike argument is dat die onluste 'n belangrike rol in die totstandkoming van nie-rassige sokker in Suid-Afrika gedurende die 1960s. <![CDATA[<b>Presidential address delivered at the Biennial Conference (History Wars, Wars in History & other Southern African Histories) of the Historical Association of South Africa conference, Durban, 26-28 June 2014 , University of KwaZulu-Natal, 26-28 June 2014. Warring societies? Towards a community of historians HASA and SAHS (1956-2014)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200020&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This address proposes to trace the history of the two leading historical societies in South Africa: the Historical Association of South Africa (HASA) and the South African Historical Society (SAHS). Having been founded as two separate organisations just after the mid-twentieth century, they represented historians with distinct - if not apparently opposing - ideological dispositions. This paper seeks to unpack how this initial polarisation has gradually transformed and eventually converged. Echoing the work by Karl Dietrich Erdmann and that of Robert Townsend it also briefly considers "cleavages, debates, and forging of ties among historians" as well as the existing division within the discipline, thus situating these local developments within the context of the broader global historical fraternity.<hr/>Hierdie voorlegging wil graag die geskiedenis van die twee voorste historiese verenigings in Suid-Afrika nagaan: die Historiese Genootskap van Suid-Afrika (HGSA) en die Suid-Afrikaanse Historiese Vereniging (SAHV). Gestig as twee afsonderlike organisasies net na die middel van die twintigste eeu, het hulle historici met bepaalde verskillende - indien nie blykbaar teenstrydige -ideologiese gesindhede verteenwoordig. Hierdie artikel het ten doel om uit te pak hoe hierdie aanvanklike polarisasie geleidelik verander en uiteindelik konvergeer het. Aansluitend by die werk van Karl Dietrich Erdmann en dié van Robert Townsend kyk dit ook kortliks na die "gleufies, debatte, en smee van bande onder geskiedkundiges" sowel as die bestaande skeiding binne die dissipline, en plaas dus die plaaslike ontwikkelings binne die konteks van die breër globale historiese gilde. <![CDATA[<b>Keynote address delivered at the Biennial Conference (History Wars, Wars in History & other Southern African Histories) of the Historical Association of South Africa conference, Durban, 26-28 June 2014 , University of KwaZulu-Natal, 26-28 June 2014. African encounters with the sea: Durban and beyond</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200021&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article presents an overview of the relationship between what is now the KwaZulu-Natal coast and the Indian Ocean, from the perspective of what has been called an "amphibious" history of land-sea relationships. It discusses two broad approaches to the study of the Indian Ocean, one concerned more with politics, economy and technology, and another that focuses more on subjectivities and cultural exchange, to show how south-eastern Africa's place in the Indian Ocean imaginary varies according to which of these perspectives is adopted. It then examines the historical evidence concerning the relationship to the ocean of those who have lived and worked along this coast, focusing largely on the port of Durban. Finally it examines the linkages between the littoral and those who have gone to sea, whether as seafarers or different kinds of passengers. The conclusion is that there is still much to be uncovered about this stretch of coast in the Indian Ocean, if we ask the appropriate sorts of questions.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bied 'n oorsig aan van die verhouding tussen dít wat tans die kus van KwaZulu-Natal uitmaak en die Indiese Oseaan. Dit geskied vanuit die perspektief van wat as 'n "amfibiese" geskiedenis van land-en-seeverhoudinge bekend staan. Twee benaderings tot die studie van die Indiese Oseaan word gevolg - een meer gefokus op die politiek, ekonomie en tegnologie, en die ander op subjektiwiteite en kulturele uitruiling - om aan te toon hoe die posisie van suid-oos Afrika in die Indiese Oseaan verbeelding varieer na aanleiding van die perspektief wat aangelê word. Daarna eksamineer die artikel die historiese bewyse rakende die verhouding tot die oseaan van dié wat langs die kus gewoon en gewerk het. Die fokus is grootliks op die hawe van Durban. Ten slotte word die verwantskappe tussen die land en dié wat die see in is, of hul seevaarders of passasiers was, ondersoek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat daar nog baie oor is om ontdek te word van hierdie deel van die kuslyn van die Indiese Oseaan, mits ons die regte vrae stel. <![CDATA[<b>The Black Swan and the owl of Minerva: Nassim Nicholas Taleb and the historians</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200022&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In The Black Swan, Nassim Nicholas Taleb considers the importance in human affairs of "Black Swan" events of low probability but high impact. In the process he argues, in a confrontational manner, that historians' causal narratives are mainly invalid on a number of grounds but especially because the unpredictability of Black Swan (or other) events implies that subsequent narratives connecting events are merely "good-sounding stories". This article analyses Taleb's arguments against historical explanation and concludes that they are largely unsatisfactory. It questions Taleb's link between explanation and prediction in the context of history, arguing that Taleb's own concept of randomness as insufficient information implies greater knowledge after an event. However Taleb offers insights which can be of value to historians, and a more irenical relationship would be desirable.<hr/>In The Black Swan, beskou Nassim Nicholas Taleb die belangrikheid in menslike aangeleenthede van "Black Swan"-episodes as van geringe moontlikheid maar sterk impak. In die proses redeneer hy, op 'n konfronterende wyse, dat geskiedskrywers se oorsaaklike vertellings hoofsaaklik ongeldig is, op 'n hele aantal gronde, maar veral omdat die onvoorspelbaarheid van Black Swan- (of ander) episodes impliseer dat daaropvolgende vertellings wat episodes aan mekaar koppel, bloot "good-sounding stories" is. Hierdie artikel ontleed Taleb se redenasies teen historiese verklaring en kom tot die slotsom dat hulle grootliks onbevredigend is. Dit bevraagteken Taleb se verband tussen verduideliking en voorspelling in die eks van geskiedenis, deurdat hy redeneer dat Taleb se eie konsep van ewekansigheid as synde ontoereikende inligting, meer kennis na 'n episode impliseer. Taleb bied egter insigte wat waardevol kan wees vir historici, en 'n meer versoenende verhouding sou wensliker gewees het. <![CDATA[<b>The genesis of the South African foot soldier</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2014000200023&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In The Black Swan, Nassim Nicholas Taleb considers the importance in human affairs of "Black Swan" events of low probability but high impact. In the process he argues, in a confrontational manner, that historians' causal narratives are mainly invalid on a number of grounds but especially because the unpredictability of Black Swan (or other) events implies that subsequent narratives connecting events are merely "good-sounding stories". This article analyses Taleb's arguments against historical explanation and concludes that they are largely unsatisfactory. It questions Taleb's link between explanation and prediction in the context of history, arguing that Taleb's own concept of randomness as insufficient information implies greater knowledge after an event. However Taleb offers insights which can be of value to historians, and a more irenical relationship would be desirable.<hr/>In The Black Swan, beskou Nassim Nicholas Taleb die belangrikheid in menslike aangeleenthede van "Black Swan"-episodes as van geringe moontlikheid maar sterk impak. In die proses redeneer hy, op 'n konfronterende wyse, dat geskiedskrywers se oorsaaklike vertellings hoofsaaklik ongeldig is, op 'n hele aantal gronde, maar veral omdat die onvoorspelbaarheid van Black Swan- (of ander) episodes impliseer dat daaropvolgende vertellings wat episodes aan mekaar koppel, bloot "good-sounding stories" is. Hierdie artikel ontleed Taleb se redenasies teen historiese verklaring en kom tot die slotsom dat hulle grootliks onbevredigend is. Dit bevraagteken Taleb se verband tussen verduideliking en voorspelling in die eks van geskiedenis, deurdat hy redeneer dat Taleb se eie konsep van ewekansigheid as synde ontoereikende inligting, meer kennis na 'n episode impliseer. Taleb bied egter insigte wat waardevol kan wees vir historici, en 'n meer versoenende verhouding sou wensliker gewees het.