Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20150002&lang=en vol. 60 num. 2 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>The Freedom Charter @ 60: Rethinking its democratic qualities</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The Freedom Charter is revisited as a democratic document with specific qualities deriving from the South African history of oppression. The object is not to advance the document as having obviously worthy qualities or for any partisan purpose. The aim is to unpack the meanings of its democratic qualities, found in the repeated reference to "the people" and especially in the clause entitled "The People Shall Govern!" The paper recognises that this clause may have been equated with universal suffrage at the time of its adoption in 1955, but the experiences in the 1980s "popular power" period amplified its meaning to incorporate the notion of popular, direct democracy. This coincides with the original meaning of the word "democracy", as propounded by Aristotle. At the same time it is argued that popular democracy is not necessarily incompatible with representative democracy, especially if one breathes an emancipatory meaning into the notion of"representation".<hr/>Die Vryheidsmanifes word opnuut besoek as 'n demokratiese dokument met eiesoortige eienskappe wat vanuit Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis van verdrukking voortspruit. Dit is nie daarop gemik om die dokument te loof as iets wat vanselfsprekend waarde dra nie, ook nie om bepaalde belange te bevorder nie. Die doel is om die betekenis van die dokument se demokratiese karaktertrekke te ontrafel, naamlik in die herhaalde verwysing na "the people" (die mense) en veral in die klousule getiteld "The People Shall Govern!" (Die mense sal regeer!). Die artikel neem kennis van die feit dat dié klousule ten tyde van sy aanvaarding in 1955 gelyk gestel is aan algemene stemreg. Die belewenis van die 1980's, wat gekenmerk is deur 'n tydperk wat bekend gestaan het as "popular power" (populêre mag), het egter die klousule se betekenis verskerp en dit verbreed om die begrip van 'n populêre, direkte demokrasie in te sluit. Terselfdertyd word daar aangevoer dat populêre demokrasie nie noodwendig strydig is met verteenwoordigende demokrasie nie, veral nie as mens 'n bevrydende betekenis by die begrip "verteenwoordiging" inweef nie. <![CDATA[<b>Military training and camps of the Pan Africanist Congress of South Africa, 1961-1981</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article focuses on two aspects of the exile history of the Pan Africanist Congress of South Africa (PAC) that have thus far been poorly researched, namely its military training and its military camps. The article seeks to demonstrate the impact of the leadership of the PAC on the type of training provided to recruits in South Africa and in other countries; and secondly, on life and conditions in its most significant military camps in exile. It is argued that the leadership of the PAC, and in particular the conflicts that characterised its history for most of the exile period, were largely responsible for the limited attention given to military training and operations, and for insufficient support from the international community for the PAC's armed struggle and military camps.<hr/>Hierdie artikel fokus op twee aspekte van die ballingskap geskiedenis van die Pan Africanist Congress van Suid-Afrika (PAC) wat tot nou toe swak nagevors is, naamlik sy militêre opleiding en kampe. Die artikel poog om die impak van die leierskap van die PAC op die tipe opleiding wat gegee word aan rekrute in Suid-Afrika en in ander lande, en die lewe en omstandighede in sy belangrikste militêre kampe in ballingskap te demonstreer. Daar word aangevoer dat die leierskap van die PAC, en in die besonder die konflikte wat sy geskiedenis gekenmerk het vir die meeste van die ballingskap tydperk, was grootliks verantwoordelik vir die beperkte aandag wat aan militêre opleiding en operasies gegee word, en vir onvoldoende ondersteuning van die internasionale gemeenskap vir die PAC se gewapende stryd en militêre kampe. <![CDATA[<b>Nuclear terrorism in Africa: The ANC's Operation Mac and the attack on the Koeberg Nuclear Power Station in South Africa</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In December 1982, four explosions occurred at Africa's only nuclear power plant, Koeberg. Situated north of Cape Town, a fully on-steam Koeberg could have spread radioactive material over a very large populated area. The banned, and apartheid-designated terrorist organisation, the African National Congress (ANC), regarded by the South African government as a Muscovite client, accepted responsibility for the attack which was designed to hit at the heart of white South Africa and its security apparatus. While the ANC won the propaganda war in this instance, the South African government suffered a humiliating political and economic blow. This article shows that the Koeberg attack took place during a new phase in the ANC's liberation struggle, a phase which used small operational units to, inter alia, target state-owned energy facilities. The attack on Koeberg is also indicative of the ANC's opposition to the development and maintenance of a nuclear weapons programme and nuclear weapons in South Africa at a time when the country was being increasingly isolated on account of its suspected nuclear weapons programme.<hr/>Vier ontploffings het in Desember 1982 by die enigste kernkragstasie in Afrika, die Koebergkernkragstasie, plaasgevind. Indien die kernkragstasie operasioneel was, sou die radioaktiewe materiaal daarvan 'n groot bevolkte gebied rondom Kaapstad affekteer. The verbanne en verklaarde terroriste organisasie, die African National Congress (ANC), 'n Moskou-kliënt, het verantwoordelikheid aanvaar vir die aanval, wat ten doel was om die veiligheid van blanke Suid-Afrika te bedreig. Die ANC het die propagandastryd in hierdie geval gewen en het die Suid-Afrikaanse regering 'n vernederende politieke en ekonomiese nekslag toegedien. Die artikel dui aan dat die aanval op Koeberg deel was van 'n nuwe fase in die ANC se bevrydingstryd teen apartheid - 'n fase waarin die organisasie met behulp van kleiner operasionele eenhede hoofsaaklik staatsbeheerde energie-installasies aangeval het. Die aanval op Koeberg dien as 'n voorbeeld van die ANC se opposie teen die land se ontwikkeling en instandhouding van 'n kernwapenprogram en kernwapens tydens Suid-Afrika se internasionale afsondering en vermoede van die kernwapenprogram. <![CDATA[<b>"Had it too easy?" Frederik van Zyl Slabbert's resignation as leader of the official parliamentary opposition, 7 February 1986</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en For Frederik van Zyl Slabbert, his resignation on 7 February1986 as the leader of the Progressive Federal Party and the official parliamentary opposition was a principled, self-sacrificing political statement, an act of political courage to alert whites to the harsh reality that South Africa was on the verge of a race revolution, and that parliament had entrenched apartheid and could not be used to get rid of it. This essay argues that the reality is more complex and ambiguous, and that the journalist Ken Owen's accusations that the fault did not reside with the parliamentary system, but with Slabbert himself, must be taken seriously. Owen alleged that Slabbert could deal with success, but not with defeat, because he had risen too far too fast in politics. The article concludes that Slabbert was a man of brilliant gifts, but for the leader of a small liberal party in a racist and conservative white society he lacked one crucial characteristic - tenacity - the dogged determination to keep on fighting whatever the cost.<hr/>Vir Frederik van Zyl Slabbert was sy bedanking as die leier van die Progressiewe Federale Party en die amptelike parlementêre opposisie op 7 Februarie 1986 'n poging om blankes te waarsku dat Suid-Afrika op die rand van 'n rasse-rewolusie was; dat die parlementêre stelsel apartheid verskans het en nie gebruik kon word om daarvan ontslae te raak nie. Sy bedanking was dus 'n beginselvaste en opofferende politieke handeling, 'n daad wat politieke moed geverg het. Die werklikheid is egter meer kompleks en dubbelsinnig. Die aanklag van die joernalis Ken Owen dat die probleem nie by die parlementêre stelsel berus het nie, maar by Slabbert, moet ernstig opgeneem word. Volgens Owen was dit 'n geval dat Slabbert te vinnig opgang in die politiek gemaak het, en gepaardgaande daarmee nie terugslae kon verwerk nie. Hierdie artikel kom tot die slotsom dat Slabbert 'n begaafde persoon was, maar dat hy nie die nodige taaiheid (die vermoë om met 'n hardnekkig vasberadenheid aan te hou veg, ongeag die prys wat betaal moes word) om die leier van 'n klein liberale party in 'n rassistiese en konserwatiewe gemeenskap te wees, gehad het nie. <![CDATA[<b>The Helpmekaar: Rescuing the "volk" through reading, writing and arithmetic, c. 1916-c. 1965</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article looks at the establishment and shifting role of the Helpmekaar Society of the Cape Province as welfare catalyst, set up in the aftermath of the Rebellion of 1914-15. Driven by Afrikaner ethnic nationalist motives - it set itself two goals. The immediate aim was to save Afrikaner rebels and their families from financial ruin. The second objective was complicated and changing: to promote the general development, upliftment and welfare of the Dutch-speaking section of the South African population and to develop a distinctive Afrikaans culture. The paper concentrates on the evolution of the second goal into a sharp educational focus aimed at unlocking the potential of Afrikaner youth as a solution to the poor white problem. Because the Helpmekaar was shaped by ideologies of class and race, this analysis engages with a couple of existing historiographical conversations about poor whites, the state, welfarism and also provides a revealing lens into the politics of white education itself. Despite the Helpmekaar's sectional ethnic and racial focus and the accompanying socio-political engineering, it acted as a welfare catalyst that contributed significantly - financially and as lobbyist for educational causes - in effecting educational change; in this regard it benefited a far wider community than was originally intended.<hr/>Die artikel ontleed die bydrae van die Helpmekaarverening van die Kaapprovinsie as welsyns katalisator in die ekonomiese opheffing van Afrikaners in die vaarwater van die Rebellie van 1914-15. Die Helpmekaar het 'n tweeledige doelwit beoog. Eerstens om Afrikaner rebelle en hul gesinne van ekonomiese ondergang te red. Die tweede doel was meer gekompliseerd: die bevordering van die algemene ontwikkeling en welsyn van die Hollandssprekende deel van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking met die fokus op die ontwikkeling van 'n spesifieke Afrikaanse kultuur. Die artikel fokus op die ontwikkeling van die tweede doelstelling in 'n spesifieke opvoedkundige fokus, naamlik om die arm blanke probleem deur die ontsluiting van die potensiaal van die Afrikanerjeug deur opvoeding, op te los. Die Helpmekaar is gevorm deur ideologieë van ras en klas. Die artikel sluit dus aan by 'n aantal bestaande historiografiese debatte oor arm blankes, die welsynstaat, en verskaf ook insae in die politiek van wit onderwys. Ten spyte van sy eng etniese en nasionalistiese fokus en die gepaardgaande sosiale ingenieurswese het die Helpmekaar deur sy finansiële bydraes en as kampvegter vir opvoedkundige sake 'n beduidende rol in die bevordering van onderwys en opvoeding gespeel wat 'n veel wyer gemeenskap as wat aanvanklik beoog is, bevoordeel het. <![CDATA[<b>"One of the most serious problems confronting us at present": Nurses and government hospitals in Southern Rhodesia, 1930s to 1950</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en At the centre of enquiry of this article is the nexus between the problem of the shortage of nursing personnel and provision of healthcare services in Southern Rhodesia from the mid-1930s to 1950. The article interrogates the causes of the shortage and its effects on nurses, patients and hospitals. It also investigates various responses by the Rhodesian government. I suggest that both internal and external factors were responsible for the shortage. Whereas colonial policies that were influenced by racial and gender ideologies of the day were partly responsible, equally important was Rhodesia's reliance on foreign nurses, and the Second World War which accelerated the pace of urbanisation among Africans and in the process stretched health resources in urban areas. Such an examination is significant in analysing nurses' everyday work and the provision healthcare services, and is important in exploring how the problem forced the responsible authorities to readjust the nursing policy. Efforts at improving the situation opened the way for the Rhodesian government to train African nurses. This began in 1958 and was a move that gradually transformed the structure of Southern Rhodesian Nursing Services.<hr/>Hierdie artikel handel oor tekorte aan verpleegpersoneel, en die verband tussen die probleme wat dit veroorsaak het en die verskaffing van gesondheidsdienste in Suid-Rhodesië vanaf die middel-1930's tot 1950. Daar word ondersoek ingestel na die oorsake van die tekort, en die uitwerking daarvan op verpleegsters, pasiënte en hospitale. Die Rhodesiese regering se reaksie hierop kom ook onder die loep. Ek voer aan dat beide interne en eksterne faktore die tekort veroorsaak het. Koloniale beleid, wat deur die rasse- en gender-ideologieë van die tyd beïnvloed is, was deels hiervoor verantwoordelik, maar so ook Rhodesië se afhanklikheid van buitelandse verpleegsters. Die Tweede Wereldoorlog het swart verstedeliking versnel, en sodoende gesondheidshulpbronne in stedelike gebiede onder druk geplaas. Dit is belangrik om hierdie elemente van nader te bekyk, ten einde verpleegsters se alledaagse werk en die verskaffing van gesondheidsdienste te ontleed. Dit is ook belangrik om vas te stel hoé die probleem die owerhede genoop het om verpleeg-beleid aan te pas. Pogings om die situasie te aan te spreek het die weg gebaan vir die opleiding van swart verpleegsters. Dit het in 1958 'n aanvang geneem en het mettertyd die struktuur van die Suid-Rhodesiese Verpleegdienste omvorm. <![CDATA[<b>Reconfiguring domesticity? White women and the Second World War in Southern Rhodesia</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article examines the impact of the Second World War on white/Western women in Southern Rhodesia and looks at the nature of their contribution towards the war effort. In many ways, the war reconfigured their domesticity. While the Southern Rhodesian state and society held and promoted the home as the ideal occupation for women, this war, as it did in many other places, especially in the industrialised world, saw women increasingly moving outside the home. However, this did not necessarily mean a deviation from the dominant domestic ideology, but rather a reconfiguration of this ideology because women's contributions were channelled towards domestic oriented and related occupations. Thus the home frontiers had simply expanded to coincide with those of the colony and the empire at large. Organisations were set up to harness women's labour power and schemes were commenced with the same objective. These changes were bound to bring about friction at a number of levels because they radically affected the status quo.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bestudeer die uitwerking van die Tweede Wereldoorlog op wit/Westerse vroue in Suid-Rhodesië, sowel as die aard van hul bydrae tot die oorlog. Die oorlog het op velerlei wyses hul huislike bestaan omvorm. Alhoewel die Suid-Rhodesiese staat en samelewing, veral ten tyde van die oorlog, tuisteskepping as die vrou se ideale ambag voorgehou het, het vroue in Suid-Rhodesië, soos vele ander in veral die industriële lande, toenemend hul huishoudings agtergelaat. Dit het egter nie beteken dat daar van die heersende huislike ideologie afgewyk is nie. Inteendeel, dié ideologie is omvorm, deurdat vrouens in die rigting van huislik-verwante beroepe gestuur is. Dus is die tuisfront eenvoudig verbreed om met dié van die kolonie en die Britse Ryk saam te val. Organisasies is opgerig om die vroulike arbeidsmag in te span en nuwe projekte met dieselfde doelwit is van stapel gestuur.Die verandering wat dit teweeggebring het, het noodwendig gelei tot spanning op verskeie gebiede, aangesien dit die heersende stand van sake drasties beïnvloed het. <![CDATA[<b>Profits, harvests or public revenue? Divergent interests and guano fertiliser struggles in the Cape Colony; c. 1872-1910</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en During the first 50 years of its existence, the Cape guano trade was controlled by entrepreneurs who were profit and export orientated. They used their control over certain offshore islands through long-term exploitation leases to fix prices and to manipulate supply to their maximum advantage. Internal divisions, limited financial means and a lack of sophisticated fertiliser knowledge as well as weak farmer organisation, prevented Cape farmers from reversing this situation. Faced with declining soil quality, noxious weeds and decreasing harvests that threatened to scupper their livelihoods, Cape farmers made skilful use of protest, petitioning and pressurising their public representatives and finally succeeded in securing government intervention and access to cheaper and subsidised guano. Fearing their exclusion from the hitherto lucrative trade, guanopreneurs and their political allies resisted this move strongly. The ensuing battle for control of the Cape guano fertiliser market not only saw the last attempts by entrepreneurs to resist state appropriation of the product, but also inadvertently gave guano a small role in the unfolding of political events in the years leading up to the establishment the Union of South Africa.<hr/>Tydens die eerste 50 jaar van sy bestaan was die Kaapse ghwano-handel in die hande van wins- en uitvoergedrewe entrepeneurs. Dié het deur middel van langtermyn eksploitasie-kontrakte beheer oor nabygeleë eilande uitgeoefen, wat hulle in staat gestel het om pryse vas te stel en die beskikbaarheid van ghwano vir hul eie gewin te reguleer. Onderlinge verdeeldheid, beperkte finansies, onkunde oor bemesting, sowel as gebrekkige samewerking, het aanvanklik gekoördineerde optrede deur die Kaapse boere in die wiele gery. Met die grondgehalte wat egter algaande verswak het, skadelike onkruid en kwynende oeste wat hul brood en botter bedreig het, het Kaapse boere deur middel van die vernuftige gebruik van protes, petisies en druk op hul openbare verteenwoordigers, uiteindelik daarin geslaag om die regering te noop om in te gryp, en sodoende toegang tot goedkoop, gesubsidieerde ghwano verkry. Die "ghwanopreneurs" en hul politieke bondgenote, wie se aandeel in dié winsgewende handel daardeur in gedrang gekom het, het dit heftig teengestaan. Die daaropvolgende stryd om beheer oor die Kaapse ghwano bemestingsmark was nie net tekenend van die entrepeneurs se laaste pogings om staatstoe-eiening van die produk te beveg nie, maar het ook 'n klein rolletjie aan ghwano toegeken in die politieke gebeure wat Suid-Afrika se Uniewording voorafgegaan het. <![CDATA[<b><i>Eoan - Our Story: </i></b><b>Treading new methodological paths in music historiography</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article focuses on the use of innovative methodologies in the writing of Western classical music history as illustrated in the publication of the book Eoan - Our Story [2013). The primary methods used in this book are oral history and community interaction and I argue that the use of these methodologies have become possible due to recent developments in the discipline of musicology. I therefore begin with a brief exposition of some key changes in the discipline over the past few decades and highlight the triangular tension that underlies it: the autonomy of music, music in its social and cultural contexts and the loss of notion of "the objective fact" with its concomitant foregrounding of language and the position of the author. Eoan - Our Story recounts the experiences of an opera, dance and ballet company that operated as a so-called coloured arts organisation during the apartheid years in South Africa. Because this group found itself on the receiving end of dominant political and artistic discourses [pre- and post-1994), a democratised method was sought to allow for silenced voices to speak. The book was therefore put together by a committee comprising former Eoan members as well as academics. The challenges of "writing a book by committee" are numerous especially in an environment where the authority of the academic had to give way to other concerns. In my view however, these offset the creativity and innovative pathways these methodologies can bring to music historiography.<hr/>Hierdie artikel bespreek die gebruik van vernuwendes metodes vir die skryf van die geskiedenis van Westerse klassieke musiek in Suid-Afrika soos dit toegepas is in die publikasie Eoan-OurStory [2013). Mondelingegeskiedenis en gemeenskapsinteraksie is die primêre metodes wat gebruik is en ek voer aan dat dit moontlik geword het as gevolg van onlangse ontwikkelinge in die dissipline van musiekwetenskap. Die artikel begin met 'n kort uiteensetting van hierdie veranderinge van die afgelope paar dekades en belig die drieledige spanningsveld wat dit onderlê, naamlik die outonomie van musiek, musiek in sy kulturele en sosiale kontekste en die verlies van die idee van "die objektiewe feit" wat die posisie van die skrywer/verteller en die gebruik van taal op die voorgrond plaas. Eoan - Our Story vertel die verhaal van 'n opera, drama en ballet geselskap wat tydens die apartheidsjare in Suid-Afrika as 'n sogenaamde kleurling organisasie gefunksioneer het. Omdat hierdie groep (voor en na 1994) deur heersende politieke en artistieke diskoerse benadeel is, is 'n gedemokratiseerde metode gesoek wat voorheen stilgemaakte stemme ruimte gee om gehoor te word. Die boek is om daardie rede saamgestel deur 'n komitee wat uit vorige lede van Eoan en akademici bestaan het. In 'n omgewing waar die outoriteit van die akademikus plek moes maak vir ander prioriteite was die uitdaginge van die skryf van 'n boek deur 'n kommitee soos hierdie veelvoudig. Ek voer aan dat die die kreatiewe en innoverende resultate van hierdie proses positief afweeg teen die uitdaginge. <![CDATA[<b>Namibia's liberation struggle and resistance: A critical view of some recent perspectives</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This review article critically reviews five recent books relating to the history of Namibia's late twentieth-century liberation struggle. One is a general history of that struggle, one focuses on the Cuban role, and another on the role of the United Nations. There is a memoir by someone who turned against the main liberation movement, SWAPO, and a collection of essays on different aspects of resistance in Namibian history. All provide valuable insights, yet all are limited in the contributions they make to our understanding of the struggle. While it is good to see the nationalist interpretation of that struggle being challenged, there remain many topics for future scholars to explore and new perspectives to be opened up.<hr/>Hierdie resensie artikel bied 'n kritiese blik op vyf onlangse publikasies wat handel oor die geskiedenis van Namibië se laat-twintigste eeuse bevrydingstryd. Een is 'n algemene geskiedenis van die bevrydingstryd, een fokus op die Kubaanse rol en 'n ander op die rol van die Verenigde Nasies. Daar is 'n memoire deur iemand wat teen die hoofstroom bevrydingsbeweging, SWAPO, gedraai het en 'n versameling opstelle oor verskillende aspekte van verset in die Namibiese geskiedenis. Iedere een bevat waardevolle insigte, maar terselfdertyd is elkeen se bydrae tot ons begrip van die bevrydingstryd beperk. Dit is positief om te sien hoe die nasionalistiese vertolking van die bevrydingstryd uitgedaag word, maar daar is steeds baie onderwerpe wat toekomstige navorsers moet uitpluis en nuwe perspektiewe wat wag. <![CDATA[<b>Book Reviews</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2015000200011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This review article critically reviews five recent books relating to the history of Namibia's late twentieth-century liberation struggle. One is a general history of that struggle, one focuses on the Cuban role, and another on the role of the United Nations. There is a memoir by someone who turned against the main liberation movement, SWAPO, and a collection of essays on different aspects of resistance in Namibian history. All provide valuable insights, yet all are limited in the contributions they make to our understanding of the struggle. While it is good to see the nationalist interpretation of that struggle being challenged, there remain many topics for future scholars to explore and new perspectives to be opened up.<hr/>Hierdie resensie artikel bied 'n kritiese blik op vyf onlangse publikasies wat handel oor die geskiedenis van Namibië se laat-twintigste eeuse bevrydingstryd. Een is 'n algemene geskiedenis van die bevrydingstryd, een fokus op die Kubaanse rol en 'n ander op die rol van die Verenigde Nasies. Daar is 'n memoire deur iemand wat teen die hoofstroom bevrydingsbeweging, SWAPO, gedraai het en 'n versameling opstelle oor verskillende aspekte van verset in die Namibiese geskiedenis. Iedere een bevat waardevolle insigte, maar terselfdertyd is elkeen se bydrae tot ons begrip van die bevrydingstryd beperk. Dit is positief om te sien hoe die nasionalistiese vertolking van die bevrydingstryd uitgedaag word, maar daar is steeds baie onderwerpe wat toekomstige navorsers moet uitpluis en nuwe perspektiewe wat wag.