Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20160002&lang=en vol. 61 num. 2 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>Johannesburg's "model white housing scheme" in the civic social imaginary: The genesis of a white Afrikaner welfarist node, 1933-1937</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Conceptualised in 1933, the Jan Hofmeyr Improvement Scheme was Johannesburg (and South Africa's) first subsidised municipal housing development for the white poor. Being a slum clearance intervention, its design was informed by the modernist imaginary of rational city planning and the social reformist aspirations of a "garden city"-style working class housing in metropolitan cities. Linked to Susan Parnell's seminal work on the crucial connection between slum clearance, council housing provision and racial segregation in Johannesburg, this is a micro-level analysis of the origins and completion of the Jan Hofmeyr scheme and the civic social imaginaries that shaped it. Focusing on the bureaucratic and political sections of the local state in relation to the Public Health Committee (PHC), it is argued that the city's medical officer of health (MOH), Dr H.L. Milne and Lionel Leveson, a city councillor, each brought a distinctive vision to the project, a vision that was also shaped by civil society organisations. The scheme became important as signifier of the city's racial modernity. Over the period of its construction, a shift took place in the PHC from bureaucratic concern with housing, linked to sanitation, hygiene, and racial segregation, to the incorporation of a welfarist function at local state level. Soon after completion of this project, the city abandoned sub-economic housing schemes. Socio-politically, the site of the Jan Hofmeyr scheme led to the expansion and consolidation of a white Afrikaner welfare node to the west of the city, with a gradual but sure "whitening out" through forced removals of the broader area. Thus the foundations were laid for the later centrality of the area, and the Jan Hofmeyr township itself, to the Afrikaner Nationalist social imaginary. Efforts to uplift poor and working class white Afrikaners were concentrated here until well into the early 1990s.<hr/>Die Jan Hofmeyr-skema was Johannesburg (en Suid-Afrika) se eerste gesubsidieerde stadsraadbehuisingskema vir wit armes en is in 1933 gekonseptualiseer. Die projek het gespruit uit 'n poging om krotbuurte op te ruim en is deur die modernistiese verbeelding van rasionele stadsbeplanning en die sosiale hervormingsaspirasies van groengordel-voorstedelike behuisings-intervensies vir die werkersklas in metropolitaanse stede geïnspireer. Binne die raamwerk van Susan Parnell se invloedryke werk oor die verband tussen krotbuurt-opruiming rasse-segregasie en stadsraadbehuising in Johannesburg, is hierdie 'n mikro-vlak ontleding van die ontstaan en voltooiing van Jan Hofmeyr en die siviele sosiale verbeelding wat hieraan beslag gegee het. Met 'n fokus op die onderskeid tussen burokratiese en politieke afdelings op plaaslike regeringvlak en in verband met die Openbare Gesondheidskomitee, word die argument aangebied dat die gesondheidsoffisier, Dr H.L. Milne en Lionel Leveson, 'n raadslid, elk 'n spesifieke visie vir die projek gehad het, maar dat burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies ook die projek beïnvloed het. Die skema was simbolies belangrik as vlagdraer van die stad se rasse-moderniteit. Gedurende die tydperk van die skema se konstruksie het 'n verskuiwing in die werksaamhede van OGK plaasgevind van 'n burokratiese fokus op sanitasie, higiëne en rasse-segregasie na die inkorporasie van 'n welsynsfunksie op plaaslike regeringsvlak. Kort na die voltooiing van die skema het die stad afgesien van sub-ekonomiese behuisingsskemas. Sosio-polities het Jan Hofmeyr se ligging met verloop van tyd daartoe bygedra om 'n wit welsynsnode in die weste van die stad te vestig en die area daar rondom toenemend "uit te wit" deur gedwonge verskuiwings. Die fondasies was dus gelê vir die latere belangrikheid van die breër gebied, asook die Jan Hofmeyr-skema, in die Afrikaner-nasionalistiese verbeelding. Tot in die vroeë 1990s sou die gebied 'n konsentrasiepunt vir projekte om arm en werkersklas Afrikaners op te hef bly. <![CDATA[<b>A critical analysis of the impact of water on the South African campaign in German South West Africa, 1914-1915</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en The South African campaign in German South West Africa (GSWA) during the First World War depended largely on the access, availability and control of all water sources in the operational area. The Union Defence Force (UDF) appreciated the strategic nature of water before the invasion of GSWA in 1914, because it was well known that there were no permanent water sources along the routes of advance into the country. Fears about the possibility of German sabotage and poisoning of the available water remained a constant concern for the South African defence planners throughout the campaign, and adequate water supplies that were fit for both human and animal consumption became a strategic military concern. This meant that the Defence Force had to adopt a number of measures to meet the growing demand for water. Boreholes were sunk across the operational area and in addition, fresh water was transported across the Kalahari Desert by motor vehicles and via shipping from Cape Town. To some extent, the provision of safe drinking water dictated the pace of the South African campaign in GSWA.<hr/>Die Suid-Afrikaanse veldtog in Duits Suidwes-Afrika (DSWA) tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was grotendeels beïnvloed deur toegang tot, die beskikbaarheid van, en die beheer oor alle waterbronne in die operasionele gebied. Die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het die strategiese belang van beskikbare water besef, nog voor die inval van DSWA in 1914, veral omdat dit bekend was dat daar geen standhoudende waterbronne langs die verskeie invalroetes was nie. Die Suid-Afrikaanse militêre beplanners het deurgaans gevrees dat die Duitse magte die beskikbare waterbronne óf sou saboteer óf sou vergiftig. Dus het die beskikbaarheid van voldoende water voorrade, vir gebruik deur mens en dier, van strategiese militêre belang geword. Die weermag moes daarom van 'n aantal metodes gebruik maak om die groot aanvraag na water te bevredig. 'n Aantal boorgate is gesink in die operasionele gebied, en vars water is soms selfs per voertuig oor die Kalahari-woestyn aangery of vanaf Kaapstad verskeep. Die verskaffing van veilige drinkwater het sodoende die pas van die Suid-Afrikaanse veldtog in DSWA bepaal. <![CDATA[<b>A Scandinavian "Magna Charta"? The Scandinavian Corps and the politics of memory in South Africa (1899-1927)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article examines how the Scandinavian Corps, which fought on the Boer side for a brief period during the South African War (1899-1902) and participated in the battle of Magersfontein on 11 December 1899, was remembered and commemorated in South Africa from 1899 to 1927. Initially, most of the Scandinavian people resident in South Africa were opposed to the corps, and the erection of a monument in its honour met with little interest among them. However, at the unveiling ceremony of the first monument the memory of the corps resonated with the post-war narrative of brotherhood and unity between Boer and Briton in South Africa. In the 1920s the memory of the corps was revived among Scandinavian people, particularly through the magazine Fram (Forward), and commemorative events were held on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the battle. A new monument was later erected and unveiled in 1927, and the same narrative of brotherhood and reconciliation dominated yet again. Through the memory of the corps, the Scandinavian population legitimised their place in the country and became dedicated South Africans. But as they became fully integrated into white South African society, the memory of the Scandinavian Corps appears to have faded.<hr/>Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Skandinawiese Korps, wat vir 'n kort tydjie aan die Boere se kant in die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog (1899-1902) geveg het, en ook aan die Slag van Magersfontein op 11 Desember 1899 deelgeneem het, vanaf 1899 tot 1927 in Suid-Afrika onthou en herdenk is. Aanvanklik was die meeste Skandinawiërs wat in Suid-Afrika woonagtig was gekant teen die korps, en die oprigting van 'n monument om hulle te vereer het weinig belangstelling uitgelok. Die eerste monument se onthullingseremonie het egter aanklank gevind by die naoorlogse narratief van eenheid en broederskap tussen Boer en Brit in Suid-Afrika. In die 1920's het die korps se nagedagtenis onder Skandinawiërs herleef, vernaam deur die tydskrif Fram (Voorwaarts), sowel as die gedenkfeeste wat tydens die 25ste herdenking van die slag gehou is. 'n Nuwe monument is later opgerig en in 1927 onthul, en dieselfde narratief van broederskap en versoening het weereens die botoon gevoer. Deur middel van die korps se nagedagtenis het die Skandinawiese bevolking sy plek in die land gelegitimeer en sodoende toegewyde Suid-Afrikaners geword. Namate hulle egter ten volle in die wit Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing opgegaan het, het die Skandinawiese Korps se nagedagtenis klaarblyklik ookvervaag. <![CDATA[<b>"Pulpit power" and the unrelenting voice of Archbishop David Gitari in the democratisation of Kenya, 1986 to 1991</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en This article sets out to analyse the role of pulpit preaching in the struggle towards the re-emergence of multi-party democracy in Kenya. It argues that through "pulpit power", certain clerics, notably David Gitari, Alexander Muge, Henry Okullu and Timothy Njoya, initiated a process of transformation as individual activists at a time when the state had effectively silenced voices that demanded political change. It then moves on to chronicle David Gitari's sermons as a case in point to demonstrate that his political sermons promoted a culture of defiance in the country and marked the genesis of the so called "second liberation" in Kenya. It relies on archival sources and correspondence material as well as a number of searching in-depth oral interviews.<hr/>Hierdie artikel ontleed die rol van preekstoel-prediking in die stryd om 'n veelparty-demokrasie in Kenia te laat herleef. Daar word aangevoer dat, deur "die mag van die preekstoel", sommige geestelikes, vernaam David Gitari, Alexander Muge, Henry Okullu en Timothy Njoya, as individuele aktiviste 'n proses van verandering teweeggebring het in 'n tyd waarin die staat vir alle praktiese doeleindes daarin geslaag het om stemme wat op politieke verandering aangedring het, stil te maak. Daarop word 'n kroniek van David Gitari se preke gegee om sodoende te wys hoe sy politieke preke 'n kuituur van verset in die land aangewakker het, en die sogenaamde "tweede bevryding" in Kenia ingelui het. Die artikel steun op argivale bronne en korrespondensie, sowel as 'n aantal diepgaande onderhoude. <![CDATA[<b>De Zuid-Afrikaan se kommentaar op vraagstukke rakende bruin en swart mense in die Kaapkolonie tydens die redakteurskap van J.H. Hofmeyr (1871-1883)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In die laat negentiende eeu was Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr (1845-1909) die leidende figuur in die Afrikanerbond, 'n prominente politieke party in die Kaapkolonie wat die belange van die blanke Afrikaanssprekende inwoners bevorder het. Hy was van 1871 tot 1883 ook redakteur van die Nederlandstalige koerant De Zuid-Afrikaan en sy beskouinge oor vraagstukke wat die bruin en swart inwoners van die kolonie raak kom in die redaksionele kolomme na vore. Die blad se standpunt rakende stemreg, militêre diens, arbeid, onderwys en die regeringsbeleid teenoor die swart mense in die oostelike grensgebied van die kolonie word in hierdie artikel bespreek. Om die probleem van arbeidstekorte op te los het Hofmeyr die invoer van werkers uit Indië, China en gebiede aangrensend aan die Kaapkolonie bepleit. Hy het hom aangesluit by die sogenaamde Kaapse liberale tradisie wat betref stemreg en die opname van die inheemse bevolking in die gedeeltelik verwesterste samelewing van die kolonie. In die jare van sy redakteurskap was hy ten gunste daarvan dat 'n groot aantal Europese immigrante asook bruin mense uit die Wes-Kaap in die oostelike dele van die kolonie gevestig word ten einde die proses van verwestersing van die swart inwoners te bespoedig.<hr/>In the late nineteenth century J.H. Hofmeyr (1845-1909) was the leading figure in the Afrikaner Bond, a prominent political party in the Cape Colony that promoted the interests of the white Afrikaans-speaking population. During the period 1871 to 1883 he was also editor of the Dutch newspaper, De Zuid-Afrikaan, and his views on issues concerning the coloured and black residents of the colony are reflected in his editorial columns. The viewpoint of the newspaper on the franchise, military service, labour, education and government policy regarding the black inhabitants in the eastern border area of the colony are discussed in this article. As a solution to the problem of the labour shortage, Hofmeyr supported the idea of importing labourers from India, China and areas bordering the Cape Colony. He followed the so-called Cape liberal tradition on issues regarding the franchise and the integration of the indigenous population in the partiy Westernised society of the colony. During the years of his editorship he favoured the settlement of large numbers of European immigrants as well as coloured people from the Western Cape in the eastern part of the colony with the aim of accelerating the Westernisation of the black population. <![CDATA[<b>Do you need digital history?</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en In die laat negentiende eeu was Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr (1845-1909) die leidende figuur in die Afrikanerbond, 'n prominente politieke party in die Kaapkolonie wat die belange van die blanke Afrikaanssprekende inwoners bevorder het. Hy was van 1871 tot 1883 ook redakteur van die Nederlandstalige koerant De Zuid-Afrikaan en sy beskouinge oor vraagstukke wat die bruin en swart inwoners van die kolonie raak kom in die redaksionele kolomme na vore. Die blad se standpunt rakende stemreg, militêre diens, arbeid, onderwys en die regeringsbeleid teenoor die swart mense in die oostelike grensgebied van die kolonie word in hierdie artikel bespreek. Om die probleem van arbeidstekorte op te los het Hofmeyr die invoer van werkers uit Indië, China en gebiede aangrensend aan die Kaapkolonie bepleit. Hy het hom aangesluit by die sogenaamde Kaapse liberale tradisie wat betref stemreg en die opname van die inheemse bevolking in die gedeeltelik verwesterste samelewing van die kolonie. In die jare van sy redakteurskap was hy ten gunste daarvan dat 'n groot aantal Europese immigrante asook bruin mense uit die Wes-Kaap in die oostelike dele van die kolonie gevestig word ten einde die proses van verwestersing van die swart inwoners te bespoedig.<hr/>In the late nineteenth century J.H. Hofmeyr (1845-1909) was the leading figure in the Afrikaner Bond, a prominent political party in the Cape Colony that promoted the interests of the white Afrikaans-speaking population. During the period 1871 to 1883 he was also editor of the Dutch newspaper, De Zuid-Afrikaan, and his views on issues concerning the coloured and black residents of the colony are reflected in his editorial columns. The viewpoint of the newspaper on the franchise, military service, labour, education and government policy regarding the black inhabitants in the eastern border area of the colony are discussed in this article. As a solution to the problem of the labour shortage, Hofmeyr supported the idea of importing labourers from India, China and areas bordering the Cape Colony. He followed the so-called Cape liberal tradition on issues regarding the franchise and the integration of the indigenous population in the partiy Westernised society of the colony. During the years of his editorship he favoured the settlement of large numbers of European immigrants as well as coloured people from the Western Cape in the eastern part of the colony with the aim of accelerating the Westernisation of the black population. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2016000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en