Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Historia]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/rss.php?pid=0018-229X20180002&lang= vol. 63 num. 2 lang. <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.za <![CDATA[<b>History "through the looking glass"</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200001&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= This article deliberates on the South African Department of Basic Education's announcement in February 2018 to implement history as a compulsory school subject to the final year of secondary schooling. It outlines the process undertaken by the History Ministerial Task Team and assesses the report it issued, along with the initial reaction to its intent. It reflects on the chequered past of the position and place of history within the South African education system, re-visiting some of the post-democracy debates that have perpetuated from the previous century and spilled over into the present. In the paradigm of Alice through the Looking Glass, it suggests that we might need to go "backward before going forward" in order to stop repeating this conundrum.<hr/>Hierdie artikel oorweeg die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Basiese Onderwys se aankondiging in Februarie 2018 om geskiedenis as 'n verpligte vak tot die finale jaar van sekondêre onderrig te implementeer. Dit dui die proses aan wat deur die Geskiedenis Ministeriele Taakspan onderneem is en assesseer die taakspan se verslag saam met die aanvanklike reaksie wat dit uitgelok het. Dit reflekteer op die uiteenlopende verlede van die plek en posisie van geskiedenis binne die Suid-Afrikaanse onderwysstelsel en herbesoek die na-demokrasie debatte wat voortgesit is vanuit die vorige eeu en oorgevloei het na die hede. In die paradigma van Alice through the Looking Glass, suggereer dit dat dit dalk nodig is om "teruggaan voordat ons vorentoe" kan gaan sodat ons nie aanhou om hierdie strikvraag te herhaal nie. <![CDATA[<b>David Draper: The making of a South African geologist</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200002&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= David Draper was a South African geologist and key figure in the professionalisation of geology in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. His biography demonstrates the importance of geology in South African political, economic and social history. This article traces Draper's life from the mid-nineteenth century to the mineral discoveries and the South African War in the early twentieth century. It uses the figure of Draper to show the complexities and tensions in the creation of a South African identity that were themselves reflective of the political and ideological struggles of a nascent nation. It further argues that the history of geology cannot be divorced from the history of the country, mirroring the processes of colonial domination, conflict and ultimately, the creation of an independent state.<hr/>David Draper was 'n Suid-Afrikaanse geoloog en 'n sleutelfiguur in die professionalisering van geologie in die laat-negentiende en twintigste eeue. Sy biografie is 'n aanduiding van die belang van geologie in Suid-Afrika se politiese, ekonomiese en sosiale geskiedenis. Hierdie artikel gaan Draper se lewe na, van die mid-negentiende eeu tot die ontdekking van minerale en die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog in die vroeg-twintigste eeu. Dit gebruik Draper se figuur om die kompleksiteite en spannings in die skepping van 'n Suid-Afrikaanse identiteit, wat sigself 'n refleksie is van die politiese en ideologiese stryd van die wordende nasie, te demonstreer. Dit argumenteer verder dat die geskiedenis van geologie nie geskei kan word van die geskiedenis van die land nie, aangesien dit die prosesse van koloniale dominasie, konflik en, uiteindelik, die skepping van 'n onafhanklike staat weerspiëel. <![CDATA[<b>Water as agent for social change, 1900-1939: Two case studies of developmental state approaches in establishing irrigation schemes</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200003&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= The advent of the Union of South Africa in 1910, and especially the creation of the Union's Irrigation Department in 1912, signalled the beginning of large-scale state investment in water storage infrastructure and the start of South Africa's first dam-construction boom on a national scale. At the same time the Union government also began to tackle its increasing social problems such as white poverty by combining poor relief with irrigation and dam-building projects. The Hartebeespoort Dam and irrigation scheme near Pretoria was the first Union project of its kind. Apart from harnessing water for agricultural development, the aim of these state projects was twofold: to provide temporary relief employment for poor and destitute whites through job creation during the construction phases of dams and canals, as well as establishing white irrigation settlement schemes. This article examines aspects of the South African state's irrigation and poor relief projects with a special focus on the Kamanassie irrigation scheme (19191925) in the Western Cape and the Buchuberg irrigation scheme (1929-1934) on the Orange River in the Northern Cape. The successes and failures of these projects as examples of socio-economic upliftment are discussed briefly.<hr/>Die koms van die Unie van Suid-Afrika in 1910, en veral die skepping van 'n uniale Besproeiingsdepartement in 1912, het die begin van grootskaalse staatsinvestering in waterbewaringinfrastruktuur en die blomtydperk van die land se eerste damkonstruksieperiode op 'n nasionale skaal ingelui. Terselfdertyd het die Unieregering groterwordende sosiale probleme soos blanke armoede begin takel deur armoedeverligting en dambouprojekte te kombineer. Die Hartebeespoortdam- en besproeiingskema naby Pretoria was die eerste Unie-projek van sodanige aard. Afgesien van die benutting van water vir landbou-ontwikkeling was die doel van sodanige staatsprojekte tweevoudig: om tydelike armoedeverligting aan armblankes deur werkverskaffing tydens die konstruksiefases van damme en kanale te bied en deur blanke besproeiingsnedersettings te vestig. Hierdie artikel ondersoek aspekte van die staat se besproeiings- en armoedeverligtingsprojekte met 'n spesifieke fokus op die Kamanassie-besproeiingskema (1919-1925) in die Wes-Kaap en die Boegoeberg-besproeiingskema (1929-1934) op die Oranje-rivier in die Noord-Kaap. Die suksesse en mislukkings van hierdie projekte as voorbeelde van sosio-ekonomiese opheffing word ook kortliks bespreek. <![CDATA[<b>Robert A. Askins and healthcare reform in interwar colonial Zimbabwe: The influence of British and trans-territorial colonial models</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200004&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Significant reforms of national healthcare systems took place across African colonies during the interwar period. These reforms were driven by changing notions of colonial governance, public health, and medical science and its various methods and imperatives of care. Although necessitated by local colonial concerns, connections between these schemes and other metropolitan and trans-imperial models are being uncovered, with an increasing number of historians underscoring complex international histories of interweaving models. This article plugs into this burgeoning research niche by unveiling a new case study, colonial Zimbabwe's medical units scheme, a rural district healthcare initiative that was formulated in 1930 by Robert A. Askins, the colonial medical director and former medical officer of health in Bristol. This case study is used to demonstrate the ways in which local colonial healthcare policies evolved in contexts of entanglements and transfer of ideas within and across colonies and empires. That said, individual colonial agents and their departments were responsible for pulling together all the disparate ideas and models into cohesive national colonial policies that simultaneously modernised and subjugated African society.<hr/>Beduidende hervormings in die nasionale gesondheidsisteme het gedurende die tussenoorlogse periode regoor kolonies in Afrika plaasgevind. Hierdie hervormings is gedryf deur vinnig-veranderende opvattings oor koloniale regering, openbare gesondheid en die mediese wetenskap, asook die onderskeie metodes en noodsaaklikhede van versorging. Alhoewel geïnspireer deur plaaslike koloniale sake, word konneksies tussen hierdie skemas en ander metropolitaanse en trans-imperiale modelle toenemend ontbloot; met meer en meer historici wat die komplekse internasionale geskiedenisse van interverweefde modelle beklemtoon. Hierdie artikel dra by tot hierdie ontwikkelende navorsingsveld deur die onthulling van 'n nuwe gevallestudie, koloniale Zimbabwe se mediese eenheidskemas, 'n landelike distriksgesondheidskema wat in 1930 geformuleer is deur Robert A. Askins, die koloniale gesondheidsdirekteur en voormalige gesondheidsbeampte van Bristol. Hierdie gevallestudie word gebruik om die maniere waarop plaaslike gesondheidsbeleide ontwikkel het in kontekste van verstrengeling en die oordrag van idees binne en oor kolonies en ryke. Nietemin, individuele koloniale agente en hul departemente was verantwoordelik vir die sametrekking van al die verskillende idees en modelle in samehangende nasionale koloniale beleide wat die Afrika samelewing beide gemoderniseer en onderwerp het. <![CDATA[<b>"Fascist or opportunist?": The political career of Oswald Pirow, 1915-1943</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200005&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Oswald Pirow's established place in South African historiography is that of a confirmed fascist, but in reality he was an opportunist. Raw ambition was the underlying motive for every political action he took and he had a ruthless ability to adjust his sails to prevailing political winds. He hitched his ambitions to the political momentum of influential persons such as Tielman Roos and J.B.M. Hertzog in the National Party with flattery and avowals of unquestioning loyalty. As a Roos acolyte he was an uncompromising republican, while as a Hertzog loyalist he rejected republicanism and national-socialism, and was a friend of the Jewish community. After September 1939 with the collapse of the Hertzog government and with Nazi Germany seemingly winning the Second World War, overnight he became a radical republican, a national-socialist and an anti-Semite. The essence of his political belief was not national-socialism, but winning, and the opportunistic advancement of his career. Pirow's founding of the national-socialist movement, the New Order in 1940 was a gamble that "went for broke" on a German victory.<hr/>In die Suid-Afrikaanse historiografie word Oswald Pirow getipeer as 'n oortuigde fascis, maar in werklikheid was hy 'n opportunis. Rou ambisie was die onderliggende motivering van alle politieke handelinge deur hom. Hy het die onverbiddelike vermoë gehad om sy seile na heersende politieke winde te span. Pirow het sy ambisies gekoppel aan die politieke momentum van invloedryke persone soos Tielman Roos en J.B.M. Hertzog in die Nasionale Party deur vleiery en absolute lojaliteit. As 'n Roos aanhanger was hy 'n onverbiddelike republikein, maar as 'n Hertzog lojalis het hy republikanisme en nasionaal-sosialisme verwerp, en was as 'n vriend van die Joodse gemeenskap gesien. Na September 1939, met die ineenstorting van die Hertzog regering, en met Nazi Duitsland wat besig was om die Tweede Wêreldoorlog te wen, het hy oornag in 'n radikale republikein, 'n nasionaal-sosialis en 'n anti-Semiet ontpop. Die wese van sy politieke siening was nie nasionaal-sosialisme nie, maar sy ambisie om te wen, en sy loopbaan te bevorder. Pirow se stigting van die nasionaal-sosialistiese Nuwe Orde in 1940 was 'n desperate dobbelspel op 'n Duitse militêre oorwinning. <![CDATA[<b>The "apostles of terror": South Africa, the East African campaign, and the Battle of El Wak</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200006&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Shortly after the outbreak of the Second World War, the Union Defence Force (UDF) had to undergo a rapid transformation from an ageing defence force to one that could project offensive power across Africa. The formation of the 1st South African Division (1st SA Div) during 1940, and the subsequent deployment of South African troops to the East African theatre, afforded the UDF the opportunity to test its military capabilities under operational conditions against the Italian threat in Ethiopia (then Abyssinia) and Somalia (then Italian Somaliland). It had been 21 years since the Union of South Africa was last in a state of war, and the UDF's first battle in East Africa is a prime tool by which to measure concepts such as force design, military innovation and the operational employment of forces, to name but a few. The Battle of El Wak was not only the UDF's initial battle in the East African campaign, but also South Africa's first battle during the Second World War. By drawing from primary archival material and secondary sources, the article concludes that the Battle of El Wak had a definite impact on the entire South African campaign in East Africa.<hr/>Kort na die aanvang van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog moes die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) vinnig transformeer vanaf 'n verouderde verdedigingsmag, na een wat offensiewe mag kon projekteer regoor Afrika. Die totstandkoming van die 1ste Suid-Afrikaanse Divisie (1ste SA Div) gedurende 1940, en die daarop volgende ontplooiing van Suid-Afrikaanse troepe na die front in Oos-Afrika, het aan die UVM die geleentheid gebied om sy militêre bekwaamheid onder operasionele omstandighede te toets teen die Italiaanse bedreiging in Ethiopië (toe Abessinië) en Somalië (toe Italiaanse Somaliland). Dit was reeds 21 jaar sedert die Unie van Suid-Afrika in 'n toestand van oorlog verkeer het, en dus is die UVM se eerste veldslag in Oos-Afrika 'n nuttige instrument om konsepte soos magstruktuur, militêre innovering en die operasionele ontplooiing van gevegsmagte mee te bestudeer. Die slag van El Wak was nie net die UVM se eerste veldslag in die Oos-Afrika veldtog nie, maar ook Suid-Afrika se eerste veldslag gedurende die WW2. Deur gebruik te maak van primêre argivale bronne, en aangevul deur sekondêre bronne, bevind die artikel dat die slag van El Wak 'n beduidende impak op die algehele Suid-Afrikaanse veldtog in Oos-Afrika gehad het. <![CDATA[<b>"'n Onselfstandige gesin beteken 'n onselfstandige volk"</b><b>: </b><b>Organiese nasionalisme en die amptelike gesinsbeleid van die Ossewa-Brandwag</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200007&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Die Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was 'n Afrikanernasionalistiese massa-organisasie wat vanaf 1939 tot 1954 bestaan het. Die beweging is gekenmerk deur 'n uiters sterk ideologie wat Afrikanernasionalisme met nasionaal-sosialistiese gedagtes verbind het. Die konsep volk het 'n beduidende invloed op OB-lede uitgeoefen. Gewapen met 'n sterk Calvinistiese ordeningsbeginsel het die ideologie van die OB die idee uitgedra van "organiese volkseenheid" wat die Afrikaner voorgestel het as deel van n volksorganisme. Alhoewel daar al enkele studies gepubliseer is oor die ideologie van die OB is daar nog nooit indringend gelet op die leierskap en Afrikanerdenkers se gebruik van die "organiese" metafoor teen die agtergrond van die heersende intellektuele milieu nie. Voorts bestaan daar geen gepubliseerde studie wat die verband tussen organiese volkseenheid en die amptelike gesinsbeleid uitwys nie. Hierdie artikel stel dit ten doel om die oorsprong en invloed van die organiese gedagte op OB-beleid na te speur asook om die leemte te vul wat betref n ontleding van die OB se gesinsbeleid. Daar word bepaal watter rol die gesin gespeel het in die beweging se doelwitte en samelewingsideaal. Dit is duidelik dat in lyn met die organiese volksgedagte, die idee van die gesin n kardinale rol gespeel het in die OB se doel om die samelewing te omvorm en daarmee saam is die rol van die vrou in hierdie verband by uitstek beklemtoon as integraal tot die sukses van OB-doelstellings.<hr/>The Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was an Afrikaner nationalist mass movement that existed from 1939 to 1954. The organisation was characterised by a particularly strong ideology which sought to combine Afrikaner nationalism with nationalsocialist ideas. The concept of "volk" had an important influence on the members of the OB. Armed with a strong Calvinist orientation, the ideology of the OB carried within itself the ideal of the "organic unity of the nation" which saw the Afrikaner as being part of an organism of the volk. Although a few studies have been published on the ideology of the OB, the use of the "organic" metaphor by leaders and Afrikaner intellectuals, against the backdrop of the reigning intellectual milieu, has never been analysed. Furthermore, no published study exists that focuses on the relationship between the organic unity of the nation and the movement's official family policy. This article aims to fill this gap by tracing the origin and influence of the organic idea on the official policies of the OB - especially on its family policy. The focus is placed on the role the family played within the organisation's aims and its ideal for a new society. It is evident that in line with the idea of the organic volk, the idea of the family played a crucial role in the OB's aim to reform society; also emphasised is the importance of the role of women as vital for realising the aims of the movement. <![CDATA[<b>In Memoriam: O.J.O. (Cobus) Ferreira (19.09.1940 – 12.09.2018)</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200008&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Die Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was 'n Afrikanernasionalistiese massa-organisasie wat vanaf 1939 tot 1954 bestaan het. Die beweging is gekenmerk deur 'n uiters sterk ideologie wat Afrikanernasionalisme met nasionaal-sosialistiese gedagtes verbind het. Die konsep volk het 'n beduidende invloed op OB-lede uitgeoefen. Gewapen met 'n sterk Calvinistiese ordeningsbeginsel het die ideologie van die OB die idee uitgedra van "organiese volkseenheid" wat die Afrikaner voorgestel het as deel van n volksorganisme. Alhoewel daar al enkele studies gepubliseer is oor die ideologie van die OB is daar nog nooit indringend gelet op die leierskap en Afrikanerdenkers se gebruik van die "organiese" metafoor teen die agtergrond van die heersende intellektuele milieu nie. Voorts bestaan daar geen gepubliseerde studie wat die verband tussen organiese volkseenheid en die amptelike gesinsbeleid uitwys nie. Hierdie artikel stel dit ten doel om die oorsprong en invloed van die organiese gedagte op OB-beleid na te speur asook om die leemte te vul wat betref n ontleding van die OB se gesinsbeleid. Daar word bepaal watter rol die gesin gespeel het in die beweging se doelwitte en samelewingsideaal. Dit is duidelik dat in lyn met die organiese volksgedagte, die idee van die gesin n kardinale rol gespeel het in die OB se doel om die samelewing te omvorm en daarmee saam is die rol van die vrou in hierdie verband by uitstek beklemtoon as integraal tot die sukses van OB-doelstellings.<hr/>The Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was an Afrikaner nationalist mass movement that existed from 1939 to 1954. The organisation was characterised by a particularly strong ideology which sought to combine Afrikaner nationalism with nationalsocialist ideas. The concept of "volk" had an important influence on the members of the OB. Armed with a strong Calvinist orientation, the ideology of the OB carried within itself the ideal of the "organic unity of the nation" which saw the Afrikaner as being part of an organism of the volk. Although a few studies have been published on the ideology of the OB, the use of the "organic" metaphor by leaders and Afrikaner intellectuals, against the backdrop of the reigning intellectual milieu, has never been analysed. Furthermore, no published study exists that focuses on the relationship between the organic unity of the nation and the movement's official family policy. This article aims to fill this gap by tracing the origin and influence of the organic idea on the official policies of the OB - especially on its family policy. The focus is placed on the role the family played within the organisation's aims and its ideal for a new society. It is evident that in line with the idea of the organic volk, the idea of the family played a crucial role in the OB's aim to reform society; also emphasised is the importance of the role of women as vital for realising the aims of the movement. <![CDATA[<b>Book Reviews</b>]]> http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0018-229X2018000200009&lng=&nrm=iso&tlng= Die Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was 'n Afrikanernasionalistiese massa-organisasie wat vanaf 1939 tot 1954 bestaan het. Die beweging is gekenmerk deur 'n uiters sterk ideologie wat Afrikanernasionalisme met nasionaal-sosialistiese gedagtes verbind het. Die konsep volk het 'n beduidende invloed op OB-lede uitgeoefen. Gewapen met 'n sterk Calvinistiese ordeningsbeginsel het die ideologie van die OB die idee uitgedra van "organiese volkseenheid" wat die Afrikaner voorgestel het as deel van n volksorganisme. Alhoewel daar al enkele studies gepubliseer is oor die ideologie van die OB is daar nog nooit indringend gelet op die leierskap en Afrikanerdenkers se gebruik van die "organiese" metafoor teen die agtergrond van die heersende intellektuele milieu nie. Voorts bestaan daar geen gepubliseerde studie wat die verband tussen organiese volkseenheid en die amptelike gesinsbeleid uitwys nie. Hierdie artikel stel dit ten doel om die oorsprong en invloed van die organiese gedagte op OB-beleid na te speur asook om die leemte te vul wat betref n ontleding van die OB se gesinsbeleid. Daar word bepaal watter rol die gesin gespeel het in die beweging se doelwitte en samelewingsideaal. Dit is duidelik dat in lyn met die organiese volksgedagte, die idee van die gesin n kardinale rol gespeel het in die OB se doel om die samelewing te omvorm en daarmee saam is die rol van die vrou in hierdie verband by uitstek beklemtoon as integraal tot die sukses van OB-doelstellings.<hr/>The Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) was an Afrikaner nationalist mass movement that existed from 1939 to 1954. The organisation was characterised by a particularly strong ideology which sought to combine Afrikaner nationalism with nationalsocialist ideas. The concept of "volk" had an important influence on the members of the OB. Armed with a strong Calvinist orientation, the ideology of the OB carried within itself the ideal of the "organic unity of the nation" which saw the Afrikaner as being part of an organism of the volk. Although a few studies have been published on the ideology of the OB, the use of the "organic" metaphor by leaders and Afrikaner intellectuals, against the backdrop of the reigning intellectual milieu, has never been analysed. Furthermore, no published study exists that focuses on the relationship between the organic unity of the nation and the movement's official family policy. This article aims to fill this gap by tracing the origin and influence of the organic idea on the official policies of the OB - especially on its family policy. The focus is placed on the role the family played within the organisation's aims and its ideal for a new society. It is evident that in line with the idea of the organic volk, the idea of the family played a crucial role in the OB's aim to reform society; also emphasised is the importance of the role of women as vital for realising the aims of the movement.